;^:^ 


c — rt  /•"' 


THE 

HISTORY 

O    F 

MASSACHUSETTS, 

FROM     THE 

FIRST  SETTLEMENT  THEREOF 

IN      1628, 
UNTIL    THE    YEAR    1750..;^, 


By   THOMAS    HUTCHINSON,   Efq. 

Late  Governor  of  Massachusetts. 


Hifteria,  non  oftentationi,  fed  fidci,  Teritatique  componitur. 

Pirn,  EpiJI.  L.  7.  E.  33. 

IN    TWO    VOLUMESid^ 


VOL.     IL 


With  additional  Notes  and  Corrections, 


PRINTED     AT     BOSTON, 

Br     MANNING    and    LORING, 
For  THOMAS  and  ANDREWS,  No.  45,  A^fw^tfry-^/r^^r/j^^^^w, 


1795' 


CONTENTS. 


Page 

5H£  Preface,  5 

Chap.  I.  From  the  Charter  in  1691,  until  the  Ar- 
rival of  Governor  D  u  d l  e  y,  />2  1 7  o  2 ,  9 

Chap.  II.     From  the  Arrival  of  Governor  Dudley, 
y^  in   1702,  to  the  Arrival  of  Governor   Shute, 

^  in  iyi6,  124 

-  Chap.  III.     Fro7n  the  Arrival  of  Governor  Shute, 
^  in  iyi6,  to  the  Arrival  of  Governor  Belcher, 

^  in  i73^:>  197 

^  ^  Chap.  IV.  Fro?n  the  Arrival  of  Governor  Belcher, 
in  1 730,  /o  the  Reimburfement  of  the  Charge  of  the 
Expedition  againji  Cape  Breton,  and  the  Aboli- 
tion of  Paper  Money ^  in  1749,  331 

^  APPENDIX. 

^^  No.  I.     A  Summary  of  the  Affairs  of  the  Colony  of 
New-Plym^outh,  from  the  firfl  Settlement  until 
the  Incorporation  with  Massachusetts,  l5fc. 
in  one  Province,  404 

No.  IL  The  Examination  of  Mrs.  Ann  Hutchin- 
son at  the  Court  at  Newtown,  November, 
1637,  '      423 


PREFACE. 


JL  he  conftitution  and  hiftorical  occurrences  of 
the  Colonies  in  America  become,  every  day,  more 
and  more,  fubjeds  of  fpeculation  in  Great  Britain. 
To  this  I  attribute  the  favourable  reception  given 
there  to  my  Hiftory  of  the  Colony  of  Maffachu- 
fetts,  which  I  intended  merely  for  the  benefit  of 
my  own  countrymen,  and  to  preferve  among 
them  the  remembrance  of  fads  but  little  intereft- 
ing  to  the  reft  of  the  world. 

The  perufal  of  the  materials  from  which  I 
compofed  my  work,  efpecially  the  letters  and  pa- 
pers of  our  firft  planters,  afforded  me  a  very  fenfiblc 
pleafure.  We  are  fond  of  prolonging  our  lives 
to  the  utmoft  length.  Going  back  to  fo  familiar 
an  acquaintance  with  thofe  who  have  lived  before 
us,  approaches  the  neareft  to  it  of  any  thing  we 
are  capable  of,  and  is,  in  fome  fort,  living  with 
them.  I  was  fo  pleafed  with  their  company,  that 
the  further  enjoyment  of  the  fame  kind  of  pleaf- 
ure was  inducement  enough  to  colled:  and  perufe 
materials  for  the  Hiftory  of  the  Province  of  Maf- 
fachufetts  from  the  year  1692,  when  we  concluded 
the  Hiftory  of  the  Colony.  I  found  that  a  little 
more  time  than  the  bare  perufal  required,  would 
be  fufficient  to  arrange  the  materials  and  reduce 

them 


vi  PREFACE. 

them  to  order,  and  I  fet  about  it  with  a  view  to 
render  thenl  of  ufc  to  pofterity.  I  had  proceeded 
as  far  as  the  year  1730,  when  a  misfortune  befel 
me  which  had  Hke  to  have  rendered  my  paft  labour 
of  no  effedl,  and  to  have  prevented  me  from  pro* 
ceeding  any  farther.  The  ftamp-adt  had  difturbed 
the  minds  of  the  people  of  America.  In  fuch  a 
ftate  of  affairs,  the  vicious,  the  abandoned,  have  a 
peculiar  opportunity  of  gratifying  their  corrupt 
affections  of  envy,  malice  and  revenge.  I  had  in 
public  and  private,  in  every  way  and  manner 
which  appeared  to  me  the  moft  prudent,  endeav- 
oured to  fhew  the  inexpediency  of  an  ad:  of  parlia- 
ment of  this  nature  ;  but  an  unaccountable  jeaioufy 
of  the  contrary  had  been  infufed  into  the  minds 
of  the  populace,  and,  being  thus  mifguided,  they 
expreffed  their  refentment  and  rage  by  breaking 
into  my  houfe,  deftroying  and  fcattering  all  my 
furniture,  books,  papers,  &c.  The  fober,  virtuous 
part  of  the  Province  expreffed  the  greateft  detefta- 
tion  of  this  ad:  of  violence,  and  few  or  none  ven- 
tured to  juffify  or  approve  of  it.  The  lofs  ^yhich 
1  fuftained,  as  far  as  it  was  repairable,  by  his  majr 
efty's  molt  gracious  recommendation  to  the  Prov- 
ince and  their  generous  grant  in  confequence  of  it» 
both  which  in  this  public  manner  I  moft  gratefully 
ackuovv'ledge,  has  been  repaired  or  compenfated ; 
but  the  lofs  of  many  papers  and  books,  in  print 
as  well  as  manvifcript,  befides  my  family  memor 
nals,   never  can  be  repaired. 

For 


PREFACE. 


Til 


For  feveral  days,  I  had  no  hopes  of  recovering 
any  confiderable  part  of  my  Hiftory,  but  by  the 
great  care  and  pains. of  my  good  friend  and  neigh- 
bour, the  reverend  Mr.  Eliot,  who  received  into  his 
houfe  all  my  books  and  papers  which  were  favcd, 
the  whole  manufcript,  except  eight  or  ten  fliects, 
w^ere  collcded  together,  and  although  it  had  lain  in 
the  ftreet  fcattered  abroad  feveral  hours  in  the  rain, 
yet  fo  much  of  it  was  legible  as  that  I  was  able  t^ 
fupply  the  reft  and  tranfcribe  it.  The  moft  valu- 
able materials  were  loft,  fome  of  which  I  defigned 
to  have  publiftied  in  the  Appendix.  I  pray  God 
to  forgive  the  adtors  in  and  advifers  to  this  moft 
favage  and  inhuman  injury,  and  I  hope  their  pof. 
terity  will  read  with  pleafure  and  profit  what  has 
fo  narrowly  efcaped  the  outrage  of  their  anceftors. 

The  hazard  which  attends  fuch  papers,  together 
with  the  requeft  of  many  of  my  friends,  induced 
me  to  publifli  my  manufcript  fooner  than  I 
intended. 

I  have  carried  down  the  ftory  to  the  year  1 750, 
but  that  part  which  relates  to  the  laft  twenty  years 
in  a  more  general  way,  being  deprived  of  fome 
papers  which  would  have  enabled  me  to  render  it 
more  particular  and  circumftantial. 

Some  of  my  friends  of  the  colony  of  New- 
Plymouth  took  it  unkindly  that  I  faid  no  more  of 
their  affairs  in  the  firft  part  of  my  Hiftory.  My 
principal  objedt  was  the  Maflachufetts  Colony ;  be- 
fides,  I  never  could  meet  with  many  papers  relative 

to 


Vlll 


PREFACE. 


to  Plymouth.  From  fuch  papers  as  I  have  been 
able  to  obtain,  I  have  prepared  the  beft  fummary 
i  could,  to  which  I  fhall  give  a  place  iri  the  Ap- 
pendix. 

I  have  endeavoured  to  avoid  ofFence  to  any  pcr- 
fons  or  families,  as  far  as  my  obligations  to  truth 
would  permit. 

We  ihall  never  be  all  of  one  mind  in  our  polit- 
ical principles.  I  defire  no  more  candour  from 
thofe  who  differ  from  me,  than  I  ever  have  been, 
and  ever  fhall  be  ready  to  fhew  to  them* 


THE 

HISTORY 

O   F 

MASSACHUSETTS 


CHAP.       I. 

Fro7n  the  Charter  in  1691,  until  the  arrival  of  Governor 
Dudltj  in  iyo2, 

A  BRIEF  recapitulation  of  the  rife  and  progrefs  of 
the  MafTachufetts  colony,  may  not  be  an  improper 
introduclion  to  this  Second  Part  of  our  Hiilory. 

The  firft  planters  of  the  MafTachufetts  colony  removed 
to  America,  expecting  there  to  enjoy  civil  and  religious 
liberty  in  a  greater  degree  than  their  fellow-fubjefts  at 
that  time  enjoyed  it  in  England.  The  country  to  which 
they  removed,  was  claimed  by  the  crown  of  England, 
by  right  of  difcovery.  The  property  of  a  very  large 
tra6t,  in  which  MafTachufetts  is  contained,  had  been  grant- 
de  to  a  certain  corporation  called  the  council  of  Plym- 
outh in  Devon.  This  council  made  a  grant  of  MafTa- 
chufetts to  Sir  Henry  Rofwell  and  others,  who  intended 
to  fend  out  planters  and  fervants  to  be  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  proprietors  in  England.  An  incorporation 
was  thought  necefTary,  and  a  charter  was  obtained  from 
king  Charles,  which,  fome  manufcripts  fay,  coil  the  com- 
pany two  thoufand  pounds  flerling.*  The  principal  un- 
dertakers were  Puritans.  Planters  and  minifters,  of  the 
fame  perfuafion,  together  with  fervants,  cattle,  and  all 

neceffaries 

*  "  I  paid  50I.  and  Mr.  Eaton  lool.  and  fundry  other  merchants  the  fame  fums 
refpeftively  fcr  the  purchafe  cf  the  charter,  we  being  members  of  the  corporatia* 
for  N.  E."      John  Davvi^trt' s  iett.  to  Joon  Gotten,  N.  Huven,  24.  4"^'  65. 

Vol.  II.  B 


m  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chai*.  f. 

neceffarles  for  beginning  a  colony,  were  fent  over  j  the' 
expenle  of  which  was  very  great.  Subfcriptions  were 
fiowly  paid,  and  a  cloud  arofe,  very  early,  upon  the  af- 
fairs of  the  colony ;  but  it  was  foon  difpelled  by  a  pro- 
pofal  from  Johnfon,  V/inthrop,  and  feveral  other  Puritans 
of  good  families  and  eftates,  to  remove  to  America  ;• 
provided  they  might  carry  the  charter  with  them,  and 
manage  the  affairs  of  the  colony  without  any  dependence 
upon  fuch  of  the  company  as  fiiould  remain  in  England. 
This,  by  feme,  was  thought  irregular  ;  but,  after  conful- 
tation,  it  was  agreed  to-  The  removal  of  fo  many  perfons 
of  character,  induced  a  great  niimber  of  others,  of  the 
fame  opinions^'  who  were  not  of  the  company,  to  remove- 
with  or  tbiiow  after  them,  and  put  themfelves  under  their 
protedion  and-  governments  They  complained  of  the 
then  reigning  prince,  that  he  deprived  his  fubje£ls  of 
their  jufl  rights,  and  had  i>o  regard  to  the  great  charter 
of  the  kingdom.  What  dependence  then  could  ration- 
ally be  placed  upon  a  fpecial  charter  to  a  fntall  part  of 
his  fubjects  in  America  r  They  were  foon  convinced  that 
it  was  an  infufficient  fecurity,  A  circnmftantial  account 
of  an  attempt  to  vacate  it  the  fecond'  year  after  their  re- 
moval, we  have  in  a  letter  to  the  governor  Irom^EmanueF 
Downing,  father  of  Sir  George  Downing.-* 

In  1638,  a  foymal  demand  was  niade  of  the  furrender 
of  their  charccr,.  which  was  refufed,  and  other  proceed- 
ings followed,  which  would  have  iffued  in  a  final  decifive 
judgment  carried  inco  execution,  and  probably  have  prov- 
ed fatal  to  the  plantation,  if  the  change  of  affairs  in  En- 
gland had  not  prevented.  Upon  this  change  the  colony 
became  a  favourite.  The  principal  men  were  the  inti- 
mate friends  of  the  leading,  members  of  parhament,  Pym, 
Hambden,  kc,  who  had  been  engaged  with  them,  and 
from  time  to  time  were  expefted  to  join  them.  Whilft 
Cromwell  ruled,  he  (lie wed  them  all  the  indulgence  they 
defired. 

Erom  1640  to  1660  they  approached  very  near  to  an 
independent  commonwealth ;    and,  during  this  period, 

completed 

*  Tills  was  a  very  f  nfiblc  letter,  and  I  intended  to  have  printed  it,  but  It  was 
unfertunately  dellioyv.'^f. 


Chap.  I.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  it 

completed  a  fyftem  of  laws  and  government,  the  plan  of 
which  they  had  before  laid  and  began  to  execute.  In 
this  they  departed  from  their  charter  ;  and  inftead  of 
making  the  laws  of  England  the  ground  work  of  their 
code,  they  preferred  the  laws  of  Mofes  ;  and,  notwith- 
flanding  the  charter  knew  no  reprefentative  body,*  they 
eftablifhed  one ;  and,  although  it  gave  them  no  power  to 
judge  and  determine  capital  offences,  they  gave  this  pow- 
er to  the  judicatories  they  erected.  This  laft  pr6vifion 
became  necelTary,  from  their  diflance  from  the  judicato- 
ries in  England ;  but  I  know  not  how  to  excufe  the  per- 
fecution  of  all  who  could  not  conform  to  their  religious  ef- 
tabhfhments,  when  their  charter  granted  toleration  to  all 
.  Chriftians,  except  Papifts. 

For  the  firft  thirty  years,  although  the  governor  and  af- 
fiftants  were  annually  chofen  by  the  body  of  the  people, 
yet  they  confined  themfelves  to  the  principal  gentlemen 
of  family,  eftate,  underifanding  and  integrity  ;  but,  as  one 
faid,  who  lived  at  that  time  when  king  Charles  command- 
ed them  to  fill  up  their  numbers  in  government,  which 
they  had  negleded,  the  new  perfons  empowered  were  Dii 
minorum  gentium  ;  and  one  of  their  divines  told  them  in 
public,  they  were  in  danger  of  being  undone  by  creeping 
flatefmen. 

Upon  the  reftoration,  not  only  Epifcopalians,  but  Bap- 
tifts,  Quakers,  Gortonifts,  &c.t  preferred  complaints 
againfl  the  colony  ;  and  although,  by  the  intereft  of  the 
earl  of  Mancheiler  and  lord  Say,  their  old  friends,  and  of 
fecretary  Morrice,  all  Puritans,  king  Charles  confirmed 
their  charter,  yet  he  required  a  toleration  in  rehgion  and 
an  alteration  in  civil  matters,  neither  of  which  were  fully 
complied  with.  The  heirs  of  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  of 
John  Mafon  alfo  complained,  that,  by  a  liberal  conftruc- 
tion,  MalTachufetts  had  extended  their  bounds  to  compre- 
hend the  provinces  of  Maine  and  New  Hampfhire.    Com- 

mifTioners 

*  Dcuglafs  in  his  Summar)',  p.  409.  ift.  part,  fpeaks  of  reprefentativcs  of  town- 
fliips  in  the  old  charter.     He  is  erroreous. 

f  Several  perfors  who  have  obferved  in  the  firft  volume  a  reference  to  a  manu- 
fcript  hiftory  of  the  trial  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  for  her  religious  tenets,  exprcffcd 
their  coni-trn  that  it  was  not  printed  ;  v/e  Ihall  give  it  a  place  in  the  <4ppendix  to  this 
volume.         ♦ 

.    r  B2 


t2  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  I. 

mifTioners  were  fent  over  in  1665,  to  fettle  the  bounds 
of  the  colonies,  and  to  make  inquiry  into  their  flate  in 
general.  Malfachufetts  denied  their  authority,  and  pro- 
nounced the  commiflion  a  violation  of  their  charter. 

Notwithftanding  the  ads  of  parHament  for  regulating 
and  reftraining  the  plantation  trade,  a  conflant  trade  was 
carried  on  with  foreign  countries  for  contraband  and 
enumerated  commodities.  This  gave  great  offence. 
There  was  no  cuftom-houfe.  The  governor  was  the  na- 
val officer,  with  whom  or  his  deputy  all  veflels  entered 
and  cleared.  The  governor,  being  annually  eleded  by 
the  people,  was  the  more  eafily  difpofed  to  comply  with 
popular  opinions.  It  feems  to  have  been  a  general  opin- 
ion that  ads  of  parliament  had  no  other  force  than  what 
they  derived  from  ads  made  by  the  general  court  to  ef- 
tabhfh  or  confirm  them.  This  could  not  confifl  with  the 
charter.  By  this,  they  could  make  no  laws  repugnant 
to  the  laws  of  England.*  Had  the  corporation  continu- 
ed within  the  realm,  as  was  intended,  the  company  and 
every  member  mufl  undoubtedly  have  been  fubjed  to  the 
law  of  the  land.  Upon  complaint  made  by  Edward 
Randolph,  who  firll  came  over  in  1 6y6^  and  by  the  repeat- 
ed orders  from  the  crown  to  conform  to  the  ads  of  trade, 
they  pafTed  an  ad  or  law  of  the  colony,  declaring  that 
thole  ads  fhould  be  executed  there.  For  feveral  years, 
they  were  threatened  with  the  lofs  of  their  charter.  Ran- 
dolph was  unwearied  in  foHciting  againfl  them.f  By  re- 
peated addreifes  and  agencies,  they  endeavoured  to  ex- 
culpate themfelves,  but  to  no  purpofe.'  In  1684,  t>y  a 
judgment  or  decree  in  chancery,  their  charter  was  declar- 
ed forfeited,  and  their  liberties  were  feized  into  the  king's 
hands  5    and  whatever  opinions  fome  had  formed,  that 

their 

*  This  claufe  has  been  conflrued,  by  fome,  in  another  colony  (Rhode  Ifland")  to 
intend  the  common  law  only,  and  not  ilatutes,  efpecially  notfuch  as  were  made  after 
the  date  of  their  charter. 

f  Mr.  Randolph  had  the  principal  flxare  in  bringing  forward  the  quo  warranto 
againft  the  charter,  which  fccms  to  have  rendered  him  odious,  more  than  the  fhare 
he  had  in  the  fucceeding  admiriiftration  as  one  of  Sir  Edmund's  council.  When  he 
was  imprifoned  and  applied  for  bail,  tiic  houfe  of  reprefcntatives,  June  25,  1689, 
voted  "That  Mr.  Edward  Randolph  is  not  bailable,  he  having  broke  a  capital  law 
of  this  colony  in  endeavouring  and  accomplifliing  the  fabvcrfion  of  our  government, 
and  having  been  an  evil  counfellor."  :; 


cAvA.']  MASSACHUSETTS.  13 

their  fubjection  depended  upon  mutual  compad  between 
the  crown  and  the  colony,  they  were  forced  to  fubmit  to 
fuperior  power  and  to  fuch  form  of  government  as  king 
Charles  the  fecond,  and  his  fucceflbr  king  James  thought 
fit  to  eftablilh.  Upon  the  firfl  advice  of  the  landing  of 
the  prince  of  Orange,  they  re-affumed  their  charter,  and 
earneflly  folicited  a  rc-eltablifhment  of  it,  with  fome  nec- 
effary  additional  powers :  but  the  king  could  not  be  pre- 
vailed upon  to  confent  to  it.  A  new  charter  was  obtain- 
ed ;  from  the  arrival  of  which,  this  fecond  part  of  their 
hiilory  is  to  be  carried  on. 

But  before  we  proceed,  it  will  be  proper  to  obferve  the 
difference  between  the  new  and  the  old  charter,  with  re- 
fpedt  to  the  territory  and  to  the  powers  of  government. 
I  The  new  province  contained  the  whole  of  the  old  colony, 
•  without  any  dedu6lion  or  referve  ;  and  to  this  were  added 
the  old  colony  of  New  Plymouth,  the  province  of  Main, 
the  province  of  Nova  Scotia,  and  all  the  country  between 
^the  province  of  Main  and  Nova  Scotia,  as  far  northward 
as  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  alfo  Elizabeth,  iilands,  and  the 
iflands  of  Nantucket  and  Martha's  Vineyard.     A  vafl  ex- 
pofed  frontier  mud  bring  heavy  burthens  upon  a  govern- 
ment.    In  the  courfe  of  fixty  years,  the  province  of  Maf- 
fachufetts  hath  been  at  greater  expenfe  and  hath  lofl  more 
of  its  inhabitants  than  all  the  other  colonies  upon  the 
continent  taken  together. 

The  two  colonies  of  Maffachufetts  and  New  Plymouth 
were  tolerably  well  peopled  ;  but  the  province  of  Maine 
had  never  been  (locked  with  inhabitants ;  and,  juft  before 
the  new  incorporation,  had  been  depopulated  by  the  wars 
with  French  and  Indians.  The  whole  province  of  Nova 
Scotia  was  deftitute  of  Britifli  inhabitants ;  and  although 
there  were  feveral  thoufand  French,  who  had  been  lately 
conquered,  yet  they  were  a  burden,  and  there  could  be 
no  dependence  placed  upon  their  fidelity.  From  the 
time  of  the  conqueft  of  Nova  Scotia,  the  MafTachufetts 
colony  had  confidered  the  inhabitants  as  a  part  of  the 
colony,  and  had  given  commiflions  and  inflruftions  to 
perfons  for  the  exercife  of  government  there.  All  the 
lands  between  the  province  of  Maine  and  Nova  Scotia 

were 


14  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Cha#  L 

were  uninhabited,  except  at  and  near  Pemaquid,  where 
there  were  a  few  fcattering  Englifh  ;   and  upon  the  prin- 
cipal rivers,  the  Penobfcot,  Machias  and  Norridgawock 
Indians  had  their  wigwam?.     The  bounds  of  this  vafl  ter- 
ritory were  underftood,  to  be  the  river  St.  Lawrence  oa 
the  north,  the  colonies  of  Rhode  Iftand  and  Connecticut 
on  the  fouth,  the  Atlantic  on  the  eaft,  and  the  South  Sea 
on  the  weft ;  but  within  thefe  limits  lay  the  provinces  of 
New  Hampfhire*  and  New  York.     In  the  controverfies 
with  feveral  of  the  other  governments,  it  has  been  urg- 
ed againfl    MaiTachufetts,  that  their  weflern  boundary 
could  be  extended  no  farther  than  \yhere  the  line  met 
with  Rhode  Ifland  or  Connecticut,     The  words  in  the 
charter  are,  ^'From  the  Atlantic  towards  the  South  Sea,  or 
weftward  as  far  as  the  colonies  of  Rhode  Ifland,  Connedti- 
cut  and  the  Narraganfet  country."     The  MafTachufetts 
colony  was  the  northern  boundary  of  Rhode  Ifland  and 
Connecticut ;  it  was  impofTible,  therefore,  the  new  prov- 
ince which  contained  the  whole  of  the  old  colony  Ihouldt 
generally  be  bounded  weft  upon  either  of  thofe   colo- 
nies :  and  it  would  be  a  ftrange  conftrudion,  to  fuppofe 
a  corner  of  Rhode  Ifland  colony,  which  is  but  a  few 
miles  from  the  Atlantic,  to  be  the  utmoft  limits  the  prov- 
ince was  to  extend  weflward  ;  for  it  could  then  contain 
but  a  very  fmali  part  of  the  old  colony  of  MafTachufetts, 
whereas  the  whole  is  exprefsly  included.     The  only  fenfe 
the  words  can  bear,   undoubtedly  is  this,  viz.  that  the 
province  fhall  extend  as  far  towards  the  South  Sea  or  weft- 
ward  as  Rhode  Ifland  or  Connecticut  do  extend.     Narra- 
ganfet c<5untry,  although  it  lies  between  Rhode  Ifland  and 
Connecticut,  is  mentioned  after  Connecticut,  becaufe  it 

^  was 

*  Whilft  the  event  of  MafTachufetts,  felicitations  was  uncertain,  NewHampfhire 
lay  dill.  Samuel  Allen,  who  clainned  the  foil  ^by  purch<ife  from  John  Mafon's 
heirs,  was  in  expectation  of  a  commiffion  for  the  government  alfo,  and  oppofcd  the 
motion  of  the  MafTachufetts  agent  for  including  New  Hiimpfhire  in  the  fame  char- 
ter with  MaiTachufetts,  &c.  alleging  tluit  the  inhabitants  were  averfe  to  it.  As  foon 
as  the  tenor  of  the  charter  was  known,  addrcfTes  were  fent  over  to  Sir  Henry 
Afhurfl  from  the  affembly  of  New  Kampfhire,  and  from  the  inhabitants  in  general, 
praying  that  his  Majefty  would  annex  them  to  MafTachufetts  government.  En- 
couragement to  hope  for  fuccefs  was  given  by  Lord  Nottingham,  but  the  king,  how' 
■  ever  friendly  to  the  liberties  of  the  nation,  was  lefs  difpofed  to  enlarge  the  privileges 
of  the  cplonifls  than  fome  of  his  minifters.  This  plainly  appeared  to  the  MafTa- 
chufetts agents.  It  was  finally  deti^rmined  that  New  Hampfhire  fhould"  be  under 
the  fame  governor  with  Mafiachufetts,  but  not  with  the  fame  privileges. 


tCHAP.  I.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  15 

was  then  claimed  by  that  colony,  as  within  the  bounds  of 
their  charter;  and  the  MaiTachufetts  agents  favoured 
that  claim,  and  confidered  it  a^;  an  appendage  to  Con- 
nedicut. 

The  governor,  under  the  old  charter,  ahhough  he 
carried  great  porte,  (fo  does  the  doge  of  Venice)  yet  his 
fhare  in  the  adminiftration  was  little  more  than  that  of 
any  one  of  the  affiflants.  He  had  the  power  of  caliiiig 
the  general  court  upon  urgent  occafions,  fo  had  the  dep- 
uty governor  or  major  part  of  the  alliftants,  if  the  gov- 
ernor did  not  think  fit  to  do  it ;  but  he  could  not  adjourn, 
prorogue  or  dilTolve  the  court ;  the  vote  of  the  major 
part  of  the  whole  court  was  necelTary.  He  voted  with 
the  aififtants,  and  if  there  v/as  an  equal  vote,  his  vote  was 
twice  counted  to  make  a  calling  vote.  He  gave  conimif- 
fions  to  civil  and  military  officers,  but  this  was  merely  a 
miniflerial  ad,  in  which  nothing  v/as  left  to  his  difcrction, 
all  officers  being  eleded  by^the  general  court.  Under 
the  new  charter,  there  muft  be  an  annual  m.eeting  of  the 
general  court,, on  the  laft  \yednefday  in  May  ;  but  the 
governor  calls  an  affismbly  at  any  other  times  he  thinks 
proper,  and  adjourns,  prorogues  and  dillolves  at  pleafure.o 
He  has  no  vote  in  the  legiflature,  and  does  not,  or  regu- 
larly fhould  not,  intereft  himfelf  in  matters  in  debate,  in 
(:ouncil,  or  in  the  houfe  ;  but  no  a6l  of  government  is 
vahd  without  his  confent.  He  has  the  appointment  of 
all  mihtary  officers,  folely,  and  of  all  officers  belonging  to 
the  courts  of  juftice,  with  the  confent  of  the  council  ; 
other  civil  officers  are  eleded  by  the  two  houfes,  and  he 
has  his  negative ;  no  money  can  iflue  out  of  the  treaf- 
ury  but  by  his  warrant,  with  the  advice  and  confent  of 
the  council. 

The  affiflants  or  counfellors,  under  the  old  charter, 
were  annually  elected  by  the  votes  of  all  the  freemen  of 
the  colony  ;  they  were  not  only,  with  the  governor,  one  of 
the  two  branches  of  legiflature,  but  the  fupremc  e^cecutive 
court  in  all  civil  and  criminal  caufes,  except  in  fuch  cafes 
where,  by  the  laws,  an  appeal  was  allowed  to  the  general 
court.  The  new  charter  provides,  that  upon  the  laft  Wed- 
pefday  in  May,  annually,  twenty-eight  <:ounfellors  fhall,  by 

the 


i6  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

the  general  court  or  affembly,  be  newly  chofen.  At  the 
firft  eledion,  it  was  made  a  queftion,  whether,  by  the  gen- 
eral court  or  aflembly,  was  intended  the  houfe  of  repre- 
fcntativcs  only, or  the  whole  three  branches,  and  it  is  hand- 
ed down  to  us,  by  tradition,  that,  after  fome  time  fpent 
in  meflages  and  replies,  the  council  of  the  former  year  gave 
up  the  point,  and  fent  major  Walley,  one  of  their  number, 
to  acquaint  the  houfe  with  it ;  but  when  he  came  to  the 
door  he  heard  the  fpeaker  putting  the  queftion  to  the  houfe, 
and  finding  they  had  conceded  to  the  council,  he  returned 
without  delivering  his  meffage  ;  and  a  committee  coming 
foon  after  from  the  houfe  to  bring  up  the  vote,  the  council 
by  this  accident  retained  a  privilege  which  they  have  been 
in  the  exercife  of  ever  fmce  ;*  and,  no  doubt,  it  is  in  a 
great  meafure  owing  to  this,  that  any  great  change  in  the 
council  has  been  rarely  effefted,  even  when  there  have  been 
very  warm  altercations  between  the  two  houfes  the  preced- 
ing year.  It  is  very  difficuh  to  form  a  fecond  branch  of 
legillature,  analogous  to  the  fecond  branch  in  the  Britifli 
conftitution.  The  colonies  are  not  ripe  for  hereditary 
honours,  otherwife  there  feems  no  more  room  for  excep^ 
tion  to  them  there,  than  in  Ireland.  In  the  charter  gov* 
ernments  of  Connedicut  and  Rhode  Ifland,  this  branch  is 
more  dependent  upon  the  people  in  general  than  the  houfe 
pf  repreientatives  ;  the  firft  being  elected  by  the  freemen 
in  general,  the  lait  by  the  freemen  of  their  feveral  towns  ; 
and  there  have  been  inftances,  in  thofe  colonies,  where  the 
reprefentatives  have  had  virtue  enough  to  withftand  popu- 
lar prejudices  when  the  council  have  not.  In  the  royal 
governments,  as  they  are  called,  the  council  can  fcarcely 
be  confidered  as  a  diftin6t  branch  ;  frequently  they  receive 
their  appointment  from  the  recommendation  of  the  gov-, 
ernor  ;  they  are  always  liable  to  be  fufpended  by  him,  and 
if  it  be  v/ithout  fufficient  caufe,  the  remotenefs  of  the  col- 
onies from  the  place  where  redrefs  is  to  be  obtained,  and 
the  expenfe  of  foliciting  it,  are,  very  often,  fufficient  to  dif- 
courage  from  applying  for  it.  In  MalTachufetts,  this 
branch  is  dependent  both  upon  the  governor  and  people ; 

and 

*  It  feems  V-y  the  records  that  the  governor  voted  this  year  with  the  council  and 
Jioufe. 


Chap.  I.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  17 

and  we  have  feen,  at  different  times,  the  influence  of  the 
one  or  the  other  over  this  branch,  according  to  the  degree 
of  fpirit  and  refolution  vi^hich  has  refpedively  prevailed. 
We  have  feen  inftances  alfo  of  counfellors,  who  have  had 
fortitude  enough  to  refill  an  undue  influence  from  either, 
and  who  from  year  to  year  have  had  violent  oppofition  to 
their  eledion.  We  have  feen  fo  many  good  men  members, 
that  I  may  not  give  the  epithet  to  this  branch  which  is 
fometimes  ufed  for  the  fmall  boroughs  in  England.  But 
we  have  often  feen,  that  the  mod  likely  way  to  fecure  a  feat 
for  many  years  is  to  be  of  no  importance,  and  therefore  it 
mufl:  be  pronounced  defedive.  Neither  in  Maflfachufetts, 
nor  in  the  royal  governments,  do  we  meet  with  that  glori- 
ous independence,  which  makes  the  houfe  of  lords  the  bul- 
wark of  the  Britifli  conftitution,  and  which  has  fometimes 
faved  the  liberties  of  the  people  from  threatened  encroach- 
ments, and  at  other  times  put  a  flop  to  advances  making 
upon  the  royal  prerogative? 

The  reprefentatives,  under  the  old  charter,  were  elecled 
by  freemen  only ;  under  the  new,  every  freeholder  of  forty 
fhillings  flerling  a  year  is  ^  voter,  and  fo  is  every  other 
inhabitant  who  has  forty  pounds  flerling  perfonal  eftate. 
The  fpeaker  of  the  houfe  was  at  firfl  elecled  and  took  his 
place  without  any  notice  to  the  governor ;  and  for  many 
years  after  the  prefent  charter,  there  was  only  the  formal- 
ity of  notice,  until  difputes,  upon  other  points  with  the 
governor,  caufed  hirn  to  infifl  upon  his  right  of  negativing 
the  fpeaker,  which  the  houfe  was  obliged,  after  a  long 
druggie,  to  fubmit  to. 

We  find  nothing  in  the  new  charter,  of  an  ecclefiaflical 
conflitution.  Liberty  of  conscience  is  granted  to  all,  ex- 
cept Papids.  The  agent  fuppofed,  that  the  power  given 
to  the  general  court  to  make  laws,  was  fufficient  for  fup- 
porting  and  encouraging  fuch  modes  of  worfliip,  and  fuch 
form  of  church  government,  as  fliould  be  moll  agreeable 
to  the  inhabitants  in  general.*     At  the  fird  feffion  of  the 

general 

*  Religion  is  fecured,  for  liberty  is  granted  to  all  men  to  worfhip  God  after  that 
manner,  which,  in  their  confciences,  they  fhall  be  perfuiided  is  the  moft  fcriptural 
way.  The  general  court  may,  by  laws,  encourage  and  proted  that  religion  whicn 
is  the  general  profeflion  of  the  inhabitants  there.  Inc.  Mather  s  act  cunt  of  bis  nr^oiia- 
4'tGns, 


rB  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

general  court,  an  adi  paiTed,  eftablifhing  all  the  local  laws 
of  the  Maflachufetts  province,  until  other  provifion  ihould 
be  made.  By  this  law,  the  platform  of  church  difcipline, 
among  the  other  laws,  was  eftabhfhed,  but  the  law  was  dif- 
approved  in  England.  At  the  next  fefiion,  by  another  law 
it  was  ena£ted,  "  that  the  refpe6live  churches,  in  the  fev- 
^ral  towns  within  this  province,  fliall  at  all  times  hereafter, 
nfe,  exercife  and  enjoy  all  their  privileges  and  freedoms 
refpeding  divine  worship,  church  order  and  difcipline,  and 
fhall  be  encouraged  in  the  peaceable  and  regular  profeflion 
and  practice  thereof."  An  attempt  v/as  foon  made,  to  con- 
tinue the  pradice  of  an  appeal  to  the  general  court  in  con- 
troverfies  upon  ecclefiaflicai  matters.  A  great  part  of  the 
church  and  inhabitants  of  Salem  village,  petitioned  the 
general  court  to  appoint  an  ecclefialiical  council  to  fettle 
a  controverfy  with  Mr.  Paris,  the  minifter,  but  the  court 
refufed.  There  have  been  infhances  of  the  general  court's 
int.erpofing,  fo  far  as  to  recommend  an  ecclefiaflicai  coun- 
cil ;  and  fometimes  committees  have  been  appointed  by  the 
court,  for-the  fake  of  preferving  or  relloring  peace,  pro- 
»  feifing  rather  to  advife  than  enjoin  meafures  ;  but  excep- 
tions have  generally  been  taken  to  fuch  votes  or  orders  of 
court,  as  irregular,  and  not  confifting  with  the  dignity  of 
the  fupreme  legiilatiye  authority  of  the  province.  Synods 
were  occafionally  called  under  the  old  charter.  Some  fteps 
were  taken  for  calling  a  fynod  about  thirty  years  after  the 
new  charter  arrived,  but  a  royal  inftruclion  prevented  any 
further  progrefs. 

If  the  firft  commiffions  from  the  crown  to  the  governor 
of  any  colony,  and  the  form  of  government  prefcribed  by 
fuch  commiffions,  are  a  precedent  to  be  followed  in  all  fuc- 
ceeding  commiffions,  and  a  fyftem  of  laws  once  approved 
by  the  crown  cannot  be  repealed,  (all  which  is  contended 
for  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  royal  goveri^ments)  the  char- 
ter to  Maflachufetts  was  not  fo  great  a  boon  as  our  fore- 
fathers generally  imagined,  the  material  difference  in  the 
conflitutions  being  in  the  fecond  branch,  only,  of  the  le- 
giflature  ;*   but  it  is  certain,  that,  at  the  time  of  granting 

the 

*  "  The  Maff.icliufetts  agents,  confidering  that  a  naked  reflitution  of  their  charter, 
i^  which  fo  many  of  the  necelTary  powers  of  government  were  omitted,  would  not 

ferve 


j(592.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  19 

the  charter,  it  was  deemed  a  much  greater  fecurity  to  the 
people  for  the  enjoyment  of  the  privileges  granted  by  it, 
than  they  could  have  had  merely  from  a  royal  temporary 
commiflion  to  a  governor. 

The  diftrefs  of  the  people,  at  the  time  of  the  arrl¥al  of 
the  charter,  is  reprefented  to  have  been  peculiarly  great. 
The  fea  coaft  was  infcfled  with  privateers,  fo  that  few  vef- 
fels  could  efcape  them  ;  the  inland  frontiers,  eafl  and  wefl, 
were  continually  harafled  by  French  and  Indian  enemies ; 
^  late  expedition  againfl  Canada  had  expofed  the  province 
to  the  refentment  of  France,  the  effecls  of  which  were  fronn 
time  to  tim.e  expected ;  the  fame  expedition  brought  fo 
heavy  a  debt  upon  the  government,  that  it  required  all  the 
(kill  of  the  adminiftration  to  fupport  the  public  credit,  and 
to  procure  farther  fupplies  for  carrying  on  the  war  ;  a 
flrong  party  in  the  government  had  oppofed  every  other 
meafure,  except  the  adhering  to  the  old  charter,  and  was 
now  diflatisfied  with  the  acceptance  of  the  new  ;  but  the 
greateft  misfortune  was,  an  apprehenfion  that  the  devil  was 
let  loofe  among  them,  that  many  had  entered  into  a  league 
with  him,  and  others  were  afPiided,  tormented,  and  the 
fubjects  of  diabolical  rage  and  fury.  The  minds  of  people 
in  general  were  feized  with  gloom  and  horror.  The  great- 
er part  were  credulous,  and  believed  all  they  heard,  and 
expeded  by  and  by  their  own  turn  ;  the  few,  who  believed 
the  whole  to  be  an  impoflure  or  delufion,  were  afraid  to 
difcover  their  fentiments,  leil  fome  who  pretended  to  be 
bewitched  fliould  accufe  them,  and  in  fuch  cafe  there  was 
jio  room  to  hope  for  favour. 

Sir  William  Phips  arrived  at  Bofion  with  the  charter, 
Saturday  the  14th  of  May,  1692,  towards  evening.  On 
Monday  he  was  conduced  from  his  houfe  to  the  town- 
houfe,  by  the  regiment  of  Bofton,  the  military  companies 
of  Charleilown,  the  magiftrates,  minifters  and  principal 
gentlemen  of  Bofton  and  the  adjacent  towns.   The  charter 

was 

ferve  their  turn,  put^in  their  prayer  for  additional  powers  fpecially  named,  which  be- 
ing obferved  by  the  lords  w:rc  fet  down  in  their  report ;  and  upon  the  whole  matter 
it  was  refolved,  that  their  government  fhould  be  in  all  points  as  in  the  other  planta- 
tions, faving  that  once  in  a  year  they  fhould  have  an  eleilion  of  their  counfcllors,  who 
fliould  make  the  upper  houfe  in  all  general  aflemblies."     M,  S.  Uiter  1694. 


20  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

was  fird  publlflied,  then  the  governor's  commiffion  ;*  and 
thereupon  the  venerable  old  charter  governor  Bradftreet 
refigned  the  chair ;  I  dare  to  fay,  not  vtithout  a  deep  figh 
from  many  of  the  fpedators.     After  publifliing  the  lieu^ 
tenant  governor's  commiffion,  and  adminiftering  the  oaths, 
the  governor  was  conduced,  with  the  fame  parade,  to  the 
place  appointed  for  a  public  dinner,  and  from   thence  to 
his  houfe  again.!     By  the  firft  ffiips,  letters  from  the  gov- 
ernor and  council  were  fent  to  the  archbilhop  of  Canter- 
bury, the  earl  of  Nottingham,  and  the  countefs  of  Sunder- 
land, Hugh  Bofcawen,  John  Hambden,  and  Francis  Charl- 
ton, Efqrs.  thankfully  acknowledging  the  favour  Mr.  Math- 
er the  agent  had  received    from  them,  and  the  affe^lion 
which  they  had  difcovered  to  the  intereil  of  their  Majeflies' 
fubjeds  in  the  province.     At  the  firft  general  council  for 
the  appointment  of  flieriiFs,  juitices  and  other  civil  officers, 
the  governor  either  mifconceived,  or  was  prevailed  upon 
to  give  up,  the  powers  which  belonged  to  him  by  charter, 
the  council  nominating  or  choofmg  the  officers,  and  the 
governor  giving   his  confent.     This  pradice  would  have 
leffisned  the  weight  and  influence  of  the  governor.     It  was 
not  fuftered  long   to  co;ntinue.      After   the  vacating  the 
colony  laws  under  the  old  charter,  by  the  publication  of 
the  new  charter,  there  was  room  to  quefdon  what  was  the 
rule  of  law  in  civil  and  criminal  matters,  and  how  far  the 
common  law  and  what  ftatutes  took  place.    The  council, 
appointed  by  the  charter,|    were  to  continue  until  May, 

^  Sir  William, by  his  commifiion,  was  appointed  captain-general  over  the  colonies 
of  Connadticut  and  Rhode  Ifland,  and  it  is  laid  went  to  the  iall  named  government 
foon  after  his  arrival  at  Bofton,  in  order  to  fettle  the  militia  there.  He  divided  the 
cnlctiy  into  regiments,  and  a  great  number  oi  military  commiflioiis  were  lent  up  to  Coi, 
Stanford,  who  was  intended  to  be  the  chief  military  officer  of  the  coloay  ;  but  there 
Ijeing  no  law  of  the  colony  to  enjoin  rubmiflion,  no  regard  was  paid  to  them  by  the 
people,  and  moil  of  the  officerj  refufed  to  take  the  commilfions.  This  probably  was 
the  reafon  the  government  there  g?.ve  themfelves  but  little  concern,  Mr.  Dudley 
afierwarns  attempted  to  cxeixife  the  fame  authority  with  as  little  fuccefs. 

f  The  ceremony  was  opened  with  prayer  by  Mr.  Allen,  a  minifter  of  Bofton,  and 
concluded  in  like  manner  by  Mr,  Morton,  a  miniiter  of  Charleftown.  Some  of  the 
fpirit  of  the  old  charter  remained. 

I  The  council  appointed  by  the  new  r Ivarter  were — Simon  Bradf.reet,  ^ohn  Richards, 
Nathanad  Salto<:faU,lVait  PVinthroJJ,  John  Phillips,  y«;/?fi  RuJfcll,SaTmielSeivall, Samuel 
Atipleton,  Bjrthoiomeiv  Gedtwyyjolm  Hatvthorn,  Elijha  Hutc'nirfun,  Robert  i*ii^,  Jonathan 
Curwin,  "Joh-t  'yov//^!-,  Adam  Wjnthrop,  Richard  Middlecot,  John  Fofter,  Peter  Ser- 
jeant, Joleph  JLynd,  .'-air.ucl  I  layman,  /itephen  Muion,  ThoTffus  Hi.-dley,  JVilltafn  Brad- 


1692.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  21 

1693,  and  fo  no  fpeclal  provifion  was  made  for  a  general 
affembly  in  May,  1692,  but  writs  ilTued  immediately  up- 
on the  governor's  arrival,  and  the  court  met  the  8th  of 
June,  and  an  ad  paiTed,  declaring  that  all  the  laws  of 
the  colony  of  Maflachufetts  and  the  colony  of  New  Plym- 
outh, not  being  repugnant  to  the  laws  of  England  nor 
inconfiftent  with  the  charter,  fliouW  be  in  force,  in  the 
refpeQive  colonies,  to  the  loth  of  November,  1692,  ex- 
cept where  other  provifion  fhould  be  made  by  ad  of  aifem- 
bly,  and  all  jufUces  of  ^|he  peace  (afTiItants,  like  aldermen 
of  London,  were,  ex  officio,  juilices  under  the  old  char- 
ter) had  the  fame  powers  given  to  them,  in  the  execution 

of 

foriy  John  WalUy,  Barnabas  Lothropy  Job  Alcot,  Samuel  Daniel,  and  Silvanus  Davis. 
Thofe  in  italic,  had  been  affiftants  in  MafTachufetts  or  Plymouth  colonies.  Bradllreet 
was  an  old  fenator,  having  been  in  conftant  fervice,  except  in  Dudley's  and  Androfs's- 
adminiflration,  for  62  years.  Richards,  although  he  came  into  the  country  in  low 
circumftances,'(Randolph,  in  one  of  his  letters,  lays  he  was  a  fervant)  yet  became  un 
opulent  merchant  in  Bofton,  had  been  employed  as  agent  with  Dudley,  but  remained 
fteady  to  what  was  called  the  country  intereft.  Saltonftall  was  the  grandfon  of  Sir 
Richard,  and  the  father  of  Gurdon  Saltonftall,  afterwards  governor  of  Conne6ticut. 
He  lived  at  Haverhill.  Wait  Winthrop  was  the  fon  of  the  firft  governor  of  Connec- 
ticut and  New  Haven  colonies  united,  and  grandfon  of  the  firft  governor  of  Maffa- 
chufetts.  He  was  originally  of  Connecticut,  and  not  long  before  removed  to  Bofton, 
and  was  one  of  Androfs's  council.  Phillips  and  RulTcl  were  botfi  qf  Charleftown  ; 
the  latter  the  fon  of  Richard  Ruffel,  chofen  afliftant  in  1659.  Sewall  was  originally 
of  Newbury,  but  had  lived  feveral  years  at  Bofton.  Appleton,  of  Ipfwich.  Gedney 
and  Hawthorn,  ©f  Salem  ;  the  latter,  fon  of  WilHam  Hawthorn,  the  lirft  fpeaker  upon 
record,  and  afterwards  an  affiftant.  Hutchinfon  was  a  merchant  in  Bofton,  fon  of 
EdwardHutchinfon,  who  was  killed  by  the  Indians  in  1675,  and  grandfon  to  Mrs. 
HutchraSbn,  who  was  baniftied  for  her  religious  opinions.  Pike  w«s  of  SaUfbury,  a 
principal  military  officer  there.  Curwin,  of  Salem,  efteemed,  and  conneded  with  the 
principal  families  there.  JoylifFe,  of  Bofton,  had  been  many  years  an  aji^ive  feledman 
and  of  primitive  zeal.  Adam  Winthrop,  (defcended,  by  a  younger  fon,  from  the 
firft  governor)  had  been  very  atflive  in  the  revolution  :  he  was  of  Bofton,  as  was  alf3 
Middlecot,  who  had  a  good  cftate  in  Warminfter  in  England,  where  fom.s  of  his 
pofterity  are  now  living.  Fofter  was  a  merchant  in  Bofton,  of  the  lirft  rank,  who 
came  not  many  years  before  from  Ailftjury  in  England,  but  had  a  great  ftiare  in  the 
management  of  afTalrs  from  1689  to  1692.  Sergeant  and  Lynd  were  alfo  of  Bofton. 
Hayman  of  the  province  of  Maine.  Mafon  was  a  merchant  in  London,  rf^fcalous 
man  in  the  caufc  of  New  England,  and  I  fuppofe  his  name  was  inferted  in  the  charter 
from  mere  refpect  and  gratitude,  for  he  never  came  to  New  England.  Hinkley  had 
been  many  years  governor  of  New  Plyuiouth.  Bradford  was  fon  to  governor  Brad- 
ford ;  and  Walley  and  I>othrop  were  of  good  families  in  that  colony.     Alcot  and** 

•  Daniel,  or  Donnell,  were  of  the  province  of  Maine.  Davis,  of  the  country  farther 
caft  or  Sagadchoc ;  he  had  been  commander  of  the  fort  at  Cafco,  where  he  -v^as  taken 
prifoner  and  carried  to  Canada.  However  dry  this  account  may  appear  to  foms 
readers,  it  may  not  be  difagretable  to  others,  and  perhaps  may  excite  a  laudable  am- 
bition in  fome  of  the  defendants  of  the  firft  mugiftrates  to  merit  the  honours  of  their 
unccftors ;  for  although  places  and  titles  in  the  colonies  are  not  herclitary,  yet  a^trh 
paribus,  the  defccndaiits  of  fuch  as  have  done  worthily  have  fome  cLiim  to  be  diftin- 
g'uifhed,  "  namfi  q'As  ab  infuiite  estate  habet  caufam  crleoritatis  et  nominit,  etui  a  patre  cccsp- 
tum  -  "  'in  bune  etuli  Bmnium  eonjitiuniur.'*      C:c.  de  ()ff,(iis. 


ii  THfe   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

of  laws,  which  magiftrates  ufed  to  have.  The  confufioji 
the  country  was  in  from  the  fuppofed  witchcrafts,  feems 
to  have  occafioned  an  adjournment  of  the  general  court 
on  the  2d  of  July,  to  the  fecond  Wednefday  in  October  ; 
very  little  pubhc  bufmefs  having  been  done  during  the 
feffion. 

The  great  nolfe  which  the  New  England  witchcrafts 
made  throughout  the  Englifh  dominions,  proceeded  more 
from  the  general  panic  with  v/hich  all  forts  of  perfons 
were  felzed,  and  an  expedation  that  the  contagion  would 
fpread  to  all  parts  of  the  country,  than  from  the  number 
of  perfons  who  were  executed,  more  having  been  put  to 
death  in  a  fmgle  county  in  England,  in  a  Ihort  fpace  of 
time,  than  have  fuffered  in  all  New  England  from  the 
firft  fettlement  until  the  prefent  time.  Fifteen  years  had 
paifed,  before  we  find  any  mention  of  witchcraft  among 
the  Enghfh  colonifls.  The  Indians  were  fuppofed  to  be 
worfliippers  of  the  devil,  and  their  pov^^ows  to  be  wiz- 
ards. The  firfl  fufpicion  of  witchcraft  among  the  Enghfh, 
was  about  the  year  1645  ;  at  Springfield,  upon  Connecli- 
cut  river,  feveral  perfons  were  fuppofed  to  be  under  an 
evil  hand,  and  among  the  refl  two  of  the  minifler's  chil- 
dren.* Great  pains  were  taken  to  prove  the  fads  upon 
feveral  perfons  charged  with  the  crime,  but  either  the  na- 
ture of  the  evidence  was  not  fatisfaftory,  or  the  fraud  was 
fufpecled,  and  fo  no  perfon  was  convided  until  the  year 
1650;  when  a  poor  wretch,  Mary  Oliver,  probably  wea- 
ry of  her  hfe  from  the  general  reputation  of  being  a  witch, 
after  long  examination  was  brought  to  confefTion  of  her 
guilty  but  1  do  not  find  that  flie  was  executed.  Whilfl 
this  inquiry  was  making,  Margaret  Jones  was  executed  at 
Ch^edown  ;t  and  Mr.  Hale  mentions  a  w^oman  at  Dor- 
chefter,  and  another  at  Cambridge  about  the  fame  time, 
who  all  at  their  death  afferted  their  innocence.  Soon  after, 
"^Hugh  Parfons  was  tried  at  Springfield,  and  efcaped  death. | 
In  1655,  Mrs.  Hibbins,  the  afTiftant's  widow,  was  hanged ' 
at  Bofton.§  In  1662,  at  Hartford,  in  Connedicut,  (about 
30  miles  from  Springfield,  upon  the  fame  river)  one  Ann 
Cole,  a  young  woman  who  lived  next  door  to  a  Dutch 

family, 

*  Johnfon.  t  Vol.  I.  f  Vol.  I.  §  Vol.  I. 


i692.3'  I^ASSACHUSETTS.  25 

family,  and  no  doubt  had  learned  fomething  of  the  lan- 
guage, was  fuppofed  to  be  poflefled  with  demons,  who 
fometimes  fpake  Dutch  and  fometimes  Englilh,  and  fome- 
times  a  language  which  no  body  underftood,  and  who 
held  a  conference  with  one  another.  Several  miniflers, 
who  were  prefent,  took  down  the  conference  in  writing, 
and  the  n'ames  of  feveral  perfons  mentioned  in  the  courfe 
of  the  conference,  as  actors  or  bearing  parts  in  it ;  particu- 
larly a  woman,  then  in  prifon  upon  fufpicion  of  witchcraft,, 
one  Greenfmith,  who  upon  examination  confeffed,  and 
appeared  to  be  furprifed  at  the  difcovery.  She  owned 
that  fhe  and  the  others  named  had  been  familiar  with  a 
demon,  who  had  carnal  knowledge  of  her,*  and  although 
file  had  not  made  a  formal  covenant,  yet  llie  had  promif- 
ed  to  be  ready  at  his  call,  and  was  to  have  had  a  high 
frolic  at  Chrillmas,  when  the  agreement  was  to  have 
been  figned.  Upon  this  confeflion  Ihe  was  executed, 
and  two  more  of  the  company  were  condemned  at  the 
fame  time.t  In  1669,  Sufanna  Martin,  of  Salifbury,  was 
bound  over  to  the  court,  upon  fufpicion  of  witchcraft, 
but  efcaped  at  that  time.j;  '■f^'^ 

In  1671,  Elizabeth  Knap,  another  ventriloqtm^  plann- 
ed the  people  of  Groton  in  much  the  fame  manner  as 
Ann  Cole  had  done  thofe  of  Hartford  ;  but  her  demon 
was  not  fo  cunning,  for  inftead  of  confining  himfelf  to 
old  women,  he  railed  at  the  good  minifter  of  the  town 
and  other  perfons  of  good  character,  and  the  people 
could  not  then  be  prevailed  on  to  believe  him,  but  be- 
Heved  the  girl,  when  fhe  confeffed  fhe  had  been  deluded, 
and  that  the  devil  had  tormented  her  in  the  fhape  of 
good  perfons  ;  and  fo  fhe  efcaped  the  punifhment  due  to 
her  fraud  and  impoflure^' 

In 

*  The  Egyptians  fuppofe  a  divine  fpirit  may  pofiibly  approach  a  woman  and  pro- 
duce in  her  the  principles  of  generation  ;  but  on  the  other  fide,  that  it  is  impoflible 
lor  man  to  have  any  i'uch  intcrcourfe  with  a  goddefs.  It  is  however  altogether 
irrational,  to  believe  that  any  god  or  d<?mon  is  capable  of  a  fenfuai  love  for  human 
bodily  form  or  beauty.     Plutarch's  life  of  Numa. 

f  Jan.  io,  i66z,  three  witches  were  condemned  at  Hartford.  Feb.  34. 
After  one  ©t'  the  witches  was  hanged,  the  maid  was  well.      GcJ':  ihs  n^idde^: 

\  She  filled  deaUx  in  1692. 


24  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

In  16735  Eunice  Cole  of  Hampton  was  tried,  and  the 
jury  found  her  not  legally  guilty,  but  that  there  were 
llrong  grounds  to  fufpect  her  of  familiarity  with  the  devil. 

In  1679,  William  Morfe's  houfe,  at  Newbury,  was 
troubled  with  the  throwing  of  bricks,  ftones,  &c.  and  a 
boy  of  the  family  v/as  fuppofed  to  be  bewitched,  who  ac- 
cuied  one  of  the  neighbours  ;  and  in  1682,  the  houfe  of 
George  WaltOn,  a  Quaker,  at  Portfmouth,  and  another 
houfe  at  Salmon  falls  (both  in  New  Hampfhire)  were  at- 
tacked after  the  fame  manner. 

In  1683,  the  demons  remo\red  to  Connecticut  river 
again,  where  one  Defborough's  houfe  was  molefled  by 
an  invifible  hand,  and  a  fire  kindled,  no  body  knew  how, 
which  burnt  up  great  part  of  his  eftate  ;  and  in  1684,  Phil- 
ip Smith,  a  judge  of  the  court,  a  military  officer,  and  a 
reprefentative  of  the  town  of  Hadley,  upon  the  fame  riv- 
er, (an  hypocondriac  perfon)  fancied  himfelf  under  an 
evil  hand,  and  fufpeded  a  woman,  one  of  his  neighbours, 
and  languilhed  and  pined  away,  and  was  generally  fup- 
pofed to  be  bewitched  to  death.  While  he  lay  ill,  a  num- 
ber of  brifk  lads  tried  an  experiment  upon  the  old  wom- 
an.'  Having  dragged  her  out  of  her  houfe,  they  hung 
heit*  up  until  Ihe  was  near  dead,  let  her  down,  rolled  her 
fome  time  in  the  fnow,  and  at  lail  buried  her  in  it,  and 
there  left  her,  but  it  happened  that  ilie  furvived,  and  the 
melancholy  man  died. 

Notwithftanding  thefe  frequent  inflances  of  fuppofed 
witchcrafts,  none  had  fuffered  for  near  thirty  years,  in  the 
Mallachufetts  colony.  The  execution  of  the  affiflant  or 
counfellor's  widow  in  1655,  was  difapproved  of  by  many 
principal  perfons,  and  it  is  not  unhkely  that  her  death 
faved  the  lives  of  many  other  inferior  perfons.  But  in 
1685,  a  very  circumftantial  account  of  all  or  moH  of  the 
cafes  I  have  mentioned,  was  publifhed,  and  many  argu- 
ments were  brought  to  convince  the  country  that  they 
were  no  delufions  nor  impoftures,  but  the  effeds  of  a  fa- 
miliarity between  the  devil  and  fuch  as  he  found  fit 
for  his  inflruments  ;  and  in  1687  or  1688,  began  a  more 
alarming  initance  than  any  which  had  preceded  it.  Four 
of  the  children  of  John  Goodwin,  a  grave  man  and  a 

i^  good 

ft 


1692.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  25 

good  liver  at  the  north  part  of  Boflon,  were  generally  be- 
lieved to  be  bewitched.     I  have  often  heard  perfons  who 
were  of  the  neighbourhood  fpeak  of  the  great  confler- 
nation  it  occafioned.     The  children  were  all  remarkable 
.  for  ingenuity  of  temper,  had  been  religioufly  educated, 
and  were  thought  to  be  without  guile.     The  eldcit  was  a 
girl  of  thirteen  or  fourteen  years.     She  had  charged  a 
laundrefs  with  taking  away  fome  of  the   family  linen. 
The  mother  of  the  laundrefs  v/as  one  of  the  wild  Irifh, 
of  bad  charader,  and  gave  the  giil  harfh  language;  fooii 
after  which  Ihe  fell  into  lits,  which  were  faid  to  have  fome- 
thing  diabolical   in  them.     One  of  her  fillers  and  two 
brothers  followed  her  example,  and,  it  is  faid,  were  tor- 
mented in  the  fame  part  of  their  bodies  at  the  fame  time, 
although  kept  in  feparatc  apartments,  and  ignorant  of  on-e 
another's   complaints.     One  or  two  things  were  faid  to 
be  very  remarkable  ;  all  their  complaints  were  in  the  day 
time,  and   they  ilept  comfortably  ail  night ;    they  were 
ftruck  dead  at  the  light  of  the  aflembly's  catechifm,  Cot- 
ton's milk  for  babes,  and  fome  other  good  books,  but 
could  read  in  Oxford's  jefls,  Popidi  and  Quaker  books, 
and  the  common  prayer,  without  any  dilhculty.     Is  it 
pofTible  the  mind  of  man  fhould  be  capable  of  fuch  flrong 
prejudices  as  that  a  fufpicion  of  fraud  fhould  not  imme- 
diately arife  ?  But  attachments  to  modes  and  forms  in  re- 
ligion had  fuch  force,  that  fome   of  thefe  circumftances 
feem  rather  to  have  confirmed  the  credit  of  the  children. 
Sometimes  they  would  be  deaf,  then  dumb,  then  blind  ; 
and   fometimes  all  thefe  diforders  together  would  come 
upon  them.     Their  tongues  would  be  drawn  down  their 
throats,  then  pulled  out  upon  their  chins.     Their  jawSj, 
necks,  flioulders,  elbows  and  all  their  joints  would  appear 
to  be  difiocated,  and  they  would  make  mod  piteous  out- 
cries of  burnings,  of  being  cut  with  knives,  beat,  &c. 
and  the  marks   of  wounds  were  afterwards   to  be  feen. 
The  minifters  of  Bofton  and  Charledown  kept  a  day  of 
fading  and  prayer  at  the  troubled   houfe  ;   after  which, 
the   youngefl    child   made   no   more   complaints.     The 
others  perfevered,  and  the   magiftrates  then  interpofed, 
and  the  old  woman  was  apprehended  -,  but  upon  exam- 
VoL.  11.  C  ination 


26  THE   HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  L 

illation  would  neither  confefs  nor  deny,  and  appeared 
to  be  difordered  in  her  fenfes.  Upon  the  report  of  phy- 
licians  that  fhe  was  compos  mentis^  flie  was  executed,  de- 
claring at  her' death  the  children  iliould  not  be  relieved. 
The  eideii:,  after  this,  was  taken  into  a  miniller's  family, 
where  at  iirft  Ihe  behaved  orderly,  but  after  fome  time 
fuddeniy  fell  into  her  fits^  The  accpunt  of  her  affliClion 
is  in  print  ;  fome  things  are  mentioned  as  extraordinary, 
'which  tumblers  are  every  day  taught  to  perform  ;  others 
feem  more  than  natural ;  but  it  was  a  time  of  great  cre- 
duhty.  The  children  returned  to  their  ordinary  beha- 
viour, lived  to  adult  age,  made  profelTion  of  religion,  and 
the  afiiiction  they  had  been  under  they  pubhckly  declar- 
ed to  be  one  motive  to  it.  One  of  them  I  knew  many 
years  after.  She  had  the  character  of  a  very  fober  vir- 
tuous woman,  and  never  made  any  acknowledgment  of 
fraud  in  this  traniaciion.  The  printed  account  was  pub- 
lilhed  with  a  preface  by  Mr.  Baxter,  who  fays,  "  the  ev- 
idence is  fo  convincing,  that  he  muil  be  a  very  obdurate 
Sadducee  who  will  not  beUeve."*     It  obtained  credit  fuf- 

ficient, 

*  In  the  year  1 720,  at  Littleton,  In  the  county  of  Middlefex,  a  family  was  fup- 
pofsd  to  be  bewitched.  One  J.  B.  had  three  daughters,  of  ii,  9,  and  5  years  of  age. 
The  eldcft  was  a  forward  girl,  and  having  read  and  heard  many  ftrange  (lories,  would 
fnrprife  the  company  where  fhe  happened  to  be  with  her  manner  of  relating  them. 
Pleaied  with  the  applaufe,  Ihe  went  from  ftories  fhe  had  heard,  to  fome  of  her  own 
framing, and  lb  on  to  dreams  and  vifi.ons,and  attained  the  art  of  fwooning,and  of  being 
to  all  appearance  for  fome  time  breathlefs.  Upon  her  revival,  fhe  would  tell  of  flrange 
things  ihe  had  met  with  in  thi-.  and  other  worlds.  When  fhe  met  with  the  words,  God^ 
Chrijl,  ths  Holy  Ghojl,  in  the  bible,  Ihc  would  drop  down  with  fcarce  any  ligns  of  life  im 
her.     Strange  noUes  were  often  heard  in  and  upon  the  houfe  ;  ftones  came  down  the 

chinmey  and  did  great  mifchicf.     She  complained  of  the  fpe6lre  of  Mrs.  D y,  a 

woman  living  in  the  towji ;  and  once  the  mother  of  the  girl  ftruck  at  the  place  where 

the  faid  D y  was,  and  the  girl  faid,  Ton  havz ftruck  her  on  the  belly,  and  upon  inquiry 

it  was  found,  th?.t  D y  complained  of  a  hurt  in  her  belly  about  that  time.  An- 
other time,  the  mother  ftruck  at  a  place,  where  the  girl  faid  there  was  a  yellow-bird, 
^nd  fhe  told  her  mother  fhe  had  hit  the  fide  of  its  head  ;    and  it  again  appeared  that 

D y's  head  v/as  hurt  abou't  he  fame  time,     it  was  common  to  find  her  in  ponds 

ofw^ater,  crying  out  fhe  ihouid  oe  drowned;  fometimes  upon  the  top  of  the  houfe, 
and  fometimes  upon  the  tops  of  trees,  where  fhe  pretended  fhe  had  flown  ;  and 
fome  fancied  they  had  fcen  her  in  the  air.  There  were  often  the  marks  of  blows  and 
pinches  upon  her,  which  were  fup])ofcd  to  come  from  an  invifible  hand. 

The  fecond  daughter,  after  her  fifter  had  fucceeded  fo  well,  imitated  her  in  com- 
plaints of  D y,  and  outdid  her  in  feats  of  running  upon  the  barn,  climbing  trees, 

&ZC.  and,  what  was  mofl  furprifmg,  the  youngeft  attempted  the  fame  feats,  and  in  fume 
i;iftances  went  beyond  her  fiftcrs.  The  neighbours  agreed  they  were  under  an  evil 
hand,  and  it  was  pronounced  a  piece  of  witchcraft,  as  certain  as  that  there  ever  had 
been  any  at  Salem;  and  no  great  piins  were  taken  to  doted  the  impofture.  Phyfi- 
cians  hud  been  at  firft  employed,  but  to  no  purpofe  ;  and  afterwards  minillers  were 

called 


1692.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  27 

ficient,  together  with  other  preparatives,  to  difpofe  the 
whole  country  to  be  eafily  impofed  upon  by  the  more  ex- 
tenfive  and  more  tragical  fcene,  which  was  preiently  after 
ad:ed  at  Salem  and  other  parts  of  the  county  of  Eflex. 
Not  many  years  before,  Glanvii  publiflicd  his  witch  ftorie.^ 
in  England  ;  Perkins  and  other  Nonconformifts  were  ear- 
lier ;  but  the  great  authority  was  that  of  Sir  Matthew  Hale, 
revered  in  New  England,  not  only  for  his  knowledge  in 
the  law,  but  for  his  gravity  and  piety.  The  trial  or  the 
witches  in  Suffolk  was  publifhed  in  1 6B4.  All  theie  books 
were  in  New  England,  and  «he  conformity  between  the 
behaviour  of  Goodwin's  children  and  moft  of  the  fuppofed 
bewitched  at  Salem,  and  the  behaviour  of  thofe  in  En- 
gland, is  fo  exad:jas  to  leave  no  room  to  doubt  the  (lories 
had  been  read  by  the  New  England  perfons  themfelves, 
or  had  been  told  to  them  by  others  who  had  read  them. 
Indeed,  this  conformity,  inftead  of  giving  fufpicion,  was 
urged  in  confirmation  of  the  truth  of  both  ;  the  Old  En- 
gland demons  and  the  New  being  fo  much  alike.  The  court 
juftified  themfelves  from  books  of  law,  and  the  authorities  of 
Keble,  Dalton  and  other  lawyers,  then  of  the  firfl  character, 
who  lay  down  rules  of  convi6tion  as  abfurd  and  danger- 
ous as  any  which  were  pradtifed  in  New  England.  The 
trial   of  Richard  Hatheway,   the  inipoftor,   before   lord 

chief 

failed  to  pray  over  them,  but  without  fuccefs.     At  length  D y,  not  long  after  th« 

fuppofed  blows,  took  tb  her  bed,  and  after  fomc  time  died,  and  the  two  eldeft  girls 
ceafed  complaining  ;  the  youngeft  held  out  longer,  but  all  perfiftcd  in  it  that  there 
had  been  no  fraud.  The  eldeft,  not  having  been  baptized,  and  being  come  to  adult 
age,  defired  and  obtained  baptifm,  and  the  minifter  then  examined  her  upon  her  con- 
duft  in  the  affair,  and  fhe  perfifted  in  her  declarations  of  innocency.  In  1 728,  having 
removed  to  Medford,  fne  offered  to  join  the  church  there,  and  gave  a  fatisfaAory  ac- 
count of  herfelf  to  the  minirter  of  the  town  ;  but  he  knew  nothing  of  the  {hare  fhe  had 
in  this  tranfadion.  The  Lord's  day  before  fhe  was  to  be  admitted,  he  happened  to 
preach  from  this  text,  "  He  that  fpcakdh  'lies  Jl^all  not  efcape^  The  v/oman  fuppofed 
the  fermon  to  be  intended  for  her,  and  went  to  the  minifter,  who  told  her  nobody  had 
made  any  objection  againft  her  ;  but  being  determined  to  confefs  her  guilt,  fhe  difclof- 
ed  the  fraud  of  herfelf  and  her  filters,  and  defired  to  make  a  public  acknov/ledgment 
in  the  face  of  the  church;  afid  accordingly  did  fo.  The  two  fillers,  feeing  her  pitied, 
hLid  become  a<5tors  alfo  with  her,  without  being  moved  to  it  by  her ;  but  v.-hen  fhe  law 
them  follow  her,  they  all  joinedln  the  fecrct  and  a<5ted  in  concert.  They  had  co 
particular  fpitc  againft  D y  ;  but  it  was  neceffary  to  accufe  fomebody,  and  the  eld- 
eft having  pitched  upon  her,  the  reft  followed.  The  woman's  complaints,  about  the 
fame  time  the  girl  pretended  flie  wasitruck,  proceeded  from  other  caufes,  which  were 
not  then  properly  inquired  into.  Once,  at  lealt,  they  were  in  great  danger  of  bcinj 
detected  in  their  tricks ;  but  the  grounds  of  fufpicion  were  overlooked,  through  tiie 
indulgenc'i  and  credulity  of  their  parents.  M,  S.  of  fht  R^-j,  Mr.  Tvrd'.^  ninifttr  tj 
M.'dfard. 

C    2 


£8  THE   HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  I. 

chief  juftice  Holt,  was  ten  or  twelve  years  after.  This 
vvas  a  great  difcouragement  to  profecutions  in  England 
for  witchcraft,  but  an  effedual  flop  was  not  put  to  them 
until  the  ad  of  parliament  in  the  reign  of  his  late  Majef- 
ty.*  Even  this  has  not  wholly  cured  the  common  people, 
and  we  hear  of  old  women  ducked  and  cruelly  murdered 
within  thefe  lad  twenty  years.  Reproach,  then,  for  hang- 
ing witches,  although  it  has  been  often  call  upon  the  peo- 
ple of  New  England  by  thofe  of  Old,  yet  it  mull  have 
been  done  with  an  ill  grace.  The  people  of  New  England 
were  of  a  grave  call,  and  hr.^  long  been  difpofed  to  give  a 
ferious,  folemn  conltruclion  even  to  common  events  in 
providence;  but  in  Old  England,  the  reign  of  Charles  the 
Second  was  as  remarkable  for  gaiety  as  any  whatfoever, 
and  for  fcepticifm  and  infideHty  as  any  which  preceded  it. 
Sir  William  Phips,  the  governor,  upon  his  arrival,  fell 
in  with  the  opinion  prevailing.  Mr.  Stoughton,  the  lieu» 
tenant-governor,  upon  whole  judgment  great  flrefs  was 
laid,  had  tal^en  up  this  notion,  that  although  the  devil 
might  appear  in  the  fhape  of  a  guilty  perfon,  yet  he  would 
never  be  permitted  to  aflume  the  Ihape  of  an  innocent 
perfon.f     This  opinion,  at  firfl,  was  generally  received. 

Some 

*  I  rcmeir.'ber  to  have  heard  a  gentleman,  who  in  other  refpeds  was  very  fenfible, 
exprefs  his  furprife  upon  the  firfl:  news  of  this  a6l.  The  parliament,  he  faid,  had  ia 
cfFecft  declared  that  there  were  no  evil  fpirits ;  he  was  afraid  they  would  declare  by 
i-TiOthev  aCl  that  there  are  no  good  ones. 

Frmn  1694  to  1701,  there  were  ii  perfons  tried  for  witches  before  lord  chief  juf- 
tice  Holt,  all  of  whom  were  acquitted.  In  Scotland  feven  were  executed  for  witches 
in  1697,  upon  the  teftimony  of  one  girl  about  1 1  years  old. 

t  "  A  gentleman  of  more  than  ordinary  underftanding,  learning  and  experience, 
dcfired  me  to  write  to  New  England  about  your  trials  and  conviAions  of  witched, 
not  being  fdtisf.ed  with  the  evidence  upon  which  forae  who  have  been  executed  were 
found  guilty  ;  he  told  me,  that  in  the  time  of  the  great  reformation  parHamcnt,  a 
certain  perfon  or  perfons  hud  a  commiffion  to  difcover  and  profecute  witches.  Upoti 
thefe  profecutions  many  were  executed,  in  at  leafl;  one  county  in  England,  until,  at 
length,  a  gentleman  of  eftate  and  of  great  chara61:er  for  piety  was  accufed,  which 
put  an  end  to  the  commiflion,  and  the  judges,  upon  a  re-hearing,  reverfed  many  of 
the  judgments ;  but  many  lives  had  been  taken  away.  All  that  I  fpeak  with  much 
wonder  that  any  man,  much  lefs  a  man  of  fuch  abilities,  learning  and  experience  as 
Mr.  Stoughton,  fhould  take  up  a  pcrfuafjon,  that  the  devil  cannot  aflum.e  the  like- 
nefs  of  an  innocent,  to  aflli(^  another  perfon.  In'my  opinion,  it  is  a  perfuafion  ut- 
terly deflitute  of  any  folid  reafon  to  render  it  fo  much  as  probable,  and  befides,  con- 
tradlvSlory  to  many  inftances  of  fads  in  hiilory.  If  you  think  good,  you  may  ac- 
quaint Air.  Stoughton  and  the  other  judges  with  what  I  write."     Letter  from  London 

io  Inc.  Mather,  J.in,  9,  1 69 2-3. 

I  fuppcfc  the  long  parHament  muft  be  intended  by  the  great  reformation  parh'a- 
ment,  fur  in  1644,  1645  and  1646,  one  Matthew  Hopkins  went  frona  place  to  place 

to 


1692.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  29 

Some  of  the  mod  religious  women  v.  ho  were  accufed, 
when  they  faw  the  appearance  of  diftrefs  and  tortuic  in 
their  accufers,  and  heard  their  folemn  declarations,  that 
they  faw  the  fliapes  or  fpeflres  of  the  accufed  afBiding 
them,  perfuaded  themfelves  they  were  witches,  and  that 
the  devil,  fomehow  or  other,  although  they  could  not  re- 
member how  or  when,  had  taken  pofTefTion  of  their  evil 
hearts,  and  obtained  fonie  fort  of  aflent  to  his  afflicting  in 
their  fnapes  ;  and. thereupon  they  thought  they  might  h;i 
juftified  in  confefTmg  themfelves  guilty. 

It  feems,  at  this  day,  with  fome  people,  perhaps  but 
few,  to  be  the  queftion,  whether  the  accufed  or  the  affii6t- 
ed  were  under  a  preternatural  or  diabolical  pofTefTion, 
rather  than  whether  the  afflicled  v/ers  under  bodily  dif- 
tempers,  or  altogether  guilty  of  fraud  and  impofture.  As 
many  of  the  original  examinations  have  fallen  into  my 
hands,  it  may  be  of  fervice  to  reprefent  this  affair  in  a 
more  full  and  impartial  light  than  it  has  yet  appeared  to 
the  world. 

In  February  169 1-2,  a  daughter  and  a  niece  of  Mr. 
Paris,  the  minifter  of  Salem*  village,  girls  of  ten  or  elev- 
en years  of  age,  and  two  other  girls  in  the  neighbour- 
hood, made  the  fame  fort  of  complaints  as  Goodv/in's 
children  had  made  two  or  three  years  before.  The  phy- 
ficlans,  having  no  other  way  of  accounting  for  the  dif- 
order,  pronounced  them  bewitched.  An  Indian  woman, 
who  was  brought  into  the  country  from  New  Spain,  and 

then 

to  find  out  witches.  Mr.  Baxter  fays  a  great  nun-.ber  were  liarg^d  by  his  difcovcry, 
and  that  Mr.  Calamy  went  along  with  the  judges  to  hear  the  confefri:Dn?,  and  to  fee 
that  there  was  no  fraud  or  wrong  done.  Hopkins  fearchcd  for  teats,  fjt  feme  t'.p'^r. 
frools  or  tables  crofs-legged,  and  kept  them  twenty  four  hours  without  meat  or  drink, 
within  which  time  it  was  faid  their  imps  would  come  and  fuck ;  others  he  tried  by 
fwimming  them,  and  at  length  ralfed  the  indignation  of  certain  gentlemen,  who 
caufed  him  to  be  feized,  and  his  hands  and  feet  being  tied,  to  be  thrown  into  the 
water,  where,  fortunately  for  him,  he  was  proved  to  be  a  witch  or  wizard  himfelf, 
by  his  fwimming  or  floating  upon  the  water.  The  country  was  cleared  of  him,  and 
fome  lamented  that  the  experiment  had  not  been  made  fooner. 

*  Dbuglafs  in  his  funamary  fays,  "  In  Salem  and  its  neighbonrhmd,  enthufiafln 
and  other  nervous  diforders  feem  to  be  endemial  ;  it  was  the  feat  of  the  New  Eng- 
land witchcraft,  anno  1692."  I  queftion  v/hether  he  had  any  ctl  -r  found.itior  for 
this  remark  than  merely  this  fcene  of  V.-itchcraft,  which  muft  be  confidcred  a;  the 
diitemper  of  the  country  in  general,  rather  than  of  any  particular  tinvn  or  county  : 
and  had  Mr.  Paris's  family  lived  in  any  other  part  of  the  province,  perhaps  the  n^igk- 
bourhood  would  have  been  as  much  infccfted  ;  and  no  impreiTion  ought  to  be  made 
to  the  difadvantage  of  a  town  the  moil  an:icnt,  zn^  at  this  day  the  fecond  in  rank 
^vitkin  the  province,  and  upon  other  accounts  juftly  refpeiflable. 


39      '  THE   HISTORY    OF  .  [Chap.  L 

then  lived  with  Mr.  Paris,  t:ried  fome  experiments  which 
flie  pretended  to  be  ufed  to  in  her  own  country,  in  or- 
der to  find  out  the  witch.  This  coming  to  the  children's 
knowledge,  they  cried  out  upon  the  poor  Indian,  as  ap- 
pearing to  them,  pinching,  pricking  and  tormenting 
them  ;•  and  fell  into  fits.  Tituba,  the  Indian,  acknowL 
edged  that  fhe  had  learned  how  to  find  out  a  witch,  but 
denied  that  fhe  was  qne  herfelf.  Several  private  falls 
Vere  kept  at  the  minifter's  houfe,  and  feveral,  more  pub- 
lic, by  the  whole  village,  and  then  a  general  fafl  through 
the  colony,  to  feek  to  God  to  rebiike  Satan,  &c.  So 
much  notice  taken  of  the  children,  together  with  the  pity 
and  compalTion  expreffed  by  thofe  who  vifited  them,  not 
only  tended  to  confirm  them  in  their  defign,  but  to  draw 
others  ^nto  the  Hke.  Accordingly,  the  number  of  the 
complainants  foon  increafed,  and  among  them  there  were 
two  or  three  worsen,  aiid  fonie  girls  old  enough  for  wit- 
peffes.  Thefe  had  their  fits  too,  and  when  iu  them  cri- 
ed out,  not  only  againfl  Tituba,  but  againll  Sarah  OjT- 
burn,  a  melancholy  diftrafted  old  woman,  and  Sarah 
Good,  another  old  woman  who  was  bed-rid.  Tituba,  at 
length,  confeiTecl  herfelf  a  witch,  and  that  the  two  old 
women  were  ber  confederates  ;  and  they  were  all  commit^ 
ted  to  prifon  ;  and  Tituba,  upon  fe^rch,  was  found  to  have 
fears  upon  her  back  which  were  galled  the  devil's  mark, 
but  might  as  well  have  been  fuppofed  thofe  of  her  Span- 
ifh  mafter.  "JThis  ccmmitment  was  on  the  ill  of  March. 
About  three  weeks  after,  two  other  women,  of  good 
chara«^l:ers  and  church  members,  Corey  and  Nurfe,  were 
complained  of  and  brought  upon  their  examinaton  ; 
when  thefe  children  fell  into  fits,  and  the  mother  of  one 
of  them,  and  wife  of  Thomas  Putman,  joined  with  the 
vhildren  and  cornplained  of  Nurfe  as  tormenting  her ; 
and  made  m.oil:  terrible  fhrieks,  to  the  amazement. of  all 
the  neighbourhood.  The  old  women  denied  every 
thing  ;  but  were  fent  to  prifon  :  and  fuch  was  the  infat- 
uation, that  a  child  of  Sarah  Good,  about  four  or  five 
years  old,  was  committed  alfo,  being  charged  with  biting 
fome  of  the  afilidled  who  fhewed  the  print  of  fmall  teeth 
on  their  arms.     On  April  3d,  Mr.  Paris  took  for  his  text, 

''  Have 


1692.3  MASSACHUSETTS.  31 

"  Have  not  I  chofai  you  tzcehe,  afid  o?ie  of  you  is  a  dtvil." 
Sarah  Cloyfe,  iuppofing  it  to  be  occalioned  by  Nurfe's 
cafe,  who  was  her  filter,  went  out  of  meeting;.  She  was 
prefently  after  complained  of  for  a  witch,  examined  and 
committed.  EUzabeth  Prowler  was  charged  about  the 
fame  time. — Her  hufband,  as  every  good  huiband  would 
have  done,  accompanied  her  to  her  examination,  but  it 
coft  the  poor  man  his  Hfe.  Some  of  the  afBicted  cried 
out  upon  him  alfo,andthey  were  both  committed  to  prifon. 

Inftead  of  fufpeding  and  fitting  the  v/itnelfes,  and  fuf- 
fering  them  to  be  crofs-examined,  the  authority,  to  fay 
no  more,  were  imprudent  in  making  ufe  of  leading  quef- 
tions,  and  thereby  putting  words  into  their  mouths  or 
fuffering  others  to  do  it.  Mr.  Paris  was  over  ofiicious ; 
mod  of  the  examinations,  although  in  the  prefence  of  one 
or  more  of  the  magiftrates,  were  taken  by  him.  Tho 
following  examinations  of  feveral  of  the  accufed,  mav 
ferve  as  fpecimens,  they  being  genei:ally  made  in  the  iamc 
manner. 

"  AT  a  court  held  at  Salem,  nth  April,  169*2,  by  the 
honourableThomasDanforth,  deputy  governor.  Q^  John,* 
who  hurt  you  ?  A.  Goody  Prodier  firft,  and  then  Goody- 
Cloyfe.  C^  What  did  Ihe  do  to  you?  A.  She  brought 
the  book  to  me.  Q^  John  !  tell  the  truth,  who  hurts  you  ?' 
Have  you  been  hurt  ?  A.  The  firft  was  a  gentlev/oman. 
I  faw.  (^  Who  next  ?  A.  Goody  Cloyfe.  (^  But  who 
hurt  you  next  ?  A.  Goody  Procter.  (^  What  did  fhe  do 
to  you  ?  A.  She  choaked  me,  and  brought  the  book. 
C^  How  oft  did  file  come  to  torment  you  ?  A.  A  good 
many  times,  flie  and  Goody  Cloyfe.  Qj^  Do  thev  come  to 
you  in  the  night  as  well  as  the  day  ^  A.  They  come  moit 
in  the  day.  Q^  Who  ?  A.  Goody  Cloyfe  and  Goody 
Procter.  Q^  Where  did  flie  take  hold  of  you  ?  A.  Upon 
my  throat,  to  (top  my  breath.  (X  Do  you  know  Goody 
Cloyfe  and  Goody  Procter?  A.  Yes,  here  is  Goody 
Cloyfe.  (Cloyfe)  When  did  I  hurt  thee  .^  A.  A  great- 
many  times.  (Cloyfe)  Oh  !  you  are  a  grievous  liar. 
Q^  What  did  this  Goody  Cloyfe  do  to  you  ?  A.  She 
pinched  and  bit  me  till  the  blood  came.     Q^  How  long 

fmcc 

*  This  was  Tituba's  hufband,  who  feems  to  have  been  n  running  fellow,  and  tu 
avoid  being  accufed  joined  with  the  afSidcd. 


-32  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  I. 

fmce  this  woman  came  and  hurt  you  ?    A.  Yefterday  at 
meeting.     Q^  At  any  time  before  ?  A.  Yes^  a  great  many 
times.     Q^  Mary  Walcot !    who  hurts  you  ?  A.  Goody 
Cloyfe.     CX^  What  did  fhe  do    to  you  ?    A.  She  hurt  me. 
(^  13id  fhe  bring  the  book  ?    A.  Yes.     Q^  What  was  you 
to  do  with  it  ?    A.  To  touch  it,  and  be  well. — Then  fhe 
'  fell  into  a  fit.    (^  Doth  fhe  corns  alone  ?    A.    Sometimes 
alone,  and  fometimes  in  company  with  Goody  Nurfe  and 
Goody  Corey,  and  a  great  many  I  do  not  know. — Then 
ihe  fell  into  a  fit  again.     Q.  Abigail  Williams !  did  you 
fee  a  company  at  Mr.  Paris's  houfe  eat  and  drink  ?  A.  Yes 
Sir,   that  was  %their  facrament.      (^   How  many  were 
there  ?    A.  About  forty,  and  Goody  Cloyfe  and  Goody 
Good  were  their  deacons.     Q^  What  was  it  ?    A.  They 
faid  it  was  our  blood,  and  they  had  it  twice  that  day, 
C).  Mary  Walcot !  have  you  feen  a  v/hite  man  ?  A.  Yes 
Sir,  a  great  many  tim^es.     Q^  What  fort  of  a  man  was  he  ? 
A.  A  fine  grave  man,  and  when  he  came,   he  made  all 
the  witches  to  tremble.     Abigail  Williams  confirmed  the 
fame,  and  that  they  had  fuch  a  fight  at  deacon  Ingerfoll's, 
Q.    Who    was  at  deacon  Ingerfoll's  then  ?    A.   Goody 
Cloyfe,  Goody  Nurfe,  Goody  Corey,  and  Goody  Good. 
Then  Sarah  Cloyfe  afked  for  v/ater,  and  fat  down  as  one 
feized  with  a  dying  fainting  fit ;  and  feveral   of  the  af- 
fiided  fell  into  fits,   and  fome  of  them  cried  out,   Oh  ! 
her  fpirit  is  gone  to  prifon  to  her  filter  Nurfe.     (^  Eliz- 
abeth Profter  !  you  underfland  whereof  you  are  charged, 
viz.  to  be  guilty  of  fundry  ads  of  witchcraft ;  what  fay 
you  to  it  ?     Speak  the  truth,  and  fo  you  that  are  afflided, 
you  m.uft  fpeak  the  truth,  as  you  will  anfwer  it  before 
God  another  day.     Mary  Walcot !  doth  this  woman  hurt 
you  ?  A.  I  never  faw  her  fo  as  to  be  hurt  by.  her.     CX  Ma- 
ry Lewis !    does  flie  hurt  you  ? — Her  mouth  was  flop- 
ped.'   Q.  Ann  Putman  !  does  fhe  hurt  you  ?— She  could 
not  fpeak.     (^  Abigail  Williams !  does  fhe  hurt  you  ?— 
Her  hand  was  thruft  in  her  own  mouth.     Q^  John !  does 
fhe  hurt  you  ?    A.  This  is  the  woman  that  came  in  her 
iliift  and  choaked  m.e.     (^  Did  fhe  ever  bring  the  book  ? 
A.  Yes  Sir.     (^  What  to  do  ?  A.  To  write.    (^  What, 
this  woman?    A.^Yes  Sir.     Q.    Are  you  fure  of  it? 

A.  Yes 


1692.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  33 

A.   Yes  Sir.     Again,  Abigail  WilliarrtS  and  xlnn  Patman 
\vere  fpoke  to  by  the  court,  but  neither  of  them   could 
make  any  anfwer,   by  reafon  of  dumbncfs   or  other  fits. 
Q^  What  do  you   fay.  Goody  Profter,  to  thefe  things  ? 
A.  I  take  God  in  heaven  to  be  my  witnefs,  that  I  know 
nothing  of  it,  no  more  than  the  child  unborn.     (^  Ann 
Putman  !  doth  this  woman  hurt  you  ?  A,  Yes  Sir,  a  great 
many  times. — Then  the  accufed  looked   upon  them  and 
they  fell  into  fits.     Q^  She  does  not  bring  the  book  to 
you,   dees  flie  ?    A.  Yes  Sir,   often,  and  faith   fhe  hath 
made  her  maid  fet  her  hand  to  it.     C^  Abigail  Williams  i 
does  this  woman  hurt  you  ?  A.  Yes  Sir,  often.     O.  Does 
fhe  bring  the  book  to  you  ?  A.  Yes.     Q^  What  would 
(he  have  you  do  with  it  ?  A.  To  WTite  in  it  and  I  fhall  be 
well.     Did  not  you,  faid  Abigail,  tell  mc,  that  your  maid 
had  written  ?    (Proder)  Dear  child,  it  is  not  fo.     There 
is  another  judgment,  dear  child. — Then  Abigail  and  Ann 
had  fits.     By-and  by    they  cried'  out,   Look  you,   there 
is   Goody  Prober   upon  the  beam.      By-and-by  both  of 
them  cried   out  of  Goodman  Procter  hin^felf,   and  faid 
he  was  a  wizard.     Immediately  many,  if  not  all  of  the 
bewitched   had   grievous    fits.     Q^  />nn  Putman  !    who 
hurt  you  ?    A.  Goodman  Procter  and  his  wife  too.     Af- 
terwards, fome  of  the  afflicted  cried,  There  is   Prowler 
going  to  take  up   Mrs.  Pope's   feet ;    and  her  feet  were 
immediately  taken  up.     Q^  What  do  you  fay,  Goodman 
Procter,  to  thefe  things?  A.  I  know  not.    I  am  innocent. 
Abigail  Williams  cried   out.  There  is  Goodman  Procter 
going  to  Mrs,  Pope,  and  immediately  faid  Pope  fell  into 
a  fit.     You  fee  the  devil  vv^ill   deceive  you  ;  the  children 
could  fee  what  you  was   going  to  do  before  the  woman 
was  hurt.    I  v/ould  advife  you  to  repentance,  for  the  dev- 
il  is    bringing   you    out.     Abigail    Williams    cried    out 
again,  There  is  Goodman  Proder  going  to  hurt  Goody 
Bibber  ;  and  immediately  Goody  Bibber  fell  into  a  fir. 
There  was  the  like  of  Mary  Walcot,  and  divers   others. 
Benjamin  Gould  gave  in  his  teftimony,  that  he  had  fccn 
Goodman    Corey  and  his  wife,  Procter  and   his  wife, 
Goody  Cloyfe,  Goody  Nurfe,  and  Goody  Griggs  in  his 
chamber  lafl  Thurfday  night.     Elizabeth  Hubbard  was 

in 


54  THE   HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  I. 

5n  a  trance  during  the  whole  examination.  During  the 
examination  of  Elizabeth  Proder,  Abigail  Williams  and 
Ann  Putman  both  made  offer  to  ftrike  at  faid  Prober  ; 
but  when  Abigail's  hand  came  near,  it  opened,  whereas 
it  was  made  up  into  a  hfl  before,  and  came  down  ex- 
ceeding lightly,  as  it  drew  near  to  faid  Profter,  and  at 
length  with  open  and  extended  fingers  touched  Prober's 
hood  very  lightly.  Immediately  Abigail  cried  out,  her 
fingers,  her  fingers,  her  fingers  burned,  and  Ann  Putman 
took  on  moil  grievouily,  of  her  head,  and  funk  down." 

'^  Salcm,  Jprii  iith^  ^69,3.  Mr.  Samuel  Paris  was  de- 
fired  by  the  honourable  Thomas  Danforth,  deputy  gov- 
<'3rnor,  and  the  council,  to  take  in  writing  the  aforefaid  ex- 
aminations, and  accordingly  took  and  delivered  them  in ; 
^nd  upon  hearing  the  fame,  and  feeing  what  was  then 
ieen,  together  with  the  charge  of  the  afflided  perfons, 
^vere  by  the  advice  of  the  council  all  committed  by  us. 

John  Hawthorne,  ^  ^j^^ft,„j^_., 

No  wonder  the  whole  country  was  in  a  conflernation, 
when  perfons  of  fober  lives  and  unblemiilied  charaders 
were  committed  to  prifon  upon  fuch  fort  of  evidence. 
Nobody  was  fafe.  The  mod  efFe61:ual  way  to  prevent 
an  accufation  was  to  become  an  accufer  ;  and  according- 
ly the  number  of  the  atili£led  increafed  every  day,  and 
the  numxber  of  the  accufed  in  proportion,  who  in  general 
perfifted  in  their  innocency ;  but,  being  flrongly  urged 
to  give  glory  to  God  by  their  confellion,  aud  intimation 
being  given  that  this  was  the  only  way  to  fave  their  lives, 
•^nd  their  friends  urging  them  to  it,  fome  were  brought 
to  own  their  guilt.  The  firft  confefuon  upon  the  files 
is  of  Deliverance  Hobbs,  May  nth,  1692,  being  in  prif-r 
on.  She  owned  every  thing  fhe  was  required  to  do. 
The  confeiTions  rauliiphed  the  witches  ;  new  companions 
were  always  mentioned,  who  were  immediately  fent  for 
and  examined.  Thus  more  than  an  hundred  women, 
many  of  them  of  fair  characters  and  of  the  mofi:  reputable 
families,  in  the  towns  of  Salem,  Beverly,  Andover,  Bille- 
yica,   he.  were  apprehended,   examined,  and   generally 

committed 


jb92.j  MASSACHUSETTS.  35 

committed  to  prifon.     The  confeflions  being  much  of  the 
fume  tenor,  one  or  two  may  fervc  for  fpccimens. 

^^The  examination  and  confeffion  (Stb  Sept.  1692)  0/ 
Mary  0/good,  zvife  of  Capt,  Of^ood,  of  Andovcr^  taken  before 
jfohn  Hawthorne  and  other  their  Majejiies*  jufiicea. 
'  SHE  confcfics,  that  about  eleven  y^^ars  ago,  when  fhe 
was  in  a  melancholy  ftate  and  condition,  flie  ufed  to  wall: 
abroad  in  her  orchard  ;  and  upon  a  certain  time  fhe  faw 
the  appearance  of  a  cat,  at  the  end  of  the  houfc,  which 
yet  fhe  thought  wa^s  a  real  cat.  However,  at  that  time,  it 
diverted  her  from  praying  to  God,  and  inftead  thereof 
file  prayed  to  the  devil ;  about  which  time  fhe  made  a 
covenant  with  the  devil,  who,  as  a  black  man,  came  to 
her  and  prefented  her  a  book,  upon  which  ihe  laid  her 
finger  and  that  left  a  red  fpot :  and  that  upon  her  fignlng, 
the  devil  told  her  he  was  her  god,  and  that  (lie  fhould 
ferve  and  v^^orfhip  him,  and  flie  believes  fhe  confented  to 
it.  She  fays  further,  that  about  two  years  agone,  (lie  was 
carried  through  the  air,  in  company  with  deacon  Frye's 
wife,  Ebenezer  Baker's  wife,  and  Goody  Tyler,  to  five- 
mile  pond,  where  llie  was  baptized  by  the  devil,  who  dip- 
ped her  face  in  the  water,  and  made  her  renounce  her 
former  baptifm,  and  told  her  fhe  muft  be  his,  foul  and 
|)ody,  forever,  and  that  fhe  mud  ferve  him,  Vvhich  fhe 
promifed  to  do.  She  fiiys,  the  renouncing  her  firfl  bap- 
tifm was  after  her  dipping,  and  that  flie  was  tranfported 
back  again  through  the  air,  in  company  with  the  fore- 
named  perfons,  in  the  fame  manner  as  fhe  went,  and  be- 
heves  they  were  carried  upon  a  pole.  (^  How  many 
perfons  were  upon  the  pole  ?  A.  As  I  faid  before, 
viz.  four  perfons  and  no  more  but  whom  flie  had  named 
above.  She  confefles  fhe  has  afflided  three  perfons,  Johu 
Sawdy,  Martha  Sprague  and  Rofe  Fofler,  and  that  fhe 
4id  it  by  pinching  her  bed  clothes,  and  giving  confent  the 
devil  fhould  do  it  in  her  fhape,  and  that  the  devil  could, 
not  do  it  without  her  confent.  She  confefTes  the  affliding 
perfons  in  the  court,  by  the  glance  of  her  eye.  She  fays^ 
as  fhe'  was  coming  down  to  Salem  to  be  examined,  fhe 
and  the  reft  of  the  company  with  her  flopped  at  Mr.  Phil- 
lips's to  refrefh  themfelves,  and  the  aflli^lcd  perfons,  be- 
in^ 


36  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

ing  behind  them  upon  the  road,  came  up  juil  as  (he  was 
mounting  again,  and  were  th^n  afflided,  and  cried  out 
upon  her,  fo  thai  Ihe  was  forced  to  flay  until  they  were 
all  pad,  and  faid  fhe  only  looked  that  way  towards  them. 
O.  Do  you  know  the  devil  can  take  the  fhape  of  an  inno- 
cent perfon  and  afflid  ?    Ao  I  believe  he  cannot.     Q.  Who 
taught  you  this  way  of  witchcraft  ?    A.  Satan,  and  that  he 
promifed  her  abundance  of  fatisfaftion  and  quietncfs  in 
her  future  (late,  but  never  performed  any  thing  ;  and  that 
ihe  has  lived  more  miferably  and  more  difcontented  fmce 
than  ever  before.     She  confeffes  further,  that  fhe  herfelf, 
jn  company  with  Goody  Parker,  Goody  Tyler  and  Goody 
Dean,  had  a  meeting  at  Mofes  Tyler's  houfe,  lafl  Monday 
night,  to  afflict,  and  that  llie  and  Goody  Dean  carried  the 
ihape  of  Mr.  Dean,  the  minifler,  between  them,  to  make 
perfons  beheve  that  Mr.  Dean  afflided.     (^  What  hinder- 
ed you  from  accompUfhing  what  you  intended  ?    A.  The 
Lord   would  not  fufFer  it  fo  to  be,  that  the  devil  fhould 
affli^L  in  an  innocent  perfon's  fliape.     (^  Have  you  been 
at  any  other  witch  meetings  ?    A.  I  know  nothing  thereof, 
as  I  fhall  anfwer  in  the  prefence  of  God  and  his  people ; 
but  faid,  that  the  black  man  flood  before  her,  and  told 
her,  that  what  fhe  had  confeiTed  was  a  lie  ;  notwithfland- 
ing,  fhe  faid  that  v/hatfhe  had  confeffed  was  true,  and  there- 
to put  her  hand.     Her  hufband  beijig  prefent  was  aO:ed,  if 
he  judged  his  wife  to  be  any  way  difcompofed.     He  an- 
fwered,  that  having  Hved  with  her  fo  long,  he  doth  not 
judge  her  to  be  any  ways  difcompofed,  but  has  caufe  to 
believe  what  fhe  has  faid  is  true.     When  Miftrefs  Ofgood 
was  firfl:  called,  fhe  afflided  Martha  Sprague  and  Rofe 
Fofler  by  the  glance  of  her  eyes,  and  recovered  them  out 
of  their  fits  by  the  touch  of  her  hand.     Mary  Lacey  and 
Betty  Johnfon  and  Hannah  Pofl  faw  Miflrefs  Ofgood  ^f- 
fliding  Sprague  and  Fofter.     The  faid  Hannah  Pofl  and 
Mary  Lacey  and  Betty  Johnfon,  jun.  and  Rofe  Fofler  and 
Mary  Richardfon  were  afflided  by  Miflrefs  Ofgood,  in 
the  time  of  their  examination,  and  recovered  by  her  touch- 
ing of  their  hands, 

"  I  underwritten,  being"  appointed  by  authority  to  take 
this  examination,  do  teflify  upon  oath,  taken  in  court,  that 

this 


1692.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  37 

this  is  a  true  copy  of  the  fubflance  of  it,  to  the  befl  of  my 
knowledge,  5th  Jan.  1692-3.  The  within  Mary  Ofgood 
was  examined  before  their  Majefties'  jullices  of  the  peace 
in  Salem.  Atteft.     'John  Higginfon^  Jult.  Pac.'' 

A  miferable  negro  woman,  charged  by  fome  of  the  girls 
with  affliding  them,  confelTed,  but  was  cunning  enough  to 
bring  the  greatefl  fhare  of  the  guilt  i>pon  her  miflrefs. 

**  Salem,  Monday,  July  4,  1692.  The  examination  of 
Candy ^  a  negro  ijuoman^  before  Bartholomew  Gedney  and  John 
Hawthorne^  Efq*rs.  Mr.  Nicholas  Noyes  alfo  pre/bit. 

"  Q^  CANDY  !  are  you  a  w^itch  ?  A.  Candy  no  witch 
in  her  country.  Candy's  mother  no  witch.  Candy  no 
witch,  Barbados.  This  country,  miflrefs  give  Candy 
witch.  Q^  Did  your  miftrefs  make  you  a  witch  in  this 
country  ?  A.  Yes,  in  this  country  miilrefs  give  Can- 
dy witch.  Q^  What  did  your  miftrefs  do  to  make  you  a 
witch  ?  A.  Miflrefs  bring  book  and  pen  and  ink,  make 
Candy  write  in  it.  Q^  What  did  you  write  in  it  ? — She 
took  a  pen  and  ink,  and  upon  a  book  or  paper  made  a 
mark.  Q^  How  did  you  affli£l  or  hurt  thefe  folks,  where 
are  the  puppets  you  did  it  with  ?■ — She  alked  to  go  out 
of  the  room  and  fhe  would  (liew  or  tell ;  upon  which  flie 
had  hberty,  one  going  with  her,  and  fhe  prefently  brought 
in  two  clouts,  one  with  two  knots  tied  in  it,  the  other  one  ; 
which  being  feen  by  Mary  Warren,  Deliverance  Hobbs 
and  Abigail  Hobbs,  they  were  greatly  affrighted,  and 
fell  into  violent  fits  ;  and  all  of  them  faid  that  the  black 
man  and  Mrs.  Hawkes  and  the  negro  flood  by  the  puppets 
or  rags  and  pinched  them.,  and  then  they  were  alBided, 
and  when  the  knots  were  untied  yet  they  continued  as 
aforefaid.  A  bit  of  one  of  the  rags  being  fet  on  fire,  the 
afHi6led  all  faid  they  were  burned,  and  cried  out  dreadful- 
ly. The  rags  being  put  into  water,  two  of  the  aforenamed 
perfons  were  in  dreadful  fits  almoftchoaked,  and  the  other 
was  violently  running  down  to  the  river,  but  w^as  flopped. 
Attefl.     John  Hazvthorne,  Jufl.  Peace." 

Mrs.  Hawkes,  the  miflrefs,  had  no  other  way  to  fave 
her  life  but  to  confefs  alfo. 

Mr.  Hale,  the  minifler  of  Beverly,  who  has  the  charac- 
ter of  an  impartial  relator,  acknowledges  that  the  confef- 

fors 


38  THE   HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  I. 

fors  generally  went  off  from  their  confefllons ;  fome  fay- 
ing they  remembered  nothing  of  what  they  had  faid,  others 
that  they  had  belied  themfelves,  &c.  but  he  thinks,  if  the 
times  had  been  calm,  the  condition  of  the  confeflbrs  might 
have  called  for  a  melius  inquirendum  ;  and  thiiiks  it  remark- 
able that  children  and  grandchildren  fliould  confirm  their 
parents'  and  grandparents' confeiTion,in[lancing  in  the  cafe 
of  Goody  Fofter,  her  daughter  Mary  Laeey,  and  grand 
daughter  Mary  Lacey,  jun.  ^and  that  other  children  fiiould 
accufe  their  own  parents,  as  in^  the  cafe  of  Richard 
Carrier,  a  lad  of  eighteen  years  of  age.  Thefe  con- 
feffions  are  preferved,  and  a  few  extradls  from  themi 
will  ihew  they  were  forced  from  them,  through  fear  6f 
iofmg  their  lives  if  they  refufed ;  and  their  fear,  in  fome,- 
was  fo  great  as  to  difordcr  their  brains,  and  they  fcarce 
knew  what  they  faid. 

*'  2 1  ft  July,  1 692.  BeforB  Major  Gidney^  Mr,  Hawthorne:, 
Mr,  Corwin  and  Capt,  Higgw/on. 

"  (^  GOODY  Fofter  !  you  remember  we  have  three 
times  fpoken  with  you,  and  do  you  now  remember  what, 
you  then  confeffed  to  us  ?  You  have  been  engaged  in  very 
great  wickednefs,  and  fome  have  been  left  to  hardnefs  of 
heart  to  deny ;  but  it  feems  that  God  will  give  you  more 
favour  than  others,  inafmuch  as  you  relent.  But  your 
daughter  here  hath  confeffed  fome  things  that  you  did 
not  tell  us  of*  Your  daughter  was  with  you  and  Goody 
Carrier,  when  you  did  ride  upon  the  ftick.  A.  I  did  not 
know  it.  (^  How  long  have  you  known  your  daughter 
to  be  engaged  ?  A.  I  cannot  tell,  nor  have  I  any  knowl- 
edge of  it  at  all.  Q.  Did  you  fee  your  daughter  at  the 
meeting  ?  A.  No.  Q^  Your  daughter  faid  ihe  was  at  the 
witches  meeting,  and  that  you  yourfelf  ftood  at  a  diftance 
off  and  did  not  partake  at  that  meeting ;  and  you  faid  fo 
alfo ;  give  us  a  relation  from  the  beginning  until  now. 
A.  I  know  none  of  their  names  that  were  there,  but  only 
Goody  Carrier.  CX  Would  you  know  their  faces  if  you 
faw  them  ?  A.  I  cannot  tell.  Q^  Were  there  not  two 
companies  in  the  field  at  the  fame  time  ?  A.  I  remember 
no  more.  Mary  Warren,  one  of  the  afHided,  faid  that 
Goody  Carrier's    ihape  told  her,  that  Goody  Fofter  had 

made 


1692.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  ^f 

made  her  daughter  a  witch. Q^.  Do  not  you  acknowl- 
edge that  you  did  fo  about  thirteen  years  ago  ?  A.  No^ 
and  I  know  no  more  of  my  daughter's  being  a  witch  than 
what  day  I  ihall  die  upon.  (^  Are  you  wiihng  your 
daughter  fhould  make  a  full  and  free  confeilion  ?  A.  Yes. 
Q^  Are  you  willing  to  do  fo  too  ?  A.  Yes.  Q^  You  cannot 
exped  peace  of  confcience  without  a  free  conleflion.  A.  If 
I  knew  any  thing  more,  I  would  fpeak  it  to  the  utmoft.- 
Goody  Lacey,  the  daughter,  called  in,  began  thus  ;  Oh  ! 
mother  !  how  do  you  do  ?  We  have  left  Chriit,  and  the 
devil  hath  gat  hold  of  us.  How^  Ihall  I  get  rid  of  this- 
evil  one  ?  I  defire  God  to  break  my  rocky  heart  that  I 
may  get  the  vidory  this  time.  (^  Goody  Foller  !  you 
cannot  get  rid  of  this  fnare,  your  heart  and  mouth  is  not 
open.  A.  I  did  not  fee  the  devil,  I  was  praying  to  the 
Lord.  (^  What  Lord  ?  A.  To  God.  O^  What  God 
do  witches  pray  to  ?  A.  I  cannot  tell,  the  Lord  help  me, 
Q^  Goody  Lacey !  had  you  no  difcourfe  with  your  mo- 
ther when  riding  ?  A.  No,  I  think  I  had  not  a  word. 
Q^  Who  rid  foremofl  on  that  flick  to  the  village  ?  A.  I 
fuppofe  my  mother.  Goody  Fofter  faid,  that  Goody 
Carrier  was  foremofl.  (^  Goody  Lacey !  how  many 
years  ago  lince  they  were  baptized  ?  A.  Three  ot  four 
years  ago,  I  fuppofe.  Q^  Who  baptized  them  ?  A.  The 
old  ferpent.  Q^  How'did  he  do  it  ?  A.  He  dipped  their 
heads  in  the  w^ater,  faying,  they  were  his,  and  that  he  had 
power  over  them.  (^  Where  was  this  ?  A.  At  FalPs- 
river.  Q^  How  many  were  baptized  that  day  ?  A.  Some 
of  the  chief;  I  think  there  were  fix  baptized.  Q^  Name 
them.  A.  I  think  they  were  of  the  higher  powers.* 
Mary  Lacey,  the  grand-daughter,  was  brought  in,  and 
Mary  Warren  fell  into  a  violent  fit.  Q^  How  dare  you 
'come  in  here,  and  bring  the  devil  with  you,  to  afllict  thefc 
poor  creatures  ?  Lacey  laid  her  hand  on  Warren's 
arm,  and  fhe  recovered  from  her  fit.  Q.  You  are  here 
accufed  of  pradifmg  witchcraft  upon  Goody  Ballard  ; 
which  way  do  you  do  it  ?  A.  I  cannot  tell.  Where  is  my 
mother  that  made  me  a  witch,  and  I  knew  it  not  r  Q^  Can 
you  look  upon  that  maid,  Mary  Warren,  and  not  hurt 

her  ? 

*  k  was  time  t«  ftop. 


40  THE    HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  L 

her  ?  Look  upon  her  in  a  friendly  way.  She,  trying  fo 
to  do,  ftruck  her  down  with  her  eyes.  Q^  Do  you  ac- 
knowledge now  you  are  a  witch  ?  A.  Yes.  Q^  How  long 
have  you  been  a  witch  ?  A.  Not  above  a  week.  (^  Did 
the  devil  appear  to  you  ?  A.  Yes.  Q^  In  what  Ihape  ? 
A.  In  the  fhape  of  a  horfe.  Q^  What  did  he  fay  to  you  ? 
A.  He  bid  me  not  to  be  afraid  of  any  thing,  and  he  would 
not  bring  me  out,  but  he  has  proved  a  har  from  the  be- 
ginning. CX  "When  was  this  ?  A.  I  know  not ;  above  a 
week.  Q^  Did  you  fet  your  hand  to  the  book  ?  A.  No, 
Q^  Did  he  bid  you  worfliip  him  ?  A.  Yes ;  he  bid  me 
alio  aiTii£t  perfons.  You  are  now  in  the  way  to  obtain 
mercy  if  you  will  confefs  and  repent.  She  faid,  The 
Lord  help  me.  (^  Do  not  you  defire  to.  be  faved  by 
Chriil  ?  A.  Yes.  Then  you  mud:  confefs  freely  what 
you  know  in  this  matter.  She  then  proceeded.  I  was  in 
bed,  and  the  devil  came  to  me,  and  bid  m.e  obey  him  and 
I  Ihould  want  for  nothing,  and  he  v/ould  not  bring  m^e 
out.  Q^  But  hovv^  long  ago?  A.  A  little- more  than  a 
year.  C)^  Was  that  the  firll:  time  ?  A.  Yes.  Q^  How 
long  was  you  gone  from  your  father,  Vv'hen  you  ran  away  ? 
A.  Two  days.  Q^  Where  had  you  your  food  ?  A.  At 
John  Stone's.  (^  Did  the  devil  appear  to  you  then, 
when  you  was  abroad  ?  A.  No,  but  he  put  fuch  thoughts 
in  my  mind  as  not  to  obey  my  parents.  CX  Who  did  the 
devil  bid  you  affli6l  ?  A.  Timothy  Swan.  Richard  Car- 
rier comes  often  a-nights  and  has  me  to  affli6l  perfons. 
(^  Where  do  ye  go  ?  A.  To  Goody  Ballard's  fome- 
times.  Q^  How  many  of  you  were  there  at  a  time  ? 
A.  Richard  Carrier  and  his  mother,  and  my  mother  and 
grandmother.  Upon  reading  over  the  confelTion  fo  far. 
Goody  Lacey,  the  mother,  ov/ned  this  lad  particular. 
(^  How  many  more  witches  are  there  in  A^ndover  ? 
A.    I  know  no  more,  but  Richard  Carrier.'^ 

Carrier,  at  firll,  denied  all,  but  was  followed  until  he 
was  brought  to  accufe  his  mother,  much  in  the  fame  man- 
ner with  Fofler's  daughter  and  grand-daughter. 

It  is  urged  by  the  writers  of  that  day,  as  a  principal 
part  of  the  evidence  againft  Mr.  Burroughs,  the  mnnifter, 
that  feven  or  eight  of  the  confelTors  witneiTed   againft 

him. 


1692.3  MASSACHUSETTS.  41 

him.     It  will  appear  from  the  examinations,  that  the  con- 
feffion  was  drawn  from  the  examinants  by  the  court. 

"  (^  Mary  Lacey  !  was  there  not  a  man  alfo  among 
you  at  your  meeting  ?  A.  None  but  the  devil.  Q^  What 
fhape  was  the  devil  in  then  ?  A.  He  was  a  black  man, 
and  had  a  high-crowned  hat.  Q^  Your  mother  and  your 
grandmother  fay,  there  was  a  minifter  there.  How  many 
men  did  you  fee  there  ?  A.  I  faw  none  but  Richard  Car- 
rier. Q^  Did  you  fee'  none  elfe  ?  A.  There  was  a  min- 
ifter there,  and  I  think  he  is  now  in  prifon.  Q^  Were 
there  not  two*  minifters" there  ?  A.  Cannot  tell.  C^  Was 
there  not  one  Mr.  Burroughs  there  ?     A.  Yes." 

Carrier's  examination  is  in  this  manner  ;  the  quefllons 
are  omitted.     "  We  met  in  a  green  which  was  the  min- 

ifter's  paiture — — We  were  in  two  companies  at  lafl^ > 

I  think  there  was  a  fevv^  men  with  them 1  heard  Sarah 

Good  talk  of  a  minifter  or  two One  of  them  was  he 

that  has  been  at  the  eaflward,  his  name  is  Burroughs, 
and  is  a  little  man.     I  remember  not  the  other's  name." 

Margaret  Jacobs  had  been  brought  to  accufe  herfelf, 
and  then  to  charge  Burroughs,  the  minider,  and  her  own 
grandfather ;  but,  flruck  with  horror,  chofe  to  lofe  her 
own  life  rather  than  perlifl  in  her  confefFion ;  and  beg- 
ged forgivenefs  of  Burroughs  before  his  execution,  who 
is  faid  to  have  freely  forgiven  her ;  and  recanted  all  fhe 
had  faid  againfh  her  grandfather,  but  in  vain  as  to  his  life. 
Her  own  Hfe  was  faved  by  a  diforder  in  her  head,  which 
prevented  her  trial  at  the  firfl  court ;  but  before  the  next 
court,  fhe  made  a  formal  recantation  of  all  fhe  had  con- 
feffed,  and  delivered  it  to  the  judges. 

"  The 

*  Mr.  Deane,  one  of  the  minifters  of  Attdover,  then  near  fourfcore,  feems  to  have 
heen  in  danger.  He  is  tenderly  touched  in  feveral  of  the  examinations,  which  might 
he  owing  to  a  fair  charader,  and  he  may  be  one  of  the  perfons  accufed,  who  caufed 
a  difcourageraent  to  further  profccutions.  "  Deliverance  Deane  being  alked  why 
fne  and  the  reft  brought  in  Mr.  Deane  as  affliding  pcrfon?,  fhe  anfwered,  it  was 
Satan's  fubtilty,  for  he  told  her  he  would  put  a  fham  upon  all  thefe  things,  and 
make  people  believe  that  he  did  afflisft.  She  faid  Mrs.  Ofgood  and  fhe  gave  their 
confent  the  devil  fhould  bring  Mr.  Deane's  fliape  to  afflicl.  Being  aflced  again  if 
Mrs.  Ofgood  and  fhe  aded  this  bufmefs,  fhe  faid  yes,"  Mr.  Deant  wa*  much  be- 
holden to  this  woman. 

Vol,  II.  D  , 


42  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

"  The  humble  declaration  of  Margaret  Jacobs  unto  the 
honoured  court  now  fitting  at  Saleniyjhezveth^ 

"  THAT  whereas  your  poor  and  humble  declarant  be- 
ing clofely  confined  here  in  Salem  gaol  for  the  crime  of 
witchcraft,  which  crime,  thanks  be  to  the  Lord,  I  am  al- 
together ignorant  of,  as  will  appear  at  the  great  day  of 
judgment.  May  it  pleafe  the  honoured  court,  I  was  cried 
out  upon  by  fome  of  the  polTeired  perfons,  as  aifliding 
them  ;  whereupon  I  was  brought  to  my  examination, 
which  perfons  at  the  fight  of  me  fell  down,  which  did 
very  much  flartle  and  affright  me.  The  Lord  above 
knows  I  knew  nothing,  in  the  lead  meafure,  how  or  who 
alHicled  them  ;  they  told  me,  without  doubt  I  did,  or  elfc 
they  would  not  fail  down  at  me  ;  they  told  me  if  I  would 
not  confefs,  I  fhould  be  put  down  into  the  dungeon 
and  would  be  hanged,  but  if  I  would  confefs  I  fhould 
have  my  life ;  the  \yhich  did  fo  affright  me,  with  my 
own  vile  wicked  hearty  ta  fave  my  life  made  mc 
make  the  like  confefTion  I  did,  which  confeflion,  may  it 
pleafe  the  honoured  court,  is  altogeU^r  falfe  and  untrue^ 
The  very  firft  night  after  I  had  made  eatifeflion,  I  was  in 
fuch  horror  of  confcience  that  I  could  not  fleep,  for  fear 
the  devil  fnould  carry  me  away  for  telling  fuch  horrid  lies* 
I  was,  may  it  pleafe  the  honoured  court,  fworn  to  my 
confefTion,  as  I  underfland  fmce,  but  then,  at  that  time^ 
w^as  ignorant  of  it,  not  knowing  what  an  oath  did  mean. 
The  Lord,  I  hope*  in  whom  I  truft,  out  of  the  abundance 
of  his  mercy,  will  forgive  me  my  falfe  forfwearing  myfel£ 
What  I  faid  was  altogether  falfe,  againfl  my  grandfather^ 
and  Mr.  Burroughs,  which  I  did  to  fave  my  life  and  t» 
have  my  liberty ;  but  the  Lord,  charging  it  to  my  con* 
fcience,  made  me  in  fo  much  horror,  that  I  could  not 
contain  nlyfelf  before  I  had  denied  my  confeflion,  which 
I  did,  though  I  faw  nothing  but  death  before  me,  choofmg 
rather  death  with  a  quiet  confcience,  than  to  live  in  fuch 
horror,  which  I  could  not  fuSer.  Where,  upon  my  de- 
nying my  confefTion,  I  was  committed  to  clofe  prifon, 
where  I  have  enjoyed  more  felicity  in  fpirit  a  thoufand 
times  than  I  did  before  in  my  enlargement. 

«And 


1692.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  45 

"  And  now,  may  it  pleafe  your  honours,  your  declarant 
having,  in  part,  given  your  honours  a  delcription  of  my 
condition,  do  leave  it  to  your  honours  pious  and  judicious 
difcretions  to  take  pity  and  compalFion  on  my  young  and 
tender  years  ;  to  adt  and  do  with  me  as  the  Lord  above 
and  your  honours  fhall  fee  good,  having  no  friend  but 
the  Lord  to  plead  my  caufe  for  me  ;  not  being  guilty  in 
the  lead  meafure  of  the  crime  of  witchcraft,  nor  any  other 
fm  that  deferves  death  from  man  ;  and  your  poor  and 
humble  declarant  fhall  forever  pray,  as  fhe  is  bound  in 
duty,  for  your  honours  happinefs  in  this  life,  and  eternal 
felicity  in  the  world  to  come.  So  prays  your  honours 
declarant* 

Margaret  JacolsJ'* 

The  recantation  of  feveral  perfons  in  Andover  will 
Ihew  in  what  manner  they  w^ere  brought  to  their  confef. 
fions* 

*'  WE  whofe  names  are  underwritten,  inhabitants  of 
Andover  ;  whenas  that  horrible  and  tremendous  judg- 
ment  beginning  at  Salem  village  in  the  year  1692,  by 
fome  called  witchcraft,  firfl:  breaking  forth  at  Mr.  Paris's 
houfe,  feveral  young  perfons,  being  feemingly  afflided, 
did  accufe  feveral  perfons  for  afflicting  them,  and  many 
there  believing  it  fo  to  be,  we  being  informed  that,  if  a 
perfon  was  fick,  the  afflided  perfon  could  tell  what  or 
who  was  the  caufe  of  that  ficknefs  :  Jofeph  Ballard,  of 
Andover,  his  wife  being  Tick  at  the  fame  time,  he  either 
from  himfelf  or  by  the  advice  of  others,  fetched  two  of 
the  perfons,  called  the  affllQed  perfons,  from  Salem  vil- 
lage to  Andover,  which  was  the  beginning  of  that  dread- 
ful calamity  that  befel  us  in  Andover,  believing  the  faid 
accufations  to  be  true,  fent  for  the  faid  perfons  to  come 
together  to  the  meeting  houfe  in  Andover,  the  afflidled 
perfons  being  there.  After  Mr.  Barnard  had  been  at 
prayer,  we  were  bhndfolded,  and  Our  hands  v/ere  laid  up- 
on  the  afflicted  perfons,  they  being  in  their  fits  and  falling 
into  their  fits  at  our  coming  into  their  prefence,  as  they 
■faid ;  and  fome  led  us  and  laid  our  hands  upon  them,  and 
then  they  faid  they  were  well,  and  that  we  were  guilty  of 
affliding  them.     Whereupon  we  were  all  feized,  as  prif- 

D  2  onerS;, 


44  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

foners,  by  a  warrant  from  the  juftice  of  the  peace,  and 
forthwith  carried  to  Salem.  And,  by  reafon  of  that  fud- 
,den  furprifal,  we  knowing  ourfclves  altogether  innocent 
of  that  crime,  we  were  all  exceedingly  aftoniflied  and 
amazed,  and  conilernated  and  affrighted  even  out  of  our 
reafon  ;  and  our  nearefl  and  deareit  relations,  fjeeing  us 
in  that  dreadful  condition,  and  knowing  our  great  danger^' 
apprehended  there  was  no  other  way  to  fave  our  lives,  as 
the  cafe  was  then  circumllanced,  but  by  our  confefling. 
ourfelves  to  be  fuch  and  fuch  perfons  as  the  afflided  rep- 
refented  us  to  be,  they,  out  of  tendernefs  and  pity,  per- 
fuaded  us  to  confefs  what  we  did  confefs.  And  indeed 
that  confeiTion,  that  it  is  faid  we  made,  was  no  other  than 
wh^t  was  fuggefted  to  us  by  fome  gentlemen,  they  telling 
us  that  we  were  witches,  and  they  knew  it,  and  we  knew 
it,  which  made  us  think  that  it  was  fo ;  and  our  under- 
llandings,  our  reafon,  our  faculties  almofl  gone,  we  were 
not  capable  of  judging  of  our  condition  ;  as  alfo  the  hard 
meafures  they  ufed  with  us  rendered  us  incapable  of  mak- 
ing our  defence,  but  faid  any  thing  and  every  thing  which 
they  defired,  and  moil  of  what  we  faid  was  but  in  effedl  a 
confenting  to  what  they  faid.  Some  time  after,  when 
we  were  better  compofed,  they  telKng  us  what  we  had 
confelTed,  we  did  profefs  that  we  were  innocent  and  ig- 
norant of  fuch  things  ;  and  we  hearing  that  Samuel 
Ward  well  had  renounced  his  confeffion,  and  quickly  after 
condemned  and  executed,  fome  of  us  were  told  we  were 
going  after  WardwclL 

"  Mary  Of  good  ^  Deliverance  DanCy  Sarah  Wil/on, 
Mary  Tiler ^      Abigail  Barker ^      Hannah  Tiler. '^* 

The  teflimonial  to  thefe  perfons'  charadlers  by  the  prin- 
cipal inhabitants  of  Andover,  will  outweigh  the  credulity 
lof  the  juftices  who  committed  them,  or  of  the  grand  jury 
which  found  bills  againft  them. 

"  To  the  honoured  court  of  AJfize  held  at  Salenu 
"  The  humble  addrefs  of  fever al  of  the  inhabitants  of  Andover^ 
^'  May  it  pleafe  this  honoured  court, 

"  WE  being  very  fenfible  of  the  great  fufferings  our 
neighbours  have  been  long  under  in  prifon,  and  charita- 
bly judging  that  many  of  them  are  clear  of  that  great 

tranfgreflion 


1692.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  45 

tranfgreffion  which  hath  been  laid  to  their  charge,  have 
thought  it  our  duty  to  endeavour  their  vindication  fo  far 
as  our  tcftimony  for  them  will  avail.  The  perfons,  in 
whofe  behalf  we  are  defired  and  concerned  to  fpeak  fome- 
thing  at  prefent,  are  Mrs.  Mary  Oigood,  Eunice  Frye, 
Deliverance  Dane,  Sarah  Wilton  and  Abigail  Barker,  who 
are  women  of  whom  we  can  truly  give  this  charader  and 
commendation,  that  they  have  not  only  lived  among  us  fo 
inoffenfively  as  not  to  give  the  leaft  occafion  to  any  that 
know  them  to  fufpect  them  of  witchcraft,  but  by  their 
fober,  godly  and  exemplary  converfation  have  obtained  a 
good  report  in  the  place,  where  they  have  been  well  ef- 
teemed  and  approved  in  the  church  of  which  they  are 
members. 

"  We  were  furprifed  to  hear  that  perfons  of  known  in- 
tegrity  and  piety  were  accufed  of  fo  horrid  a  crime,  not 
confidering,  then,  that  the  mod  innocent  were  liable  to 
be  fo  mifreprefented  and  abufed.  When  thefe  women 
were  accufed  by  fome  alHided  perfons  of  the  neighbour- 
hood, their  relations  and  others,  though  they  had  fo  good 
grounds  of  charity  that  they  fliould  not  have  thought  any 
evil  of  them,  yet  through  a  mifreprefentation  of  the  truth 
of  that  evidence  that  was  fo  much  credited  and  improved 
againfl  people,  took  great  pains  to  perfuade  thetn  to  own 
what  they  were,  by  the  afflicled,  charged  w^ith  ;  and  in- 
deed did  unreafonably  urge  them  to  confefs  themfelves 
guilty,  as  fome  of  us  who  were  then  prefent  can  teflify. 
But  thefe  good  w^omen  did  very  much  aflert  their  inno- 
"cency ;  yet  fome  of  them  faid  they  were  not  without  fear 
left  Satan  had  fome  way  enfnared  them,  becaufe  there 
was  that  evidence  againfl  them  which  then  was  by  many 
thought  to  be  a  certain  indication  and  difcovery  of  witch- 
craft, yet  they  ferioufly  profeffed  they  knew  nothing  by 
themfelves  of  that  nature.  Neverthelefs,  by  the  unweari- 
ed fohcitations  of  thofethat  privately  difcourfed  them,  both 
at  home  and  at  Salem,  they  were  at  length  perfuaded 
publickly  to  own  what  they  were  charged  with,  and  fo  fub^ 
mit  to  that  guilt  which  we  ftill  hope  and  believe  they  are 
clear  of.  And,  it  is  probable,  the  fear  of  w^hat  the  event 
might  be,  and  the  encouragement  that,  it  is  faid,  was  fug- 

ecllcd 


45  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  I. 

gefted  to  them,  that  confefTing  was  the  only  way  to  obtain 
favourj  might  be  too  powerful  a  temptation  for  timorous 
women  to  withftand,  in  the  hurry  and  diftradion  that  wc 
have  heard  they  Vv^ere  then  in.  Had  what  they  faid  againft 
themfelves  proceeded  from  convidion  of  the  fa6t,  we 
fhould  have  had  aothing  to  have  faid  for  them ;  but  we 
are  induced  to  think  that  it  did  not,  becaufe  they  did  foon 
privately  retrad  what  they  had  faid,  as  we  are  informed  ; 
and,  while  they  were  in  prifon,  they  declared  to  fuch  as 
they  had  confidence  to  fpeak  freely  and  plainly  to,  that 
they  were  not  guilty  of  what  they  had  owned,  and  that 
what  they  had  faid  againft  themfelves  was  the  greatefl 
grief  and  burden  they  laboured  under.  Now,  though 
we  cannot  but  judge  it  a  thing  very  fmful  for  innocent 
perfons  to  own  a  crime  they  are  not  guilty  of,  yet,  con- 
Udering  the  well  ordered  converfation  of  thofe  women 
while  they  lived  among  us,  and  what  they  now  ferioufly 
and  conflantly  affirm  in  a  more  compofed  frame,  we  can^ 
not  but  in  charity  judge  them  innocent  of  the  great  tranf-. 
greffion  that  hath  been  imputed  to  them.  As  for  the  reft 
of  our  neighbours,  who  are  under  the  like  circumftances 
with  thefe  that  have  been  named,  we  can  truly  fay  of  them, 
thac,  while  they  lived  among  us,  we  have  had  no  caufe  to 
judge  them  fuch  perfons  as,  of  late,  they  have  been  repre- 
fented  and  reported  to  be,  nor  do  we  know  that  any  of 
their  neighbours  had  any  juft  grounds  to  fufpedl  them  of 
that  evil  that  they  are  now  charged  with, 

Dudley  Bradjlreet  'John  Abbot ^  fen,  Elizabeth  Rite 

Francis  Dane,  fen,  Samuel  Blanchard  Wm,  Peters 

*Thomas  Barnard  Wm,  Ballard  Samuel  Peters 

Tho,  Chandler^ fen,  Thomas  Hoofer  Walter  Wright 

yohn  Barker  John  Hooper  Hooker  Ofgood 

tlenry  Ingolls^fen,  Wm,  Abbot  Benja,  Stevens 

Wm,  Chandler,  fen,  "James  Rujfell  Ann  Bradjlreet 

Samuel  Martin  Oliver  Holt  Joanna  Dane 

Stephen  Parker  John  Preffon  Eliza*  Stevens 

Samuel  Ingolls  Francis  Dane,  Jun,  Eliza,  Barnard 

Ephraim  Stevens  George  Abbot  Phebe  Robinfon 

Daniel  Poore  Wm,  Chandler, jun,  Hannah  Chandler 

John  Ingolls  John  Chandler  Hannah  Dum 


i592.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  47 

Henry  IngoUs^jiin*   Jofeph  Robin/on       Bridget  Chandler 
yohn  Frieyfen.         Thomas  Johnfo7i       Mary  John/on 
James  Frie  Tho.  Johnfon^jun,  Robert  Rujfel 

John  AJlebee  Andrew  Peters        Mary  RuJelJ* 

Samuel  Holt  Mary  Peters 

Among  the  confefling  witches  I  find  Dorothy  Falkener, 
a  child  of  ten  years,  Abigail  Falkener  of  eight,  and  Sarah 
Carrier  between  feven  and  eight. 

"  Sarah  Carrier's  Confejfion^  Augufi  the  iithy  1696. 

*'  IT  was  afked  Sarah  Carrier  by  the  magiflrates  or 
juftices,  John  Hawthorne,  Efq.  and  others  ;  How  long 
haft  thou  been  a  witch  ?  A.  Ever  fmce  I  was  fix  years 
old.  Q^  How  old  are  you  now  ?  A.  Near  eight  years 
old;  brother  Richard  fays  I  fhall  be  eight  years  old  in  No- 
vember next.  (^  Who  made  you  a  witch  ?  A  My 
mother  ;  fhe  made  me  fet  my  hand  to  a  book.  Q^  How 
did  you  fet  your  hand  to  it  ?  A.  I  touched  it  with  my 
fingers  and  the  book  was  red,  the  paper  of  it  was  white* 
She  faid  fhe  never  had  feen  the  black  man ;  the  place 
'where  (he  did  it  was  in  Andrew  Fofter's  pafture,  and  Eliz- 
abeth Johnfon,  jun.  was  there.  Being  aflced  who  was 
there  befide,  fhe  anfwered  her  aunt  Toothaker  and  her 
coufm.  Being  afked  when  it  was,  (he  faid,  when  fhe  was- 
baptized.  Q.  What  did  they  promife  to  give  you  ? 
A.  A  black  dog.  Q^  Did  the  dog  ever  come  to  you  : 
A.  No.  C^  But  you  faid  you  faw  a  cat  once  :  what  did 
that  fay  to  you  ?  A.  It  faid  it  would  tear  me  in  pieces  if 
I  would  not  fet  my  hand  to  the  book.  She  faid  her  mother 
baptized  her,  and  the  devil  or  black  man  was  not  there, 
as  (he  faw,  and  her  mother  faid  when  (lie  baptized  her. 
Thou  art  mine  forever  and  ever  and  amen.  Q.  Hov/ 
did  you  afHiO:  folks  ?  A.  I  pinched  them,  and  me  faid 
file  had  no  puppets,  but  fhe  went  to  them  that  flic  af- 
flided.  Being  afked  whether  fhe  went  in  her  body  or 
her  fpirit,  fhe  faid  in  her  fpirit.  She  faid  her  mother 
carried  her  thither  to  afHid.  (^  How  did  your  mother 
carry  you  when  fhe  was  in  prifon  ?  A.  She  came  like  a 
black  cat.  (^  How  did  you  know  that  it  was  your 
mother  ?  A.  The  cat  told  me  fo  that  fhe  was  my  moth- 
er.    She  faid  fhe  afflided  Phelp's  child  laft  Saturday,  and 

Elizabeth 


4B  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

Elizabeth  Johnfon  joined  with  her  to  do  it.  She  had  a 
wooden  fpear,  about  as  long  as  her  finger,  of  Elizabeth 
Johnfon,  and  fhe  had  it  of  the  devil.  She  would  not  owix 
that  fhe  had  ever  been  at  the  witch  meeting  at  the  village. 
This  is  the  fubftance. 

Attefl.  Simon  Willard:* 

This  poor  child's  mother  then  lay  under  fentence  of 

death,  the  mother  of  the  other  two  children  was  in  prif- 

on,  and  foon  after  tried  and  condemned,  but  upon  her 

confefTion  reprieved,  and  finally  pardoned. 

I  meet  with  but  one  perfon  in  near  an  hundred 
whofe  examinations  are  upon  file,  that  v/as  difmiffed  after 
having  been  once  charged,  for  which  he  might  thank  one 
of  the  girls  who  would  not  agree  with  the  reft  in  the 
accufation. 

"  The  eamnination  of  Nehe?niah  Abbot ^  at  a  court  at  Salem 
'Village^  by  John  Hawthorne  and  Jonathan  Corwin,  E/q*rs, 
2  2d  Aprils  1692. 

WHAT  fay  you,  are  you  guilty  of  witchcraft,  of 
which  you  are  fufpeded,  or  not  ?  No  Sir,  I  fay  before 
God,  before  whom  I  ftand,  that  I  know  nothing  of  witch- 
craft. Who  is  this  man?  Ann  Putman  named  him. 
Mary  Walcot  faid  fhe  had  feen  his  fhape.  What  do  you 
fay  to  this  ?  I  never  did  hurt  them  ?  Who  hurt  you, 
Ann  Putman  ?  That  man.  I  never  hurt  her.  Ann 
Putman  faid,  he  is  upon  the  beam.  Jufl  fuch  a  difcov- 
ery  of  the  perfon  carried  out,  and  flie  confefTed ;  and  if 
you  would  fmd  mercy  of  God,  you  mufl  confefs.  If  I 
fhould  confefs  this,  I  mud  confefs  what  is  falfe.  Tell 
how  far  'ou  have  gone,  who  hurts  you  ?  I  do  not  know, 
I  am  abfolutely  free.  As  you  fay,  God  knows.  If  you 
will  confefs  the  truth,  we  defire  nothing  elfe,  that  you 
may  not  hide  your  guilt,  if  you  are  guilty,  and  therefore 
confefs  if  fo.  I  fpeak  before  God  that  I  am  clear  from 
this  accufation.  What,  in  all  refpeds  ?  Yes,  in  all  re- 
fpeds.  Doth  this  man  hurt  you  ?  Their  mouths  were 
flopped.  You  hear  feveral  accufe  you,  though  one  can- 
not open  her  mouth.  I  am  altogether  free.  Charge 
him  not  unlefs  it  be  he.  This  is  the  man,  fay  fome,  and 
fomc  fay  he  is  very  like  him.     How  did  you  know  his 

name  ? 


1692.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  49 

name  ?  He  did  not  tell  me  himfelf,  but  other  witches 
told  me.  Ann  Putman  faid.  It  is  the  fame  man,  and  then 
ihe  was  taken  with  a  lit.  Mary  Walcot,  is  this  the  man  ? 
He  is  like  him,  I  cannot  fay  it  is  he.  Mercy  Lewis  faid. 
It  is  not  the  man.  They  all  agreed,  the  man  had  a  bunch 
on  his  eyes.  Ann  Putman,  in  a  fit,  faid,  Be  you  the  man  ? 
ay,  do  you  fay  you  be  the  man  ?  did  you  put  a  mid  before 
my  eyes  ?  Then  he  was  fent  forth  till  feveral  others* were 
examined.  When  he  was  brought  in  again,  by  reafon  of 
much  people  and  many  in  the  windows  fo  that  the  accu- 
fers  could  not  have  a  clear  view  of  him,  he  was  ordered 
to  be  abroad,  and  the  accufers  to  go  forth  to  him  and  view 
him  in  the  light,  which  they  did,  and,  in  the  prefencc  of 
the  magillrates  and  many  others,  difcourfed  quietly  with 
him,  one  and  all  acquitting  him,  but  yet  faid  he  was  like 
that  man,  but  he  had  not  the  wen  they  fav/  in  his  appari- 
tion. Note,  he  was  a  hilly-Biced  man,  and  flood  Ihaded 
by  reafon  of  his  own  hair,  fo  that  for  a  time  he  feemed  to 
fome  by- (landers  and  obfervers  to  be  confiderably  like  the 
perfon  the  afflided  did  defcribe. 

"  Mr.  Samuel  Paris,  being  defired  to  take  in  writing 
the  examination  of  Nehemiah  Abbot,  hath  delivered  it  as 
aforefaid,  and  upon  hearing  the  fame  did  fee  caufe  to  dif- 
mifs  him.  John  Ha'ujtborne,  7  ^^^^^^^.j. 

Jona,  Lorwin^        3 

We  fee,  from  the  preceding  examinations  and  confef- 
fions,  the  method  of  proceeding  preparatory  to  the  trial  of 
the  accufed  perfons. 

For  three  or  four  months,  the  afflicted  generally  con- 
fined themfelves  to  their  own  neighbourhood,  in  their  ac- 
cufations.  In  the  examinations  there  is  fometimes  men- 
tion made  of  flrangers,  whofe  fhapes  or  fpectres  were  un- 
known to  the  afflided.  The  hrfl  accufed,  in  any  other 
county,  was  Mrs.  Gary,  wife  of  Mr.  Nathaniel  Gary,  a 
principal  inhabitant  of  the  town  of  Gharlellown.  He,  as 
foon  as  he  heard  of  it,  carried  his  wife  to  Salem  village, 
fuppofmg  file  would  not  be  known  to  the  affli«Sled.  They 
happened  to  arrive  jufl  as  the  juftices  were  going  into 
the  meeting  houfe,  where  they  held  their  court  to  exam- 
ine pxifoncrs.     All  the  prifoners,  which  were  brought  in, 

were 


50  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

were  accufed,  and  the  girls  fell  into  fits  as  ufual;  but 
Mrs.   Gary  came  in  and  fat  Xvithout  any  notice,  except 
that  one  or  two  of  the  affiided  came  to  her  and  alked  her 
name.     After  the  examination,  her  hufband  went  to  the 
tavern,  intending  there  to  difcourfe  with  one  of  the  girls, 
whom  he  heard  had  accufed  his  wife.     John,  the  Indian, 
v/ho  pretended  to  be  one  of  the  afflided,  was  a  fervant  in 
the  h^ufe.     Two  of  the  girls  were  foon  brought  in,  and 
inftead  of  giving  any  opportunity  of  difcourfmg  with 
them,  they  tumbled  about  the  floor,  crying  out,  Gary, 
Gary,  and  a  warrant  came  to  apprehend  her ;  the  Indian 
joining  with  the  two  girls  in  the  charge.     No  bail  could 
be  admitted,  nor  was  it  to  any  purpoTe  to  make  any  de- 
fence, and  fhe  was  ordered  to  the  prifon  in  Bofton  ;  but, 
upon  the  requeft  of  her  hufband,  was  removed   to  Cam- 
bridge gaol,  where  flie  was  kept  in   irons]     Afterwards, 
when  the  trials  came  on  at  Salem,  her?hufband  went  there 
to  fee  how  they  were  managed,  and  he  thought  the  only 
chance  his  wife  had  for  her  life,  was  by  an  efcape,  which, 
by  fome  means  or  other,  he  effected,  and  fled  with  her  to 
New  York,  where  governor  Fletcher  entertained  them 
very  courteoufly.     They  petitioned,  I  fuppofe  before  the 
efcape,  that  {he  might  be  tried  in  the  county  where  fhe 
lived.     If  the  court  thought  they  were  held  to  try  the  fa6t 
in  the  county  where  it  was  committed,  there  feems  to 
have  been  room  for  an  argument,  her  body  being  in 
Middlefex  at  the  fame  time  that  her  fpe£tre  and  the  body 
of  the  afliiO;ed  perfons  were  in  Eflex. 

Mrs.  Gary  was  committed  about  the  middle  of  May, 
Towards  the  end  of  the  month,  Gapt.  John  Alden,  of 
Boflion,  was  accufed,  who  was  thereupon  fent  down  to 
.  Salem.  He  had  been  many  years  commander  of  a  floop 
in  the  colony  fervice,  employed  for  fupplying  the  forts 
eafl:  with  provifions  and  fliores  ;  and  although,  upon  his 
fir  ft  appearing,  the  ju  dices  allowed  that  he  always  had  the 
charader  of  an  honeft  man,  yet  one  of  them,  Gidney, 
foon  after,  let  him  know  he  then  faw  reafon  to  think 
otherwife  of  him.  Alden,  in  his  account,  fays,  that  the 
accufer  firft  pointed  to  another  man  and  faid  nothing,  but 
that  the  man  who  held  her  fl:ooped  down  to  her  ear,  and 

then 


1692.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  5X 

then  fhe  cried  out,  Alden,  Alden.  All  were  ordered  in- 
to the  flreets,  and  a  ring  made,  and  then  ilie  cried,  out. 
There  Jiands  Alden,  a  boldfelloiv,  ivith  his  hat  07i,  fells povjder 
andjhot  to  the  Indians^  lies  ivith  thefqnaijs  and  has  papoofesy 
life.  He  was  immediately  taken  into  cuflody  of  the  mar- 
fhal  and  required  to  deliver  up  his  fword.  A  further  ex- 
amination was  had  in  the  meeting-houfe,  and  his  hands 
were  held  open  by  the  officer,  that  he  might  not  pinch 
the  afflifted,  who  were  flruck  down  at  the  fight  of  him, 
and  made  their  ufual  cries ;  all  which  the  juflices  deemed 
Sufficient  grounds  for  committing  him  to  gaol,  where  he 
lay  fifteen  weeks,  and  then  he  was  prevailed  on  by  his 
friends  to  make  his  efcape,  and  to  abfent  himfelf  until  the 
confternation  fhould  abate,  and  the  people  recover  the 
ufe  of  their  reafon. 

Although  the  number  of  prifoners  had  been  increafing*, 
from  February  until  the  beginning  of  June,  yet  there  had 
been  no  trials.  The  charter  was  expeded  from  day  to 
day,  and  the  new  conftitution  of  government  to  take  place. 
Soon  after  its  arrival,  commiffioners  of  oyer  and  terminer 
were  appointed  for  the  trial  of  withcrafts.  By  the  charter, 
the  general  aifembly  are  to  conftitute  courts  of  jufLice, 
and  the  governor  with  the  advice  of  council  is  to  nomi- 
nate and  appoint  judges,  commiffioners  of  oyer  and  ter- 
miner, &c.  but  whether  the  governor,  with  advice  of 
council,  can  conftitute  a  court  of  oyer  and  terminer,  with* 
out  authority  for  that  purpofe  derived  from  the  general 
aflembly,  has  been  made  a  queftion ;  however,  this  the 
moil  important  court  to  the  life  of  the  fubje£i:  which  ever 
was  held  in  the  province,  was  conftituted  in  no  other 
manner.  It  was  opened  at  Salem  the  firft  week  in  June. 
Only  one  of  the  accufed,  Bridget  Bifhop,  alias  Oliver,  was 
then  brought  to  trial.  She  had  been  charged  with  witch- 
craft twenty  years  before.  The  accufer,  upon  his  death 
bed,  confefled  his  own  guilt  in  the  accufation  ;  but  an  old 
woman,  once  charged  with  being  a  witch,  is  never  after- 
wards wholly  free  from  the  accufation,  and  (lie  being,  be- 
fides,  of  a  fradious  temper,  all  the  lolTes  the  neighbours 
met  with  in  their  cattle  and  poultry,  and  accidents  in  over* 
letting  their  carts,  &c.  were  attributed  to  her  fpite  againd 

them. 


52  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

them,  and  now  fuffered  to  be  teftified  againft  her.  This 
evidence,  together  with  the  teftimony  of  the  afflided,  and 
of  the  confelTors,  what  they  had  heard  from  the  fpedres 
arid  feen  of  her  fpeclre,  and  an  excrefcence,  called  a  teat, 
found  upon  her  body,  were  deemed  by  court  and  jury  plen- 
ary proof,  and  (lie  was  convided,  and  on  the  loth  of  June 
executed.  The  further  trials  were  put  off  to  the  adjourn- 
ment, the  30th  of  June.  The  governor  and  council 
thought  proper,  in  the  mean  time,  to  take  the  opinion  of 
feveral  of  the  principal  minifters  upon  the  flate  of  things 
as  they  then  flood.  This  was  an  old  charter  practice. 
They  gave  their  opinion  as  follows.*  ' 

*'  The  return  of  feveral  min'iflers^  confulted  by  his  excellency 

and  the  honourable  council  upon  the  prefent  witchcraft  in 

Salem  village, 

Boflon^  June  i^th^  1692. 

''  I.  THE  afflided  flate  of  our  poor  neighbours,  that 
are  now  fuffering  by  moleflations  from  the  invifible  world, 
we  apprehend  fo  deplorable,  that  we  think  their  condition 
calls  for  the  utmofl  help  of  all  perfons  in  their  feveral 
capacities. 

"  2.  We  cannot  but,  with  all  thankfulnefs,  acknowl- 
edge the  fuccefs  which  the  merciful  God  has  given  to  the 
fedulous  and  affiduous  endeavours  of  our  honourable  rul- 
ers, to  defeat  the  abominable  witchcrafts  which  have  been 
committed  in  the  country,  humbly  praying,  that  the  dif- 
covery  of  thofe  myflerious  and'mifchievous  wickedneffes 
may  be  perfeded. 

"  3.  We  judge  that,  in  the  profecution  of  thefe  and  all 
fuch  witchcrafts,  there  is  need  of  a  very  critical  and  exquif- 
ite  caution,  left  by  too  much  credulity  for  things  received 
only  upon  the  devil's  authority,  there  be  a  door  opened 
for  a  long  train  of  miferable  confequences,  and  Satan  get 
an  advantage  over  us  \  for  we  fhould  not  be  ignorant  of 
his  devices. 

"  4.  As  in  complaints  upon  witchcrafts  there  may  be 
matters  of  inquiry  which  do  not  amount  unto  matters  of 

prefumption, 

*  I  fancy  this  muft  be  what  Douglafb  had  heard  fomething  of,  and  calls  by  miftake 
**  the  addrefs  of  many  of  the  very  popular  but  very  weak  minifiers  or  clergy  to  Sir 
W.  P.  a  very  weak  governor,  with  thanks  for  what  was  already  done,  and  exhort- 
ing him  to  proceed." 


t592.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  53 

prefumption,  and  there  may  be  matters  of  prefumptiort 
which  yet  may  not  t)e  matters  of  convidlion,  fo  it  is  necef- 
fary,  that  all  proceedings  thereabout  be  managed  with 
an  exceeding  tendernefs  towards  thofe  that  may  be  com- 
plained of,  efpecially  if  they  have  been  perfons  formerly  of 
an  unblemifhed  reputation. 

"  5.  When  the  firll  inquiry  is  made  into  the  circum- 
fiances  of  fuch  as  may  lie  under  the  jull  fufpicion  of  witch- 
crafts, we  could  wifh  that  there  may  be  admitted  as  little 
as  poffible  of  fuch  noife,  company  and  opennefs  as  may  too 
hallily  expofe  them  that  are  examined,  and  that  there  may 
be  nothing  ufed  as  a  ted  for  the  trial  of  the  fufpecled,  the 
lawfulnefs  whereof  may  be  doubted  by  the  people  of  God; 
but  that  the  directions  given  by  fuch  judicious  writers  as 
Perkins  and  Bernard,  may  be  obferved. 

"  6.  Prefumptions  whereupon  perfons  may  be  commit- 
ted, and,  much  more,  convictions  ■whereupon  perfons  may 
be  condemned  as  guilty  of  witchcrafts,  ought  certainly  to 
be  more  confiderable  than  barely  the  accufed  perfon's  be- 
ing reprefented  by  a  fpectre  unto  the  afflicted  ;  inafmuch 
as  it  is  an  undoubted  and  a  notorious  thing,  that  a  demon 
may,  by  God's  permiffion,  appear,  even  to  ill  purpofes,  in 
the  (hape  of  an  innocent,  yea,  and  a  virtuous  man.  Nor 
can  we  efleem  alterations  made  in  the  fufferers,  by  a  look 
or  touch  of  the  accufed,  to  be  an  infallible  evidence  of 
guilt,  but  frequently  Hable  to  be  abufed  by  the  devil's 
legerdemain. 

"  7.  We  know  not  whether  fome  remarkable  afrronts 
given  the  devils,  by  our  difbelieving  thofe  teflimonies 
w^hofe  whole  force  and  ftrength  is  from  them  alone,  may 
not  put  a  period  unto  the  progrefs  of  the  dreadful  calam- 
ity begun  upon  us,  in  the  accufation  of  fo  many  perfons, 
whereof  fome,  we  hope,  are  yet  clear  from  the  great  tranf- 
greflion  laid  to  their  charge. 

"  8.  Neverthelefs,  we  cannot  but  humbly  recommend 
unto  the  government,,  the  fpeedy  and  vigorous  profecutions 
of  fuch  as  have  rendered  themfelves  obnoxious,  according 
to  the  directions  given  in  the  laws  of  God,  and  the  whole- 
fome  ftatutes  of  the  Englifh  nation,  for  the  detection  of 
witchcrafts." 

The 


^4  THE   HISTORY  OP  [Chap.  L 

The  judges  feem  to  have  paid  more  tegard  to  the  lafl 
article  of  this  return,  than  to  feveral  which  precede  it  ^ 
for  the  profecutions  were  carried  on  with  all  poflible  vig- 
our, and  without  that  exquifite  caution  which  is  propofed* 

At  the  firfl  trial,  there  was  no  colony  or  provincial  law 
againfl  v/itchcraft  in  force.  The  ilatute  of  James  the  firfl 
mud  therefore  have  been  confidered  as  in  force  in  the 
province,  witchcraft  not  being  an  offence  at  common  law* 
Before  the  adjournment,  the  old  colony  law,  which  makes 
witchcraft  a  capital  offence,  was  revived,  with  the  other 
local  laws^  as  they  v/ere  called,  and  made  a  law  of  the 
province. 

At  the  adjournment,  June  30,  five  women  were  brought 
upon  trial,  Sarah  Good,  Rebekah  Nurfe,  Sufannah  Mar-^ 
tin,  Elizabeth  How,  and  Sarah  Wilder. 

There  was  no  difHculty  with  any  but  Nurfe.  She  was 
a  member  of  the  church  and  of  a  good  chara<Eler,  and,  as 
to  her,  the  jury  brought  in  their  verdid,  not  guilty  ;  upon 
which  the  accufers  made  a  great  clamour,  and  the  court 
expreffed  their  diffatisfaclion  with  the  verdid,  which  cauf- 
ed  fome  of  the  jury  to  defire  to  go  out  again  ;  and  then 
they  brought  her  in  guilty.  This  w^as  a  hard  cafe,  and  can 
fcarcely  be  faid  to  be  the  execution  of  law  and  jujlice  in  mer* 
cy,'^  In  a  capital  cafe,  the  court  often  refufes  a  verdid:  of, 
guilty  ;  but  rarely,  if  ever,  fends  a  jury  out  again  upon 
one  of,  not  guilty.  It  does  not  indeed  appear,  that  in  this 
cafe  the  jury  was  ordered  out  again  ;  but  the  diffatisfadioA 
expreffed  by  the  court  feems  to  have  been  in  fuch  a  man- 
ner as  to  have  the  fame  effe61:.  The  certificate  given  by 
the  foreman  of  the  jury,  to  fatisfy  the  relations  of  the 
■woman,  fhews  how  the  fad  was. 

"  July  4tb,  1692. 
«  I  THOMAS  FISK,  the  fubfcriber  hereof,  being  one 
of  them  that  were  of  the  jury  lafl  week  at  Salem  court, 
upon  the  trial  of  Rebekah  Nurfe,  &c.  being  defired,  by 
fome  of  the  relations,  to  give  a  reafon  why  the  jury  brought 
her  in  guilty ^  after  the  verdid  not  guilty  ;  I  do  hereby  give 
my  reafons  to  be  as  follows. 

"When 

*  A  part  of  the  oath  the  king  takes  at  his  coronation,  "  Tfhieh  judgei  Ihottld  have 
Written  on  their  heart-s."     Fo/Iar's  crtxvn  laze. 


i6g2.2  MASSACHUSETTS.  55 

*'  When  the  verdid,  not  guilty^  was  given,  the  honoured 
tcourt  was  pleafed  to  object  againfl  it,  faying  to  them,  that 
they  think  they  let  flip  the  words  which  the  prifoner  at 
the  bar  fpake  againfl  herfelf,  which  were  fpoken  in  reply 
to  Goodwife  Hobbs  and  her  daughter,  who  had  been  faul- 
ty in  fetting  their  hands  to  the  devirs  book,  as  they  had 
confefled  formerly  ;  the  words  were,  What  do  thefe perfons 
give  in  evidence  againji  me  now  ?  they  vfcd  io  come  among  us  ? 
After  the  honoured  court  had  manifefted  their  dilfaiis- 
fadion  of  the  verdidt,  feveral  of  the  jury  declared  them- 
felves  defirous  to  go  out  again,  and  thereupon  the  honour- 
ed court  gave  leave  ;  but  when  we  came  to  confider  the 
cafe,  I  could  not  tell  how  to  take  her  words  as  an  evidence 
againfl  her,  till  file  had  a  further  opportunity  to  put  her 
fenfe  upon  them,  if  fhe  would  take  it ;  and  then  going  in- 
to court,  I  mentioned  the  words  aforefaid,  which  by  one 
of  the  court  were  affirmed  to  have  been  fpoken  by  her, 
flie  being  then  at  the  bar,  but  made  no  reply  nor  interpre- 
tation of  them  ;  whereupon,  thefe  words  were  to  me  a 
principal  evidence  againfl  her.  Thomas  Fijh,^* 

Nurfe,  being  informed  of  the  ufe  v/hich  had  been  made 
©f  her  words,  gave  in  a  declaration  to  the  court,  that 
^^  when  fhe  faid  Hobbs  and  her  daughter  were  of  her 
company,  fhe  meant  no  more  than  that  they  were  prifon- 
crs  as  well  as  herfelf ;  and  that,  being  hard  of  hearing, 
fhe  did  not  knov/  what  the  foreman  of  the  jury  faid." 
But  her  declaration  had  no  efFe6l. 

Mr.  Noyes,  the  minifler  of  Salem,  a  zealous  profecutor, 
excommunicated  the  poor  old  woman  and  delivered  her  to 
Satan,  to  whom  he  fuppofed  fhe  had  formally  given  her- 
felf up  many  years  before  \  but  her  life  and  converfation 
had  been  fuch,  that  the  remembrance  thereof,  in  a  Ihort 
time  after,  wiped  off  all  the  reproach  occafioned  by  the 
civil  or  ecclefiaflical  fentence  againfl  her. 

It  is  faid,  that  at  the  trial  of  Sarah  Good,  one  of  the 
afHIiSled  perfons  fell  into  a  fit,  and,  after  recovery,  cried 
out,  "  that  the  prifoner  had  flabbed  her  and  broke  her 
knife  in  doing  it ;"  and  a  piece  of  the  knife  was  found 
upon  the  aiHidled  perfon  ;  but  a  young  man  declared,  that 
the  day  before,  be  ^roke  that  Terv  knife  and  threw  away 


SG  THE   HISTORY    OF  [Chap*  L 

the  piece,  this  afflided  perfon  being  then  prefent.  The 
court  took  fo  much  notice  as  to  bid  her  tell  no  more  lies, 
but  went  on  to  improve  her  as  a  witnefs  againft  other 
prifoners.*  Something  happened,  not  unlike  to  this,  in 
a  trial  before  Sir  Matthew  Hale.  The  afflided  children, 
in  their  fits,  would  Ihriek  out  upon  the  leafl:  touch  from 
Rofe  Cullender,  one  of  the  witches,  but  remained  quite 
infenfible  when  any  body  elfe  touched  them.  Left  there 
fhould  be  any  fraud,  Lord  Cornwallis,  Sir  Edmund  Bacon*, 
Serjeant  Keeling  and  other  gentlemen  attended  one  of 
the  girls,  whilft  fhe  was  in  her  fits,  at  another  pal't  of  the 
hall,  and  one  of  the  witches  was  brought,  and  an  apron 
was  put  before  the  girl's  eyes ;  but  inftead  of  the  witches 
hand,  another  perfon's  hand  was  taken  to  touch  the  girl, 
who  thereupon  Ihrieked  out  as  fhe  ufed  to  do.  The  gen- 
tlemen returned  and  declared  to  the  court  they  believed 
the  whole  was  an  impofture.  Notwithftanding  this,  the 
witch  was  found  guilty,  and  the  judge  and  all  the  court 
were  fully  fatisfied  with  the  verdid,  and  awarded  fentence^ 
accordingly. 

Sufannah  Martin  had  been  fufpeded  ever  fmce  1669, 
fo  that  many  witch  ftories  were  reported  of  her  and  given 
in  evidence  againft  her.  One  of  thefe  women,  being  told, 
at  her  execution  by  the  minifter,  Mr.  Noyes,  that  he  knew 
file  v/as  a  witch,  and  therefore  advifed  her  to  confefs,  fhe 
replied,  that  be  lied^  aiid  that /he  ivas  no  more  a  witch  than  he 
was  a  wizard  ;  and  if  he  took  away  her  life^  God  would  give 
him  blood  to  drink. ^ 

At  the  trial  of  another  of  them,  it  is  faid,  that  one  of 
the  afflided  cried  out  in  court  upon  Mr.  Willard,  a  min- 
ifter of  Bofton,  and  that  flie  was  immediately  fent  out  of 
court ;  and  it  was  given  out  that  fire  was  miftaken  in  the 
perfon.  |  There  was  one  Willard  then  in  prifon  for 
witchcraft. 

At 

*  This  flory  is  related  by  Calef,  who  hy  his  narrative  gave  great  offence,  having 
ccnfured  the  proceedings,  at  a  time  when  in  general  the  country  did  not  fee  the  error 
they  had  been  in  ;  but  in  his  account  of  fa  its  which  can  be  evidenced  by  records, 
and  other  original  wnitings,  he  appears  to  have  been  a  fair  relator. 

f  Calcf.  They  have  a  tradition  among  the  people  of  Salem  that  a  peculiar  cir- 
cumftance  attended  the  death  of  this  gentleman,  he  having  been  Choakcd  with  blood, 
which  makes  them  fuppofe  her,  if  not  n  vi'itch,  a  Pythoniffa,  at  Icaft,  in  this  inftarfce, 
\  Calef. 


1692.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  c^^ 

At  the  next  adjournment,  Aug.  5th,  George  Burroughs, 
Tohn  Procter  and  Elizabeth  his  wife,  John  Willard, 
George  Jacobs  and  Martha  Carrier  were  all  brought  upon 
trial  and  condemned,  and  all  executed  upon  the  ipthrof 
Auo-uft,  except  Elizabeth  Profler,  who  elcaped  by  plead- 
ing her  belly. 

Burroughs  had  been  a  preacher*  feveral  years  before 
tfcis,  at  Salem  village,  where  there  had  been  fome  mif- 
underftanding  beUv'een  him  and  the  people.  Afterwards 
he  became  a  preaSjfer  at  Wells,  in  the  province  of  Main. 
We  will  be  a  little  more  particular  in  our  account  of  his 
trial.t     The  indiftment  was  as  follows. 

•*  ^^  Anno  Re^s  et'RegiiidE^  Iffc.  quario. 

EiTex  if.  THE  jurors  for  our  fovereign  lord  and  lady 
the  king  and  queen,  prefent,  that  George  Burroughs, 
late  of  Falmouth  in  the  province  of  Mallachufetts,  clerk, 
the  ninth  day  of  May,  in  the  fourth  year  of  the  reign 
of  our  fovereign  lord  and  lady  WiHiam  and  Mary,  by 
the  grace  of  God  of  England,  Scotland,  France, and  Ire-^ 
land,  •king  and  queen,  defenders  of  the  faith,  hz,  and 
divers  other  days  and  times,  as  well  before  as  a^ter,  cer- 
tain deteftable  arts  called  witchcrafts  and  forcer%,  wick- 
edly and  feloniouily  hath  ufed,  pradifed  and  exercifed, 
at  and  within  the  town  of  Salem,  in  the  county  of  Eflex 
aforefaid,  in,  upon  and  againft  one  Mary  Walcot,  of 
Salem  village,  in  the  county  of  EiTex,  fmgle  woman  ;  by 
which  faid  wicked  arts,  the  faid  Mary  Walcot,  the  ninth 
day  of  May  in  the  fourth  year  abovefaid,  and  divers  other 

days 

*  The  confefTmg  witches  were  examined  concernino;  him.  "  Richard  Carrier  af- 
firmed to  the  jury  that  he  faw  Mr.  George  Burroughs  at  the  witch  meeting  at  the 
village,  and  faw  him  adminifter  the  facrament.  Mary  Lacey,  fen.  and  her  daugh- 
ter Mary  affirmed,  that  Mr.  George  Burroughs  was  at  the  witch  meetings  and 
witch  facraments,  and  that  fhe  knows  Mr.  Burroughs  to  be  of  the  company  of 
witches.     Aug.  3,  169a." 

f  Amotig  the  fufferecs  difcovered  in  England  by  Matthew  Hopkins  in  1645, 
there  was  one  Mr.  Louis,  whom  Mr.  Baxter  calls  an  old  reading  parfon,  and  fays 
that  he  confeffed  he  had  two  imps,  and  that  he  fent  one  to  fink  a  Ihip  which  he  faw 
on  the  coaft,  and  that  afterwards  he  faw  the  fhip  fink.  Do6lor  Hutchinfon,  in 
his  obfervations  upon  the  Suffolk  witches,  fay?,  Mr.  Lewis  was  an  ancient  clergy* 
man,  near  fourfcore,  who  read  (^Elizabeth's  homilies  inftead  of  fermotis,  but  be- 
ing what  was  then  called  a  malignant  parfon,  he  was  more  eafily  convided ;  that 
upon  his  trial  he  afferted  his  innocency,  and  at  his  execution  read  the  fervice  for 
burial  himfclf ;  that  the  confeflion  Mr.  Baxter  mentions  was  •  from  the  evidence 
of  perfons  at  his  trial,  and  as  Hopkins  had  fwam  him  feveral  times  till  he  w.mi 
near  drowning,  fuch  confeflion,  or  any  othe/,  was  not  matter  of  great  wonder. 

Vol.  II.  E 


SS  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

days  and  times  as  well  before  as  after,  was  and  is  tor- 
tured, afflided,  pined,  confumed,  wafted  and  tormented, 
againfl  the  peace  of  our  fovereign  lord  and  lady  the  king 
and  queen,  and  againfl  the  form  of  the  ilatute  in  that 
cafe  made  and  provided.  Endorfed  Blila  vera,"  Three 
other  bills  were  found  againft  him  for  witchcrafts  upon 
other  perfons,  to  all  which  he  pleaded  not  guilty,  and  put 
himfelf  upon  trial,  &c.  4 

The  affiided  perfons,  and  the  confefling  witches  were 
firfl  examined  ;  for  although,  by  thd|§dvice  of  the  el- 
ders, their  evidence  was  not  conclulive,  yet  fome  pre- 
fumption  arofe  from  it,  and  with  other  circumitances  to 
corroborate  it,  the  proof  might  be  fulTicient  to  convid. 
One  circumftance  was,  that,  being  a  little  man,  he  had 
performed  feats  beyond  the  ftrength  of  a  giant,  viz.  had 
held  out  a  gun  of  ttven  feet  barrel  with  one  hand,  and 
had  carried  a  barrel  full  of  cyder  from  a  canoe  to  the 
ihore.  Upon  his  urging  that  an  Indian,  who  was  prefent, 
held  out  the  gun  alfo,  and  the  witnelTes  not  remembering 
that  any-  Indian  was  there,  it  was  faid  the  Indian  muft 
have  been  the  black  man,  or  the  devil,  who  the  witnefles 
fwore  Iqcftis  like  an  Indian.  Other  evidence  was  given  of 
his  harm  treatment  of  his  wives,  having  been  twice  mar- 
ried, and  of  his  pretending  to  them  that  he  knew  what 
had  been  faid  to  them  in  his  abfence,  and  his  perfuading 
them  to  give'it  under  their  hands  in  writing,  and  to  fwear 
to  it,  that  tltey .would  not  reveal  his  fecrets ;  and  it  was 
further  faid  they  had  privately  complained  to  the  neigh- 
bours that  their  houfe  was  haunted  with  fpirits.  And  a 
brother  of  one  of  his  wives  fwore,  that  going  cut  after 
ilrawberries,'Upon  their  return,  he  went  into  the  bullies 
on  foot,  and  though  they  rode  a  quick  pace,  yet  when  they 
came  near  home,  to  their  ailonifhment  they  found  him 
with  them,  and  that  he  fell  to  chiding  his  wife  for  talking 
to  her  brother  about  him,  and  faid  he  knew  their  thoughts, 
which  the  brother  faid,  was  more  than  the  devil  knew  ; 
to  which  Burroughs  replied,  that  his  god  told  him. 
♦  Againfl  this  evidence  he  urged,  that  a  man  was  with  him, 
to  fhew  that  another  walked  as  fafl  as  he  did  ;  and  this 
was  immediately  determined  to  be  the  black  man  alfo. 

And, 


i6g2.2  MASSACHUSETTS.  59 

And,  upon  the  whole,  he  was  confounded,  and  ufed  many 
twillings  and  turnings,  which  I  tl\ink  we  cannot  wonder 
at.  At  his  execution,  he  concluded  his  dying  prayer  with 
the  Lord's  prayer  ;  probably  to  convince  lome  of  the 
fpe61:ators  of  his  innocence,  for  it  was  the  received  opinion, 
that  a  true  witch  could  not  fay  the  Lord's  prayer  without 
^blundering,*  and  in  many  of  the  examinations  it  was  ufed 
as  a  teft ;  and  feveral  of  the  old  w^omen  not  faying  it  right, 
this  was  improved  againO:  them. 

September  the  9th,  Aiarlba  Cory,  Mary  Ejly,  Alice  Par- 
ker^  Ann  Pudeater,  Dorcas  Hoar,  and  Mary  Bradbury  were 
tried,  and  September  17th,  Margaret  Scott,  Wibnot  Read^ 
Samuel  iVard-ivell,  Mary  Parker,  Abigail  Falkner,  Rebec- 
kah  Eames,  Mary  Lacey,  Ann  Fofter,  and  Abigail  Hobbs, 
and  all  received  fentence  of  death.  Thofe  in  Italic  were 
executed  the  2 2d  folio v/ing. 

Mary  E/ty,  who  was  fifter  to  Nurfe,  gave  in  to  the  court 
a  petition  ;  in  which  fhe  fays,  ilie  does  not  afk  her  own 
life,  although  fhe  is  confcious  of  her  innocence,  but  prays 
them,  before  the^y  condemn  any  more,  to  examine  the 
confeiTmg  witches  more  flridly  ;  for  fhe  is  fure  they  have 
belied  themfelves  and  others,  which  will  appear  in  the 
world  to  which  fhe  is  going,  if  it  fhouldnot  in  this  w^orld. 

Thofe  who  were  condemned  and  not  executed,  I  fuppofe 
all  confefTed  their  guilt.  I  have  feen  the  confeflions  of 
feveral  of  them.  \Vardwell  alfo  confefTed,  but  he  recant- 
ed and  fufFered.  His  own  wife,  as  well  as  his  daughter! 
accufed  him,  and  faved  themfelves.  There  are  many  in- 
ftances,  among  the  examinations,  of  childre^  accufmg  their 
parents,  and  fome  of  parents  accufmg  their  children. 
This  is  the  only  inflance  of  a  wife  or  hufband  accufmg 
one  the  ot'her,  and  furely  this  inflance  ought  not  to 
have  been  fufFered.  I  fhudder  while  I  am  relating  it. 
Befides  this  irregularity,  there  were  others  in  the  courfe 
of  thefe  Ujials.  The  fa6ls  laid  in  the  indictments  were, 
witchcr^t3  upon  particular  perfons ;  there  was  no  evi- 
dence 

*  **  &h.&  was  bid  to  fay  the  Lord's  prajwp.  When  fhe  came  to,  Forgh'e  vs  our  tnf^ 
pajfes,  as  ive~forgive  them  that  trefpafs  agai^is,  fhe  faid,  So  do  /.  No  other  miflake,  in 
faying  the  prayer,  remarkable."     A  iv^iin':  examination^  Sept.  21, 1692. 

t  The  daughter  upon  a  fecond  inquiry  denied  that  fbc  knew  her  father  and  mother 
to  be  witches ;  the  wife  was  not  afked  a  fecond  time. 


So  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

dence  of  thefe  fa£ls,  but  what  was  called  fpe£lral  evidence, 
which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  minilters,  was  infufficient ; 
fome  of  the  other  evidence  was  of  fafts  ten  or  twenty  years 
before,  which  had  no  relation  to  thofe  with  which  they 
were  charged  ;  and  fome  of  them  no  relation  to  the 
crime  of  witchcraft.  Evidence  is  not  admitted,  even 
againfl  the  general  charader  of  perfons  upon  trial,  unlefs, 
to  encounter  other  evidence  brought  in  favour  of  it ;  much  " 
lefs  ought  their  whole  lives  to  be  arraigned,  without  giving 
time  fufficient  for  defence.* 

Giles  Cory  was  the  only  perfon,  befides  thofe  already 
named,  who  fuffered.  He,  feeing  the  fate  of  all  who  had 
put  themfelves  upon  trial,  refufed  to  plead ;  but  the 
judges,  who  had  not  been  careful  enough  in  obferving 
the  law  in  favour  of  the  prifoners,  determined  to  do  it 
againft'this  unhappy  man,  and  he  had  judgment  of /»^/;z^ 
fort  et  dure  for  {handing  mute,  and  was  prefled  to  death  ; 
the  only  inflance  which  ever  was,  either  before  this  time 
or  fmce,  in  New-England.  In  all  ages  of  the  world, 
fuperflitious  ct^dulity  has  produced  greater  cruelty  than  ,  % 
is  pradlifed  among  the  Hottentots,  6r'  other  nations,  Jj^ 
whofe  belief  of  a  Deity  is  called  in  queftion. 

This  court  of  oyer  and  terminer,  happy  for  the  coun- 
try, fat  no  more.  Nineteen  perfons  had  been  executed, 
all  alTerting  their  innocence ;  but  this  was  not  enough  to 
open  the  eyes  of  the  people  in  general.  The  gaol  at  Sa- 
lem was  filled  vvdth  prifoners,  and  many  had  been  remove 
ed  to  other  saols ;  fome  were  admitted  to  bail,  all  re- 
ferved  for  triS,  a  law  having  paffed  conftituting  a  fu- 
preme  ftanding  court,  with  jurifdidion  in  capital,  as  well 
as  all  other  criminal  cafes.  The  general  court  alfo  fhew- 
ed  their  zeal  againfl  witchcraft,  by  a  law  pafled  in  the 
words  of  the  flatute  of  James  the  firfl  ;  but  this  law  was 
difallowed  by  the  king.  If  the  court  was  of  opinion  that 
the  ftatute  extended  here,  I  fee  no  neceffity  of  a  provincial 
a6t  exadly  in  the  fame  words  ;  if  the  ftatute  %id  not  ex- 
tend 

*  Againll  many  of  the  women  there  was  likewlfe  given  in  evidence  the  return  of 
a  jury  of  one  man,  a  dodlor,  and  eight  woliien  appointed  to  examine  their  bodies  for 
tetts  and  other  devil's  marks.  The  fcarch  was  curious  enough, but  the  return  is  to* 
indelicate  to  appear  in  this  relation.  Some  faid  the  credulity  was  fuch,  that,  a  fle^- 
bite  would  pafi  well  enough  for  a  tett  or  the  devil's  mark.  * 


1692.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  *  6u 

tend  here,  I  know  not  by  what  law  the  firfl  that  w^ 

P  tried  could  be  fentenced  to  death. 

The  time,  by  law,  for  holding  the  court  at  Salem,  w^-;  » 
not  until  January.  This  gave  opportunity  for  conlidcr- 
ation  ;  and  this  alone  might  have  been  fufncient'^br*  a 
change 'Of  opinions  and  meafures  ;  but^nother  reafon 
*  has  been  given  for  it.  Ordinarily  perfens  of  the  loweft 
rank  in  life  have  had  the  misfortune  to  be  charged  with 
witchcrafts ;  and  although  many  fuch  had  fuifered,  yet 
'there  remained  in  prifon  a  number  of  women,  of  as  rep- 
utable families  as  any  in  the  towns  where  they  lived,  and 
feveral  perfons,  of  itill  Hiperior  rank,  were  hinted  at  by 
the  pretended  bewitched,  or  by  the  confeiling  witches. 
Some  had  been  publickly  named,  Dudley  Bradflreet,  a 
juflice  of  peace,  who  had  been  appointed  one  of  prefident 
Dudley's  council,  and  who  was  fon  to  the  worthy  old  gov- 
ernour,  then  living,  found  it  neceffary  to  abfcond.  Hav- 
ing been  remifs  in  profecuting,  he  had  been  charged  by 
Jome  of  the  afflided  as  a  confederate.     His  brother,  Johr; 

'^radftreet,  was  forced  to  fly  alfo.  Calef  fays  it  was  inti- 
mated that  SirWilliam  Phips's  lady  was  among  the  accufed. 
It  is  certain  that  one  who  pretended  to  be  bewitched  at 
Bofton,  where  the  infection  was  beginning  to  fpread,  charg- 

>  ed  the  fecretary  of  the  colony  of  Connedicut.*  Mrs. 
Hale,  wife  to  the  minifter  of  Beverly,  wasa^ufed  alfo  ; 

^  which  caufed  her  hufband  to  alter  his  judg^nt,  and  to  be 
lefs  active  in  profecutions  than  he  had  been. 

At  the  court  in  January,  the  grand  jury  found  bills 
againft  about  fifty  for  witchcraft,  one  or  two  men,  the  reft 
women  ;  but  upon  trial,  they  v/ere  all  acquitted,  except 
three  of  the  w(*cft  characters,  and  thofethe  governour  re- 
prieved for  mb  king's  mercy.  All  that  were  not  brought  * 
upon  trial  he  ordered  to  be  difcharged.f-     Such  a  gaol 

delivery  ^ 

^"  As  to  what  you  mention,  concerning  that  poor  crcr.ture  in  your  town  that  is 
affli(5led,  and  mentioned  my  name  to  yourfelf  and  fon,  I  rtturn  you  hearty  thanks  for 
your  intimation  about  it,  and  for  your  charity  therein  mentioned  ;  and  I  have  great 
caufe  to  blefs  God,  who,  of  his  mercy  hitherto,  hath  not  left,  nie  to  fall  into  fuch^an 
horrid  evil.'*  ExtraSi  of  a  Ltiir  from  fecretary  Allen  to  Inc.  Mather  ^  Harlfcrtly  1 8 
March,  92-3.  ^.         fc       V  ♦ 

f  It  is  faid^tJie  governor's  lady,  vaWn  Sir  William  was  ahfent,  faved  one  poor 
woman  from^nkl.  "  in  Sir  William 'jPbfence,  his  lady,  I  fuppofe  upon  account  of 
her  name's  bein^  Mary,  (William  and  Mary)  was  foiicited  fur  a  favoiu:  in  behalf 


*62^  THE   HISTORY    Of  [Ci^ap.  L 


#' 


'0 


delivery  was  made  this  court,  as  has  never  been  known 
at  any  other  time  in  New-England, 
I»  Several  perfons  had  been  charged  and  imprifoned  in  the 
county  of  Middlefex  alfo,  and  at  the  firfl  court  at  Charlef- 
town  they  were  brought  to  trial,  but  the  jury  acquitted 
them  all.    Somt.of  the  court  were  diffatisfied.    The  juries 
changed  fooner  than  the  judges.     However,  it  was  not 
long  before  one,  at  leafl,  of  the  judges  of  the  firfl  court 
of  oyer  and  terminer  was  fenfible  of  his  error.     Mr.  Sew- 
all,  at  a  public  fafl,  gave  in  to  the  minifter  a  bill,  acknowl- 
edging his  error  in  the  late  proceedings,  and  defiring  to 
humble  himfelf  in  the  fight  of  God  and  his  people.     It  is 
faid  that  the  chief  jullice,  Mr.  Stoughton,  being  informed 
of  this  aftion  of  one  of  his  brethren,  obferved  for  himfelf 
that,  when  he  fat  in  judgment,  he  had  the  fear  of  God  be- 
fore his  eyes,  and  gave  his  opinion  according  to  the  befl  of 
his  underftanding ;  and  although  it  might  appear  after- 
wards that  he  had  been  in  an  error,  yet  he  faw  no  neceffi- 
ty  of  a  pubhc  acknowledgment  of  it.  ^ 

One  of  the  minifters,  who,  in  the  tim.e  of  it,  was  fully 
convinced  that  the  complaining  perfons  were  no  impof- 
tors  and  who  vindicated  his  own  cond  iQ;  and  that  of  the 
court  in  a  narrative  he  pubUflied,  remarks  not  long  after,  in 
his  diary,  that  many  were  of  opinion  that  innocent  blood 
had  been  fhed.  None  of  the  pretended  afflided  were  ever 
brought  upon  trial  for  their  fraud,  fome  of  them  proved 
profligate  perfons,  abandoned  to  all  vice,  others  pafTed 
their  days  in  obfcurity  or  contempt. 

The  opinion  which  prevailed  in  New-England,  for  ma- 
ny years  after  this  tragedy,  that  there  was  fomething  pre- 
ternatural in  it,  and  that  it  was  not  all  the  ^e61:  of  fraud 
and  impofture,  proceeded  from  the  relu<^am:e  in  human 
nature  to  rejeift  errors  once  imbibed.  As  the  principal 
adors  went  off  the  flage,  this  opinion  has  gradually  leffen- 

ed  ; 

of  a  woman  committed  by  one  of  the  judges,  on  accufation  of  witchcraft,  by  a  formal 
warrant  under  his  hand  and  feal,  and  in  clofe  prifon  for  trial  the  next  aflizes,  then  not 
far  off.  The  good  lady,  propria  'virtute,  granted  and  figned  a  warrant  for  the  faid 
woman's  difcharge,  which  was  obeyed-by  the  keeper,  and  the  woman  lives  ftill  for 
aught  I  know.  Truly  I  did  not  believe'  this  ftory,  till  I  Hiv^  a  cojpy  of  the  mittimus 
and  difcharge,  under  the  keeper's  hand,  attefted  a  true  copy,  for  which  difcovery  the 
keeper  was  difchargcd  from  his  truft  and  put  out  of  his  employmerit,  as  he  himfel( 
told  xne,     M.  S.  later. 


1692.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  63 

ed  ;  and  perhaps  it  is  owing  to  a  refpe£l  to  the  memory  of 
their  immediate  anceftors,  that  many  do  not  yet  feem  to 
be  fully  convinced.  There  are  a  great  numbeir  of  perfons 
who  are  willing  to  fuppofe  the  accufers  to  have  beea  un- 
der bodily  diforders  which  affected  their  imaginations.  ^ 
This  is  kind  and  charitable,  but  feems  to  be  winking  the 
truth  out  of  fight,  A  little  attention  mufl  force  convI(ftion 
that  the  whole  was  a  fcene  of  fraud  and  impodure,  began 
by  young  girls,  who  at  firfl:  perhaps  thought  of  nothing 
more  than  being  pitied  and  indulged,  and  continued  by 
adult  perfons,  who  were  afraid  of  being  accufed  themfelves. 
The  one  and  the  other,  rather  than  confefs  their  fraud, 
fufFered  the  lives  of  fo  many  innocents  to  be  taken  away, 
through  the  credulity  of  judgejiSnd  juries.* 

It  was  propofed  that  the  members  of  the  general  court 
fhould,  during  the  recefs,  confider  of  fuch  laws  as  were 
necefTary  to  be  eflabli/hed  ;  for  the  a£t  reviving  the  colony 
laws  was  to  continij.e  in  force  no  longer  than  until  No- 
vember, 1692. 

This  was  a  work  of  great  importance,  and  required  the 
wifeft  heads,  and  ought  to  have  been  committed  to  feledt 
perfons  upon  a  preconcerted  plan,  the  whole  of  which 
each  perfon  fliould  have  kept  in  view ;  for  want  thereof 
the  people  of  the  province  have  been  fufFerers  ever  fmce  ; 
the  conflruclion  of  many  laws  has  been  doubtful  and  va- 

•* lying,  it  being  impoiTible  to  reconcile  the  feveral  parts  to 
any  general  principle  of  law  v/hatfoever.  Befides,  being 
pafTed  one  after  another,  as  they  happened  to  be  brought 
in,  and  fent  to  England  for  allowance,  fome  were  difap- 
proved ;  others,  which  depended  upon  or  had  fome  con- 
nexion with  thofe  which  were  difapproved,  were  allowed  : 

"whereas,  if  one  complete  code  or  fyflem  had  been  prepar- 
ed and  fent  to  England,  fuch  alterations  would  have  been 
propofed  as  might  finally  have  ifTued  in  a  well-digefted 
confiftent  body 'bf  laws ;  and  d,  tem.porary  provifion  might  , 

hayfe 

*Thc  general  court,  about  twenty  years  after,  upon  the  petitions  of  the  relations 
©f  thofe  who  had  been  executed,  and  of  ftveral  perfons  who  had  been  chaj-ged  and 
fled,  and  whofe  goods  had  been  feized,  made  grants  for  and  in  conftdera^on  of  the 
loffes  fuftained ;  but  the  petitioners  alleged,  that  they  bore  no  proportion  to  the  real 
damage.  Philip  Eaglifn,  a  merchant  in  Sakm,  received  £.300.  He  computed 
his  damages  at  £.  1500.  Inquiry  was  made  by  a  conan^ittce,  and  they  profcffed  t« 
report  fuch  furas  as  each  petitioo^  bad  fun'ercJ.  * 


*   » 


64  THE   HISTORY    OF       .      [Chap.  I, 

have  been  made,  un^il  this  perpetual  rule  fhould  be  fettled. 
Seven  years  had  palled,  and  four  different  a6:s  had  been 
fent,  one  after  another,  to  England,  for  eftablifhing  courts 
of  juftice,  before  the  royal  approbation  could  be  obtained. 
,  It  was  the  pradice  of  the  adminiilration  then,  and  it  feem^, 
at  that  time  to  have  been  well  enough  received  in  the  prov-. 
ince,*  to  point  out,  either  in  the  order  difallowing  laws, 
or  to  the  agent  who  prefe^ied  thern,  the  particular  excep- 
tions, and  to  propofe  fuch  alterations  as  might  render 
them  acceptable,  except  in  fuch  cafes  where  the  law  in  all  * 
its  parts  was  difapproved.  f 

The  legiilature  confiding  of  many  of  the  fame  perfons 
who  had  compofed  the  j^iilature  under  the  old  charter, 
we  find  the  fame  fpirit,.;^  rnoft  of  the  laws  which  were 
firll  paifed,  as  had  been  in  the  colony  laWs.  The  hrft  ad 
was  a  fort  of  magna  charta^  alfei  ting  and  fetting  forth  their 
general  privileges,  and  this  claufe  was  among  the  reft ;  > 
^'  No  aid,  tax,  tallage,  aifelfment,  cuftom,  loan,  benevo-  ^ 
lence  or  impofition  whatfoever,  fhall  be  tlaid,  affeifed, 
impofed,  or  levied  on  any  of  their  majeilies'  fubjeds, 
or  their  eftates,  on  any  pretence  whatfoever,  but  by  the 
ad  and  confent  of  the  governor,  council  and  rcprefenta- 
tives  of  the  people  aifembled  in  general  court."  The 
other  parts  of  the  ad  were  copied  from  magna  charta. 

This 

*  "  I  am  alfo  obliged  to  acknowledge  your  Lordfliip's  favour  In  making  known 
the  reafons  of  the  repeal  of  divers  adls  and  laws  made  within  this  province,  which  is 
of  good  information  and  direction  unto  the  general  affembly  in  their  new  making  of 
others  to  thofe  purpofes."  Extr.from  Lt.  Gov.  Stoughton  s  letter  to  lords  oftrade^  Sept, 
30,  1697.  ,  .  Jf* 

f  ^By  Poyning's  ad,  fo  called,  it  is  provided,  "  that  no  parliament  be  hereafter 
holden  in  the  faid  land  of  Ireland,  but  at  fuch  feafon  as  the  king's  lieutenant  and 
•  council  there  firft  do  certify  the  king,  under  the  great  fe^l  of  that  land,  the  caufes  ana        4(#* 
confiderations,  and  all  fuch  aifts  as  them  feemeth  fhould  pafs  in  the  fame  parliament,jj*    '    ^ 
and  fuch  caufes,  confiderations  and  a6ts  afhrmed  by  the  king  and  his  council  to  be     '^  ^>' • 
good  and  expedient  fqr  that  land."     By  an  ad  of  the  parliament  of  England  3d  and 
4th  Phli.  &  Mar.  it  was  determined,  that  the  meaning  of  the  words  "  good  and  ex- 
pedient for  that  land"  was,  that  the  ads  fent  to  England  mi^ht  be  pafTed  in  fuch 
form  and  tenor  as  fent  over,  or  that  any  part  of  them  migh^*  changed  and  altered 
before  they  were  fent  back  to  Ireland  t6  be  pafled  by  the  parUament  there.     A  quef-  | 

tion,  however,  was  ftarted  in  the  12th  of  K.  James  I.  and  it  was  referred  to  the  chief 
juftice,  (Sec.  to  confider  both  the  Irilh  and  Engliili  ad,  and  although  it  may  feem  dif-  ^ 

ficult  to  include  corredion  and  alteration  in  affirmation,  yet,  it  was  certain,  the  ad  ^ 

of  Phil.  &  Mar.  had  fo  explained  it ;  and  thus,  although  the  ads  themfelves  are  to 
be  originally  drawn  or  propofed  in  Ireland,  yet  the  amendments  or  alterations,  which 
may  be  as  material  as  the  ads  themfelves,  originate  in  England.  This  feems  uncon- 
flitutional  in  an  Euglifh  government.  It  is  not  certain,  however,  that  there  may 
not  be  conveniences  arifing  hereby  to  the  people  of  Ireland  fufficient  to  balance  ail 
inconveniences. 


1692.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  6s 

This  was  foon  dif;^lo\^d.  So  was  an  acl  for  punlfliing 
capital  offenders  ;  amongfl  whom  are  ranked  idolaters, 
bkl'phemers  and  incefluous  perfons,  and,  what  the  benig- 
nity of  the  common  iaw  makes  manllaughtcr,  was  by  this 
acl  exprefsly  declared  to  be  wilful  murder.  This  law  was 
framed  from  the  judicial  laws  of  Mofes.  Divers  other 
acls,  which  difcovered  the  fame  fpirit,  met  with  the  fame 
fate.  The  danger  they  had  been  in  from  Sir  Edmund 
Andros's  calling  their  titles  in  queftion,  I  imagine  mud 
have  occafioned  an  ad  for  quieting  polleirions  ;  declaring 
that  three  years  quiet  poffeffion  fhould  give  a  title,  with 
the  ufual  favings  of  infants,  &c.  This  probably  was 
thought  too  fhort  a  term,  and  therefore  difallowed  ;  as 
was  aUb  an  act  for  the  equal  diilribution  of  iniblvents'  ef- 
tates  ;  the  rule  of  law  for  paying  debts  according  to  their 
nature  and  degree  was  thought  preferable  ;  but  the  people 
having  never  been  ufed  to  this,  it  would  have  been  very 
inconvenient,  and'^^ftpon  further  trial  the  aft,  or  one  to  the 

^fame  purpofe,  was  allowed.  It  is  indeed  difficult  to  affigu 
a  fufficient  reafon,  why  not  only  one  fet  of  creditors  of  a 
deceafed  infolvent  fliall  be  paid  their  full  debts  to  the  ex- 
clufion  of  all  others  ;  but  even  an  executor  or  adminiflra- 
tor  fliall  ha^c  it  in  his  power  to  pay  himfelf,  to  the  exclu- 
fion  of  othS^s^whofe  debts  were  of  the  fame  nature. 

Other  acts  .which  were  paffed  were  appro"\i^d,^viz.  one 
for  prevention  of  frauds  and  perjiriies,  conformable  to  the 
ftatute  of  Charles  the  fecond  ;  others  for  punilhing  crim- 
inal offences,  in  many  parts  mitigating  the  penalties  at 
common  law  ;  for  the  obfervation  of  the  Lord's  day  ;  fol- 

Aenjnizing  marriages  by  a  miniffer  or  a  juftice  of  peace ; 

fciettlement   ancj  fupport  of  miniffers  and  fchool-maders  ; 

Sr^gulating  towns  and  counties  ;  requiring  the  oaths  ap- 
pointed inflead  of  the  oaths  of  allegiance  and  fupremacy, 
as  alfo  the  oaths  of  officers  ;  effablilhing  fees  ;  afcertain- 
ing  the  number  and  regulating  the  houfe  of  reprefenta- 
tives  ;    and  divers  other  afts  of  immediate  neceffity  and 

I  general  Aility,  which  have  l^een  in  force  ever  fmce  ;  but 
none  of  more  univerfal  influence  than  the  aft  for  fcttle- 
ment  of  the  eftates  of  perfons  dying  inteftate.  In  a  new 
country  the  l^gth  of  time  an  eftate  has  been  in  a  family 

cannot 


66  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

cannot  be  urged  for  the  further  continuance  of  it  ;*  where 
improvements  are  continually  making,  the  perfonal  ef- 
tate  is  continually  changing  into  real,  which  increafes 
the  natural  injufUce  of  one  child's  taking  the  real  eftate 
of  the  parent,  to  the  exclufion  of  the  other  children  ;  it 
was  therefore  thought  reafonable,  that  the  real  as  well  as 
perfonal  eftate  of  a  parent  fhould  be  equally  dillributed 
among  his  or  her  children,  faving  to  the  eldefl  fon,  either 
from  the  rule  in  the  law  of  Mofes,  or  a  fuppofed  ju(l 
claim  from  primogeniture,  a  double  lliare.  The  a£t  there- 
fore, in  general,  was  planned  upon  the  jflatute  of  diftribu- 
tions,  but  gave  two  fhares  to  the  eldefl  fon,  and  undoubt- 
%  ediy  in  the  diftribution  among  the  children  of  an  inteftate, 
refpeQ:ed  real  effates  in  like  manner  with  perfonal  j  the 
widow  had  her  thirds  in  the  real  for  life  only.  ^ 

It  is  evident,  that  the  principal  point  in  view  was 
to  make  real  eftates  partible  among  the  children  of  an 
inteftate,  and  that  they  never  confidelred  the  full  opera- 
tion of  the  claufe  in  the  flatute,  and  which  is  alfo  brought 
into  the  ad,  providing,  that  where  there  are  no  chil- 
dren the  whole  ettate  fhall  go  to  the  next  of  kin  to  the 
inteftate.f 

The  new  government,  as  we  have  obferved,  found  * 
themfelves  in  a  ftate  of  war.  The  authorif^^^of  the  col- 
ony had  appointed  EUfha  Hutchinfon,  who  was  one  of 
the  afTiflants  and  chief  oiKcer  of  the  regiment  of  Bofton, 
to  be  commander  of  the  forces.  He  was  at  Portf- 
mouth,  in  New-Hampfhire,  when  the  charter  arrived,  and  s 
had  difpofed  his  men  upon  the  eaftern  frontiers,  fo  as  to 
cover    the  few    inhabitants    which   remained    there  af-^ 

*  In  Ruffia,  it  is  faid,  they  dlftlnguifh  between  lands  that  have  been  a  long  tidlflV 
in  a  family  and  thofe  of  late  original.     "  Lands,  that  have  not  been  above  tweitty'^ 
years  in  a  family,  fali  to  the  younger  children  proportionably  with  the  eldeft/* 
f^oyage  to  the  northern  coajls  of  Europe.  fr- 

f  Accordingly,  for  more  than  thirty  years  after  t^^  pafling  this  law,  it  was  the 
prevailing  pradlce,  I  am  not  fure  it  was  fo  in  every  inftance,  for  real  eftates  to  de- 
jfcend  and  be  diftributed  by  the  courts  of  probate  as  at  common  law,  the  inftance- of   ♦ 
'  »  children  of  an  inteftate  only  excepted.  At  length  by  judgments  at  common  law,  firft 

the  half  blood,  then  the  fatlier  and  the  mother  have  been  determiiiedlo  be  entitleji||fc: 
to  the  real  in  like  manner  with  the  perfonal  eftate.  General  entails  have  been  ad-  " 
judged,  notwithftanding,  not  to  be  partible.  I  fuppofe,  upon  this  principle,  that  by 
this  ait  the  eommon  law  is  altered  only  with  refped  to  inteftate  eftates,  and  takes 
place  in  davifes  as  if  it  had  not  been  made.  It  had  been  exprefsly  declared,  in  the  laws 
of  Plymouth  colony,  that  lands  in  fee  fimple  fliould  go  to  alhthe  fons,  the  eldeft  a 
«[ouble  Ihare,  but  entails  Ihould  go  according  to  the  laws  of  England, 


j6g2,2  MASSACHUSETTS.'      *        67 

ter  the  deflruclion  of  York.  CaptaiR  Convers,  with  fif- 
teen men,  was  polled  in  a  garrifon  houfe  at  Wells,  called 
Stortr's  garrifon  ;*  and  about  as  many  more  were  on 
board,  two  iloops,  which  went  from  Bollon  with  provifions. 
About  the  loth  of  June,  the  inhabitants  were  alarmed 
by  their  cattle  runmng  home  from  the  woods  in  a  fright, 
and  fome  wounded.  This  notice  caufed  the  feveral  fam- 
ilies to  betake  themfelves  immediately  to  this  one  houfe, 
where  they  were  fcarce  lodged  when  an  army  of  French 
and  Indians,  of  three  or  four  hundred,, furrounded  the 
houfe.  A  French  officer,  Labrocree,  was  commander, 
and  Madockewando^  Moxus,  Egeremet,  and  other  noted 
Indian  chiefs  were  under  him.  They  tirit  attempted  the 
garrifon  houfe  ;  but  having  no  cannon,  they  were  repulf- 
ed  and  went  to  the  iloops.  The  river  v/here  they  lay  is 
not  above  eip;hteen*or  twenty ^feet  broad,  but  the  banks 
/helve  away  fo  that  they  could  not  leap  aboard.  I'hey  fet 
the  Hoops  on  /ire  feveral  times  with  fe  arrows,  but  the 
fire  was  as  often  extinguiflied,  and,  aftTr  a  variety  of  con- 
trivances to  Ihelter  themfelves  from  the  Englifli  iliot,  they 
gave  over  and  returned  to  the  garrifon,  where  they  had  no 
better  fuccefs.  The  women  not  only  tende(J  the  men 
with  ammunition  and  other  neceffaries,  but  many* of  them 
took  their  mulkets  and  fired  upon  the  enemy.  Very- 
good  terms  were  offered  the  garrifon  if  they  would  fun- 
render,  but  ho  regard  was  paid  to  them ;  -4x1  army  of 
French  and  Indians  were  not  to  be  trufted.  Being  drove 
again  from  the  garrifon,  they  made  a  fecond  attempt  upon 
the  floops  by  a  fire  raft,  which  fortunately  drove  afliore 
and  broke,  without  any  damage  to  the  veifels. ,.  Having 
fpent  eight  and  forty  hours  in  this  way,  they  withdrew, 
with  tbe  lofs  of  Labrocree,  their  commander,  and  fome 

*  Coh  Stgg^,  the  prefent  poffelTor,  kept  up  the  ftocl?adoes,  and  one  or  more  of  the 
flankarts  unnnince  the  year  1760,  rather  as  a  memorial  thin  neceffary  defence.         . 

We  may  ohferve  here,  that,  in  every  frontier  fettlcment  there  were  more  or  lefs 
frarrifon  houfes,  fome  with  a  flankart  at  two  oppofite  angles,  others  at  each  corn<;r  of 
the  houfe  ;  fome  houfes  furrounded  with  pallifadoes,  others  which  were  fmaller  built 
with  fquare  timber,  one  piece  laid  horizontally  upon  another,  and  loop-holes  in  every 
fide  of  the  houfe  ;  and,  befides  thefe,  generally  in  any  more  confiderablc  plantuLion 
there  was  one  principal  garrifon  houfe,  capable  of  contair^jte"  foldiers  fent  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  plantation,  and  the  families  near,  whofe  houfe:*5|^re  not  fortified.  It  was 
thought  juftifidble  and  neceffary,  whatever  the  general  rule  of  law  might  be,  to  erc€t 
fuch  forts,  caflles  or  bulwarks  as  thefe  upon  a  mun's  own  ground,  withofi*-  ccmmiri  .:» 
•r  fpecial  licenfe  therefor. 


68        '  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L, 

few  of  the  men.  In  their  retreat,  they  wreaked  their 
malice  in  torturing  a  poor  Englifhman,  John  Diamond, 
who  was  taken  prifoner  in  paffmg  from  the  Hoops  to  the 
fort,  and  in  killing  all  the  cattle  they  could  find. 

Sir  William  Phips  was  charged  by  his  inftrudiions  to 
build  a  ftrong  fort  at  Pemaquid.  This  he  performed  the 
fir  ft  fummer,  going  down  in  perfon.  The  country  in 
general  difliked  it.  They  have  been  reproached  for 
grudging  at  fo  fmall  an  expenfe  for  their  own  fafety  ;* 
but  this  was  not  the  principal  caufe  of  their  averfion  to  a 
fort  here.  It  anfwered  no  other  purpofe  than  to  keep 
polfeflion  of  that  particular  harbour,  and  was  not  conve- 
nient for  a  poft  for  any  marching  parties,  who  from  time 
to  time  were  fent  out  for  difcovery  of  the  enemy,  nor  for 
the  fettlers  of  the  frontiers  to  retreat  to.  The  miniftry,  I 
think,  had  a  view  in  it,  which  the  people  of  the  province 
feem  not  to  have  confidered,  viz.  preventing  the  French 
from  claiming  Ai^die  as  a  derelid  country,  and  perhaps 
taking  pofTeflion  of  it  ?.s  fuch.  However,  the  fort  was 
built  and  a  very  refpedable  one,  and  a  garrifon  main- 
tained there  at  the  charge  of  the  province.  The  French 
immediately  formed  a  defign,  or  profecuted  what  was  be- 
fore defigned,  to  poffefs  themfelves  of  the  place.  Two 
Ihips  of  war,  le  Poli  and  I'Envieux,  under  Iberville,  were 
to  attempt  the  place  by  fea,  whilft  Villebone,g^with  a  body 
of  Indians,  did  the  fame  by  land.  The  fhips%ame  late  in 
the  fall,  and  finding  an  Englifh  veffel  at  anchor  under  the 
guns  of  the  fort,  and  having  no  pilots,  nor  any  body  ac- 
quainted with  the  coaft,  they  thought  it  prudent  to  retreat. 
The  Indians  had  aifembled  in  great  numbers,  and'  were 
very  much  diflatisfied,  depending  upon  driving  away  their 
troublefome  n^eighbours  the  Elnglifh.  The  French,  at  Que* 
bee,  fuppofed  thefe  extraordinary  preparations,  which 
fruftrated  their  attempt,  were  caufed  by  the  intelligence 
which  two  deferters,  who  had  been  fpirited  away  by  Mr. 
Nelfon,  gave  to  the  authority  in  Malfachufetts,  but  this 
was  a'miftake.f 

Whilfl 

*  Difcovery  and  fettlei||fent  of  the  Engllfli  in  America,  In  Harris's  collection. 
't  Charlevoix,  and  YpCl.  Hill.  Maff.p.  378. 


1693.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  69 

Whilft  the  governor  was  at  Pemaquld,  building  the  fort, 
he  fent  major  Church,  the  celebrated  commander  in  Phil- 
ip's war,  with  part  of  th^  forces  to  Penobfcot,  and  upon 
his  return  he  ordered? him  to  Kennebeck.  'Chjftrch  took 
three  or  four  prifoners  and  fome  plunder  at  Penobfcot, 
and  difcovered  a  great  number  of  Indians ;  but«fer  want 
of  whale-boats  could  not  purfue'them.  At  Kennebeck,  he 
burned  a  fort  which  the  Indians  had  at  Taconnick,  and 
deftroyed  their  corn,  but  neither  killed  nor  took  prifoners* 
any  of  the  enemy. 

We  meet  with  nothing  elfe  memorable  this  year  rela- 
tive to  the  frontiers.  The  Indians  had  not  been  very 
active  ;  they  were  fenfible  of  their  ill  treatment  from  the 
French,  who  had  often  abandoned  them,  and^it  was  tah)^ 
influence  of  the  priefts  and  the  bigotry  of^JtJie  Indians 
to  the  Romifli  religion,  which  prevented  theW'forfaking 
the  French  interefl  and  adhering  to  the  Englifii ;  befides, 
the  Englifh  had  feveral  of  their  principal  peopje  prifoners 
at  Bofton,  of  whofe  redemption  they  were  very  defirous, 
and  had  no  hopes  of  accomplifhing  it  except  by  a  treaty 
of  peace.  '       **'\,/ 

The  appointment  of  counfellors  in  the  charter  was  in 
confequence  of  the  nomination  made  by  Mr.  Mother,  the 
agent.  *JPerhaps  he  was  \tell  enough  pleafed,riij^.the  time 
of  it,  with  having  it  in  his  power  to  diltinguilh  hk  friends 
fome  of  whom  he  afterwards  thought  ungratefi^l 'to  him  ; 
and  thofe  who  had  formerly  been  in,  and  now  thought 
themfelves  injured,  as  foon  as  they  were  reftored,  fhewed 
their  refentment ;  and  he  ufed  to  fay  he  hadibeen  more 
unkindly  treated,  from  time  to  time,  by  the  council  than 
any  other  men  in  the  province.  j^The  eletlion  in  May, 
1693,  was  the  firfl  opportunity  the  country  had  of  fhew- 
ing  their  own  fenfe  of  Mr.  Mather's  nomination.  Wil- 
liam Stoughton,  Thomas  Danforth,  John  Pynchon,  Elifha 
Cooke,  Ifaac  Addington,  William  Browne,  Nathaniel 
Thomas,  John  Saffin,  Francis  Hook  and  Charles  Froft 
were  ^leded  counfellors,  (the  fix  firfl:  named  had^been  af- 
fillants,  but  were  left  out  of  the  charter)  and  Simon  Brad- 
flreet,  Samuel  Appleton,  John  Joyliffe,  Adam  Winthrop, 
Richard   Middlecot,    Jofeph    Lynde,   Samuel  Hayman, 

Stephen 


* 


yo  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 


rk 


Stephen  Mafon,  Thomas  Hinckley  and  Job  Alcot  were 
left  out  of  the  counciL^^  Stoughton,  the  lieutenant-^gov- 
ernor,  had  a£led  as  a  counfellor  all  the  year  ,1692,  al- 
though fm^fc  were  twenty-eight,  wkhout  him  ;  the  depu- 
ty-govepor  ufed  to  be  confidered  as  an  afliftant  under 
the  oiSfch artery*  but  it  was  now  thought  proper  to 
choofe  him  one  of  the  twenty-eight.  They  were  not  fure 
of  always  having  a  heutenant  governor  fo  agreeable  to 
the  people  as  he  was.  The  governor  refufed  his  con- 
fent  to  Mr.  Cooke.  He  had  oppofed,  when  he  w^as  in 
England,  the  appointment  of  the  governor.  He  was 
however  in  real  efleeni  with  the  people,  and  the  negative 
v/as  impolitic. 

Repeatii^  applications  had  been  made  for  a  naval  force 
to  be  fent- from  England,  fuiiicierit  in  conjundlion  with 
land  forces  to  be  railed  in  New-England  and  New-York, 
for  the  redudion  of  Canada,  but  without  fuccefs ;  other 
affairs .  of  the  war  not  permitting  this,  though  deemed 
importaiit,  to  be  engaged  in.  In  1692,  it  was  reiblved 
there  Thouid  be  an  expedition  the  next  year.f  A^iieet 
was  to  be  employed  in  the  winter  in  reducing  Martinico, 
and,  having  performed  that  fervice,  was  to  go  to  Boflon, 
there  to  take  on  board  a  body  of  land  forces  under  Sir 
William  Phips,  and  fo  proceed  to  Quebec.  H^  Quebec 
been  th4  only  objed",  and  reafonable  notice  given  to  the 
colonieSj'^there  was  reafon  to  exped  fuccefs.  By'  the 
''  fleet's 

*  The  agents  tliought  the  cafe  to  be  the  fame  under  the  new  charter.  I'his  w^t 
the  reafon  whji.in  the  firft  draught  the  deputy-governor  as  well  as  the  council 
was  to  be  annually  ele«5led  by  the  aiTembly,  when  the  governor  was"  appointed  by 
the  crown. 

f  "  It  has  pleafed  the  king,  cut  of  his  great  goodnefs  and  difpofition  for  the  wel- 
fare of  all  his  fubjedls,  to  fend  a  confiderable  ftrength  of  Ihips  and  men  into  the 
Weft-Indies,  and  to  direct  Sir  Francis  Wheeler,  the  admiral,  to  fail  to  New-En- 
gland from' the  Caribbee  iflands,  fo  as  to  be  there  by  the  laft  of  May  or  middle  pf 
June  at  fartheft,  with  a  ftrength  fufficient  to  overcome  the  enemy,  if  joined  and 
feccnded  by  the  forces  of  New-England.  I  mean  fuch  a  fupply  of  ftiips,  men  and 
provifion  as  may  fccure  a  conqueft  of  Nova-Scotia  and  Canada,  the  only  means  to 
make  Nevv--England  happy  and  fecure  hereafter.  There  never  can  be  fuch  an 
occafion  for  you  to  affift  with  your  beft  perfuafion,  or  for  the  people  of  New-En- 
gland to  Ihew  their  zeal  for  their  religion  alid  love  to  their  king  and  country. 
His  majefty  has  taken  care,  befides  the  fhips  of  war,  to  fend  you  a  thouland  expe- 
rienced foldiers,  if  their  number  be  not  diminiflied  by  their  fervice  in  the  Weft-In- 
dies, under  a  commander  Who  has  looked  the  fame  enemy  in  the  face,  and  will  ftiew 
an  example  Worthy  to  be  foUov.-ed.  Sir  William  Phips,  I  fuppofe,  will  be  at  the 
head  of  the  New-England  volunteers,  and  will  eaiily  acquiefce,  according  to  the 
rules  of  war,  in  leaving  the  chief  command  as  his  majefty  has  determined  it." 
Extr.  from  Blayth'waH'''s  letter  to  J.  Mather ^  %0  Ft-b.  9Z-3. 


1693.3  MASSACHUSETTS.  71 

fleet's  going  to  the  Weft-Indies,  the  whole  defign  was 
blafted.  If  licknefs  had  not  weakened  them,  the  force 
would  ftili  have  been  infufliclent  for  the  redudion  of 
Martinico ;  but  the  mortahty  was  fo  great,  that  before 
Sir  Francis  Wheeler,  the  commander  in  chief,  came  to  * 
Bofton  with  the  fleet,  June  nth,  he  had  buried  1300 
out  of  2100  failors,  and  1800  of  2400  foldiers.  It  may 
well  be  fuppofed  the  admiral  had  done  with  the  thoughts 
of  the  Canada  expedition.*  The  land  army,  perhaps, 
might  have  been  recruited,  but  a  fupply  of  feam^n  cciuld 
not  be  obtained.  Befides,  not  the  leaft:  preparation  had 
been  made  ;  he  brought  the  news  himlelf  of  his  propofed 
attempt.  The  letters  dated  in  February,  the  velfel  being 
by  fome  means  or  ot?her  delayed  or  beat  off  tlie  coafl:,  did 
not  arrive  until  July.  '  In  an  affair  of  fuch  importance 
and  jipL  a  time  of  war,  notice  might  well  have  been  ex- 
^e£led  by  many  different  conveyances.  Sir  Francis  fet- 
tled with  the  government  a  plan  for  another  year,  viz. 
2000  land  forces  to  be  fent  from  England,  and  2000 
more  to  be  raifed  in  the  colonies,  the  fhips  and  forces 
from  England  to  be  at  Canfo  by  the  firfl  of  June,  where 
the  forces  from  the  colonies  were  to  be  ready  for  them  5 
the  whole  force  to  go  up  the  river,  there  to  divide,  and 
attack  Montreal  and  Quebec  at  the  fame  time.  Confid- 
ering  the  ftate  Canada  was  then  in,  this  feems  to  have 
been  no  injudicious  plan.  A  rendezvous  at  Bofton  would 
have  been  known  at  Quebec,  by  perfons  from  the  fron- 
tiers, before  a  fleet  could  have  gone  up  the  river.  With 
Canfo  (Cape  Breton  not  being  then  fettled)  the  French 
in  Canada  had  lets  communication :  the  whole  force  go-  -^ 
ing  up  the  river  was  not  lefs  judicious.  Former  and  later 
attempts  h:;ve  fhewn,  how  uncertain  the  mutual  aid  • 
would  have  been  of  an  army  up  the  river  and  another 
inarching  within  land. 

The  diflemper  which  had  been  in  the  fleet  fpread  in    f 
Boflon  and   was  more   malignant  than  ever  the  fm.all- 
pox  had  been,  or  any  other  epidemical  ficknefs  which 
had  been  in  the  country  before  j  and  many  families  left 

the      X 

*  He  aflccd  the  opinion  of  the  governor  and  council,  whether  they  thought 
•he  ftrength  he  then  had  was  fuSicient,  and  they  gave  their  opinijn  tjiat  it  \v»* 
»ot. 


♦  * 


72    '      '      THE   HISTORY   OF       **      [Chap.  I. 

the  town  and  refided  in  the  country,  until  the  infedion 
ceafed. 

The  moieilations  upon  the  f'rontlers  this  year  were 
not  very  great.     Preparations  were  made  for  carrying  on    , 
the  war.     Captain  Convers,  v^ho  had  behaved  well,  was 
appointed  with  a  major's   commiffion  to  the  command 
of  the  forces  eaftward.     With  a  fmall  army  of  four  or 
five  hundred  men,  he  marched  to  Taconick,  on  Kenne- 
beck,  but  met  with  none  of  the  enemy,  except  one  party 
which  he  furprifed  not  far  from  Wells.     On  his  return, 
he  madi  fome  flay  at  Saco  river ;  and  about  two  leagues 
up  the  river,   on  the  weflern  fide,  near  the  falls,  a  very 
proper  ftation,  he  built  a  (lone  fort,  an  irregular  penta- 
gon  with  a  tower.     This  was  in  the  heart  of  the  Indians' 
hunting  ground  at  that  time,  and  was  thought  to  have  ac- 
celerated a  treaty  of  peace.     An  apprehenfion  prevailed 
among  them,    at  the  fame  time,  that  the   Iroquoisy  iM 
ftigated  by  the  Englifh,  would  fall  upon  them. 

Thurry,  a  French  mifiionary  at  Penobfcot,  fpared  no 
pains  to  prevent  it,  but  they  w^ere  ineffedutl.  The  In- 
dians fued  for  peace,  and  the  Englifh  were  glad  of  a  ref- 
pite  from  war.  Pemaquid  being  appointed  for  the  place 
of  treaty,  on  the  nth  of  Auguft  the  articles  were  figned, 
and  hoftagcs  delivered  by  the  Indians  as  a  fecurity  for  their 
fidelity.  This  fecurity  could  not  be  obtained  from  them 
in  later  treaties.     It  was  inefFe£lual  at  this  time. 

Charlevoix  has  not  truly  reprefented  this  traiffadion. 
He  may  have  been  mifmformed  by  the  Indians  who  have 
always  kept  from  the  French,  as  far  as  they  could,  the 
fubmiflions  made  to  the  Enghili.  He  fays,  Sir  WiUiam 
Phips  had  engaged  a  few  of  the  Abenakis  to  a  fort  of  an 
accommodation,  and  that  two  of  their  chiefs  in  the  month 
of  May*  had  promifed  that  they  would  conclude  upon 
articles  of  peace,  and  gave  two  hoftages  for  the  perform- 
ance of  their  promife  ;  and  that  Phips  came  in  perfon  to 
Pemaquid  to  have  finifhed  the  affair,  if  de  VilHeu,  a  French 
cfEcer,  had  not  by  his  diligence  prevented  ;  for  being  fee* 
onded  by  the  priell  Thurry,  he  found  out  the  fecret  of 

recovering 

[  *  Phips  was  at  Pemaquid  in  May,  1694,  and  there  obtained  from  Madockewan- 
4o  a  deed  of  the  lands  at  St.  George's  river.  See  Waldo  s  defence  of  Leveret's  claims 
X736,/.  24-] 


*T^93-3 


MASSACHUSETTS. 


recovering  Madockewando,  who  had  declared  in  favour 
of  the  Englilh,  and  prevailed  upon  him  to  ralfc  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men  and  make  a  defcent  upon  Pifcataqua 
river,  ^6  miles  from  Boflon.  Charlevoix  has  brought  the 
treaty,  made  in  1693  ^^^^^  i^94i  ^rid  by  calling  it  only  a 
propolal  for  a  treaty,  has  given  a  glofs  to  the  whole  allair, 
and  extenuated  the  perfidy  of  the  Indians  in  their  hoftili- 
ties  foon  after,  and  the  guilt  of  the  prieft  in  exciting  them. 

Upon  the  weftern  frontiers,  in  the  fummer  of  this  year, 
the  Indians,  led  on  by  the  French,  made  what  the  latter 
call  /a  petite  guerre  upon  our  new  fettlements,  but  forces 
conftantly  kept  up  prevented  any  remarkable  deftruftion. 

Whilfl  the  government  had  their  hands  and  hearts  full 
in  providing  for  their  own  defence,  they  were  called  upon 
to  provide  their  quota  of  men  for  the  defence  of  New- 
York.  Mr.  Stoughton,  in  Sir  William's  abfence  eaflwarJ, 
excufed  the  province  from  concerning  itfelf  therewith,  in 
a  letter  to  Lord  Nottingham,  Oct.  20,  1693. 

"I  CRAVE  leave  further  to  acquaint  your  lordfliip, 
that  the  governor  of  New- York  having  written  unto  his 
excellency  the  governor  here,  (Ignifying  his  appointment 
of  a  meeting  at  New- York,  upon  the  fird  Wednefday  of 
this  month,  of  commifTioners  from  the  feveral  govern- 
ments of  New-England,  Virginia,  &c.  to  concert  and  agree 
upon  a  certain  quota  of  men  and  money  for  the  defence  of 
Albany,  &c.  in  obfervance  of  their  majellies'  commands  ; 
it  happened  to  be  at  fuch  a  time  and  under  fuch  a  con- 
juncture of  affairs  here,  that  no  m.eet  perfons  could  be  pro- 
cured to  attend  that  Congrefs.  Much  may  be  faid  to  ex- 
cufe  this  province  from  contributing  towards  the  charge 
of  maintaining  and  defending  the  frontiers  belonging  to 
New-York,  being  at  fuch  a  confiderable  diflance  from  the 
frontiers  of  this  province  far  more  large  and  expofed, 
which  have  been  defended  and  maintained  at  their  own 
charge,  and  many  thoufand  pounds  more  fpeiit  in  the  fup- 
port  and  defence  of  New-Hampfliire.  Vv'ere  the  whole 
account  of  the  charge  of  the  war  to  be  proportioned  among 
the  feveral  colonies,  it  would  plainly  appear,  upon  a  right 
computation,  that  we  have  not  been  fo  forward  to  com- 
VoL.  IL  F  plain 


74  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

plain  of  the  burden  as  fome  of  our  neighbours  ;  but  it  is 
hoped  a  true  and  impartial  reprefentation  of  this  matter 
will  apologize  for  us  unto  their  majefties,  that  we  be  not 
included  in  the  charge  at  New-York.'** 

Sir  William  Phips's  rule  was  fliort.  His  condu61-, 
when  captain  of  the  ihip  of  war,  is  reprefented  very  much 
to  his  advantage  j  but  further  talents  v/ere  necelfary  for 
the  good  government  of  a  province.  He  was  of  a  benev-* 
olent,  friendly  difpofition  ;  at  the  fame  time  quick  and 
pafTionate.  A  clofe  attachment  to  his  friends  engaged 
him  in  a  difpute  with  the  collector  of  the  cuftoms  ;  and 
provocation,  both  from  the  collector  and  the  captain  of 
a  man-of-war,  caufed  him  to  break  out  into  fome  indecent 
failles  of  paflion  and  rage,  and  to  treat  both  of  them  in 
fuch  a  manner  as  v/as  diihonourable  to  him.  Mr.  Brenton, 
a  young  gentleman  of  a  principal  family  in  Rhode-Ifland 
government,  had  been  appointed  colleiSor  for  the  port  of 
Boflon.  This  was  before  the  eftablifhment  of  cuflom- 
houfes  in  the  plantations  by  a£i:  of  parliament.  The  peo- 
ple thought  it  enough  to  enter  and  clear  at  the  naval-of- 
fice, and  queflioned  the  authority  of  the  colledor.f  The 
governor  l3eing  the  naval-officer,  and  afting  by  his  dep- 
uty, did  not  difcountenance  this  opinion  of  the  people^ 

A  veflel 

*  A  new  appointment  was  made  in  I7CO,  in  which  MalTachufetts  and  New- 
Hampfliire  were  left  out.  Neither  of  them  had  the  intended  efFetft.  New- York 
Iiad  fu/Tercd  greatly  by  the  deftrudion  of  Schenectady,  and  Albany  was  thought  to 
be  in  danger.  Thefe  apportionments  were  principally  for  the  fake  of  that  province. 
The  next  war  they  provided  for  their  own  fecurity  by  a  neutrality  which  carried 
the  whole  force  of  the  enemy  upo-n  their  neighbours. 

f  Under  the  firft  charter  the  a^s  of  trade  had  not  been  duly  regarded.  In  l68r, 
Xdward  Randolph  came  over  with  a  commiffion  as  colle<3:or.  Soon  after  the  gener- 
al court  paffed  a  law  for  ereiiling  a  naval  office,  which  Randolph  reprefented  as  done 
in  oppofition  to  him.  After  tJie  charter  was  vacated,  divers  xjeffels  from  Malaga,  &c. 
were  feized  and  condemned  for  illicit  trade,  and  Randolph  makes  no  complaint  of 
being  impeded  in  the  execution  of  his  office  during  that  time  ;  but  upon  his  return 
to  England  after  the  revolution,  he  gave  in  a  lift  of  near  thirty  veffels  which  had 
been  guilty  of  breaches  of  the  adts  of  trade,  and  prayed  that  he  might  be  reftored 
to  the  office  of  collector ;  and  the  agents  v/ers  required  by  the  lords  of  the  council 
to  make  anfwer.  They  denied  the  fait  as  to  many  of  the  veffels,  and  exculpated  the 
government  as  to  the  reft,  alleging  that  the  general  court  had  declared  that  they 
would  ftri(itly  obferve  the  adts  of  trade,  and,  that  none  might  plead  ignorance,  had 
ordered  them  all  to  be  publiffied.  Sir  WiUiam  Phips  appointed  one  Benja.  Jackfon 
it)aval-officer.  The  fenfe  of  the  people  upon  the  oSicer  of  coUedlor  will  appear  from 
the  following  extract  of  a  letter  to  the  agents. 

"  Mr.  Brenton,  their  majefties'  colle6tor,  has  been  endeavouring  to  impofe  upon 
the  government,  by  obliging  all  mafters  of  fhips  and  other  veffels  to  enter  and  clear 
with  him,  thereby  burdening  the  people  with  unneceffary  and  unreafonable  fees,  ef 

whick 


1594-]  MASSACHUSETTS.  75 

A  veflfel  arrived  from  the  Bahama-iflands  with  a  load  of 
fuflic,  for  which  no  bond  had  been  given.  Col.  Foiler, 
a  merchant  of  Boflon,  a  member  of  the  council,  and  fafh 
friend  to  the  governor,  bought  the  fuflic  at  fuch  price 
that  he  was  loth  to  give  up  the  bargain.  The  collcdor 
feized  the  vefiel  and  goods  ;  and  upon  Profiler's  reprcfv^nt- 
ation  to  the  governor,  he  interpofed.  There  v/as  at  that 
time  no  court  of  admiralty.  By  the  charter,  the  king 
referved  admiralty  jurifdidion,  but  no  court  had  been 
conflituted.  I  have  a  manufcript,  fent  at  that  time  to 
England,  which  fays,  the  governor  imagined,  that,  by 
virtue  of  his  commifTion  for  vice-admiral,  he  had  a  right 
to  fit  as  judge,  and  that  he  condemned  feveral  prizes, 
and  among  the  reft  the  St.  Jofeph,  brought  in  by  a  pri- 
vateer of  the  Leeward-iflands,  which  the  captain  vvould 
have  carried  thither  for  condemnation,  but  was  not  per- 
mitted. Be  this  as  it  may,  it  is  certain  that  Sir  William 
took  a  more  fummary  way  of  deciding  this  cafe,  and  fent 
an  order  to  the  colle6^or  to  forbear  meddling  with  ths 
goods ;  and  upon  his  refufal  to  obferve  orders,  the  gov- 
ernor went  to  the  wharf,  and,  after  warm  words  on  both 
fides,  laid  hands  upon  the  colleiStor,  but  with  what  de- 
gree of  violence  was  controverted  by  them.  The  gov- 
ernor prevailed,  and  the  vefTel  and  goods  were  taken  out 
of  the  hands  of  the  collector. 

There  had  been  a  mifunderfranding  alio  between  the 
governor  and  captain  Short,  of  the  Nonefuch  frigate. 
In  their  paflage  from  England,  a  prize  was  taken ;  and 
Short  complained  that  the  governor  had  deprived  him  of 
part  of  his  fiiare  or  legal  intereft  in  her.  Whether  there 
were  grounds  for  it,  does  not  now  appear.  The  captains 
of  men-of-war,  flationed  in'  the  colonies,  were  in  thole 
days  required  to  follow  fuch  inflruftions  as  the  governors 
gave  them,  relative  to  their  cruizes  and  the  protection  of 
the  trade  of  the  colonies  ;  and  the  governor  by  his  com- 
milTion  had  power,  in  cafe  of  anv  great  crime  committed 

which  complaints  have  been  frequently  ni'dcle.  We  do  not  find  any  adl  of  parlia- 
ment requiring  the  fame,  there  being  nothing  of  the  growth  or  produce  of  this 
province  from  whence  any  cuiloms  arlfe,  and  the  governors  of  the  feveral  planta- 
tions are  efpecially  enjoined  by  law  to  take  care  that  tlie  acts  of  trade  and  naviga- 
tion be  duly  obfcrved,  under  a  fevere  penalty  for  thsir  uegkil."  Litter  to  H.  Af' 
t^rftand  C,  Fhi^s^  Fil>.  il,  16^2-3. 

F2 


-6  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chaf,  I. 

By  any  of  the  captains  of  men-of-war,  to  fufpend  them, 
aiid  the  next  officer  was  to  fucceed.  The  governor  re- 
quired captain  Short  to  order  part  of  the  men  belonging 
to  the  Nonefuch  upon  fome  fervice,  which  I  do  not  find 
iiientioned,  probably  to  man  fome  cruizer,  there  being 
many  pick^eroons  about  the  eaflern  coaft,  but  he  refufed 
to  do  it.  This  was  ilF  taken  by  the  governor;  and 
meeting  captain  Short  in  the  ftreet,  warm  words  pafled, 
and  at  length  the  governor  made  ufe  of  his  cane  and 
broke  Short's  head.  Not  content  with  this,  he  committed 
him  to  prifon.  The  right  of  a  governor  to  commit  by 
his  own  v/arrant  had  not  then  been  queftioned.  From 
the  prifon  he  removed  him  to  the  caflle,  and  from  thence 
on  board  a  merchant  veflel  bound  to  London,  to  be  de- 
livered to  the  order  of  one  of  their  majeflies'  principal  fec- 
r.etaries  of  Hate  ;  giving  the  mailer  a  warrant  or  authori- 
ty fo  to  do.  The  veflel  by  fome  accident  put  into  Portf- 
mouth  in  New-Hampihire..  Sir  William,  who  feems  to 
have  been  made  fenfible  of  fome  irregularity  in  thefe  pro- 
ceedings, went  Vo  Portfmouth,  required  the  mailer  of  the 
merchantman  to  return  him  the  warrant,  which  he  tore  to 
pieces,  and  then  ordered  the  cabin  of  the  iliip  to  be  open- 
ed, fecured  Short's  cheits',  and  examined  the  contents., 
Short  was  prevented  going  home  in  this  veiTel,  and  went 
to  New- York,  to  take  paifage  irom  thence  for  England  ; 
but  Sir  F.  Wheeler  arriving  fo  on  after  at  Boflon  fent  for 
him  and  carried,  him  home  with  him.  The  next  officer 
fucceeded  in  the  command  of  the  ihip,  until  a  new  captain 
arrived  from  England.  Short  was  reilored  to  the  com- 
mand of  as  good  a  ihip,  Brenton's  complaint  was  made 
to  the  lords  of  the  treaRiry  about  the  fame  time,  and  re- 
ferred to  the  board  of  trade,  and  both  came  before  the 
king,  who  was  folicited  immediately  to  difplace  the  gov- 
ernor. This  the  king  refufed  to  do  without  hearing  what 
he  had  to  fay  in  his  defence ;  and  he  was  ordered  to  leave 
his  government,  and  make  an  anfwer  in  England.  The 
governor's  friends  in  New-England  excufed  him  by  the 
great  provocation  he  received,  both  from  the  captain  o£ 
the  man-of-war  and  the  colledor.  This  would  ferve  bet- 
ter to  excufe  a  private  perfon  than  the  governor  of  a  prov- 
ince.^ 


:i594.1  MASSACHUSETTS. 


V  / 


ince.  The  prejudices  were  great  againfl  him  in  England. 
Mr.  Dudley,  who  was  upon  the  fpot  and  defired  to  fuc- 
ceed  him,  heightened  them.  There  was  a  llrong  party 
againfl  him  alfo  within  the  province.  By  negativing  Mr, 
Cooke,  he  had  made  many  of  thole  who  had  oppofed  all 
meafures,  except  the  reiloration  of  the  old  charter, to  be  his 
enemies.  Dudley  had  been  trying  to  reconcile  himfelf  to 
his  countrymen  ever  fince  the  revolution  :  he  had  great 
family  intereft.  Stoughton,  the  lieutenant-governor,  re- 
tained his  friendfhip,  and  fe-cretly  correfpjonded  Vv^ith  him^ 
and  was  very  cold  in  Sir  William's  intereil.*^  They  who 
had  been  in  favour  of  the  charter  were  for  him.  They  v/ere 
the  mofl  numerous,  but  not  moll;  Lclive  and  zealous.  The 
private  letters  fent  to  England  were  generally  againlt  him. 
He  had  a  hai"d  tafk  to  keep  a  majority  of  the  general  court 
in  his  favour.  An  addrels  was  pro.pofed  and  carried  in  the 
houfe  of  repreftntatives,  humbly  praying  his  majeily  that 
the  governor  might  not  be  removed  ;  but  -of  fifty  mem.- 
bers  prefent,  twenty-four  voted  againfl  it.f  The  non-ref- 
ident  acl  was  not  then  in  for<:e  ;  and  it  appeared  that  molt 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Bofton,  who  reprefented  towns  in  the 
country,  were  againft  the  addrefs.  The  party  in  favour 
of  the  addrefs,  to  prevent  farther  trouble,  if  there  fliould 
be  further  occafion  for  any  thing  to  be  done  in  hivour  of 
the  governor,  brought  into  a  bill,  which  was  then  before 
the  houfe,  a  claufe  rellraining  towns  from  choormg  any 
perfon  to  reprefent  them  in  the  general  court  other  thaa 
freeholders  and  refidents  wdthin  fuch  towns.  This  pro- 
vifion  is  generally  looked  upon  as  a  privilege,  ai>d  a  point 
gained  by  the  people  ;  but  it  certainly  was  occafioned  by 
what  is  commonly  called  the  prerogative  party  iij  govern- 
ment, 

*  "  In  my  laft  I  inclafe<l -the  copies  cf  feveral  corRpIr.ints  againfi:  your  governor,  Sir 
William  Phips.  I  am  ferry  to  lee  you  weakened  by  your  own  hands,  and  thole 
friends  among  yourieives  that  defign  the  intsrelt  of  the  coui:try  fo  little  ;i^res  iu 
the  means  and  manner  of  doing  it.  You  are  reproached  here,  that  vvnir  governor 
•is  of  one  opinion,  your  deputy-governor  of  another,  and  that  the  negative  voice  a 
ufed  to  keep  out  a  third  perfon  from  your  council ;  and  yet  you  aU  lecm  to  deiign 
ihe  fame  end.  By  thofe  meafure«,  your  enemies  get  ground  pf  you,  and  lar;jh  ?jal 
feoff  at  you."      LetUrfrom  Sir  H.  Ajlarji,  Jan.  3';>,  16:; 3-4. 

t  M.  S. 


^S  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

jnentjand  however  falutciry,\vas  defigned  as  an  abridgment 
of  liberty.*^  Sir  William  left  Bofton  the  17th  of  November. 
An  injudicious  ufe  of  power  produced,  what  were 
judged  by  the  crovvii,  necelfary  regulations,  fooner  than, 
perhaps  they  would  otherwife.  have  been  made,  viz.  the 
eftabhfhment  of  a  judge  of  admiralty,!  powers  to  the  of- 
ficers of  the  cufloms,  and  the  oath  to  the  governors  by 
the  7th  and  8th  of  William  ;  and  the  remembrance  of 
this,  together  with  other  a6i:s  of  plantation  governors, 
might  alfo  caufe  the  power  over  the  iliips  of  war  to  be 
taken  from  them,  although  it  was  fuffered  to  continue 
feme  years  after  this  time* 

The 

^  "  It  was  very  fui-prifing  to  me  to  fee  the  laborious  methods  taken  to  obtain  an. 
addrefs  from  the  general  affembly  here,  for  the  continuance  of  Sir  William  in  the 
government.  The  cppofers  vrere  gentlemen  principally  of  Boilon,  v/ho  were  too 
near  Sir  William  to  tbinkwell  of  him,  but  ferved  in  the  houfe  for  feveral  towns  and 
villages  at  fome  diflance,  where  fome  of  them  were  born,  and  others  had  their  eflates 
and  improvements  above  any  dwellers  in  the  palace  for  which  they  ferved.  To  be  rid 
of  them  all  at  once,  a  bill  was  brought  in,  or  rather  a  claufe  brought  into  a  bill  that  no. 
man  whatibever  fhould  ferve  in  the  houfe  of  commons  for  any  town,  unlefs  where  he 
did  at  that  time  live  and  dv/ell,  which  paiTcd  with  the  diffent  of  twenty-four,  the- 
whole  hoiifc  coniilling  of  fifty,  and  with  fome  heat  in  the  upper  houfe.  Sir  William 
hereupon  ruilies  into  the  houfe  of  commons  and  drives  out  the  non-refidents,  and  I  am 
miflaken  if  either  for  eftates  or  loyalty  they  left  any  of  their  equals  in  that  houfe.'*" 
X>dt:r  to  London,  Nov.  I,  1 694. 

Doiiglafs,  whofe  foible  it  was  to  fpcak  well  or  ill  of  men  very  much  as  he  had  a. 
perfonal  friendlhip  for  them,  or  had  a  perfonal  difference  with  them,  of  which  I 
may  inftance  more  efpecially  in  his  moft  elaborate  endeavours  to  fet  Mr.  Shirley  in. 
a  difadvantageous  light,  his  laboured  encomiums  of  feveral  I  choofe  to  avoid  mention- 
ing, becaufe  for  fome  of  them  he  had  other  foundation,  had  taken  up  a  prejudice 
againll  the  two  Mathers,  father  and  fon,  and  remarks  upon  the  occafion  of  this  adl,, 
*'  It  is  faid  that  anno  1693,  there  were  fome  Bolton  gentlemen  reprefentatives  for 
fome  of  the  out  towns,  but  not  agreeable  to  the  reverend  I.  Mather.  Mr.  Byfield 
for  Eriilol  is  mentioned.  Mr.  Mather,  of  great  intereft  with  the  weak  governor 
Phips,  and  with  the  devotionally  bigottcd  houfe,  procured  this  a<5l." 

f  "  I  find  gi'eat  offence  taken  at  your  governor  Phips,  for  beating  the  captain  of  the 
'«ian-of-war  there  for  not  yielding  his  fhipmen  to  the  governor's  command  elfewhere^ 
My  fon  feems  to  apprehend  him  a  perfon  not  competent  to  be  a  governor,  for  fo  do- 
ing ;  and,  as  a  commiflioner  of  the  admiralty,  feems  to  indulge  the  captain's  com- 
plaint, and  reflec5l  upon  the  govex-nor  as  an  adl  miibecoming  his  pofl.  I  fear  the 
confcquence  of  this  preiudice  againft  the  governor  by  our  admiralty  cpmmiffioners 
efpoufing  the  captain's  intereft  againft  him,  which  1  doubt  will  be  ;  and  my  fon 
feems  to  refleft  upon  the  whole  plantation,  for  choofing  a  governor  of  no  better  prin- 
ciples or  pra6lices  than  to  forget  himfelf  fo  far  as  to  cane  or  ftrike  a  commiffion  of5- 
ter,  none  of  his,  which  will  m'dch  provoke  the  admiralty  to  fe^id  a  judge  thither,  of 
and  for  the  admiralty,  net  the  governor  to  take  his  pofl."  Sir  Nath.  Rich  to  I. 
Mather,  London,   Jan.  25,  1 693-4. 

Sir  N.  Rich  probably  mifunderfrood  his  fon  ;  the  immediate  motive  to  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  judge  of  admiralty  was  not  the  caning  of  the  captain,  but  the  gover- 
nor's improper  ufe  of  admiralty  power. 


1694-]  MASSACHUSETTS.  79 

The  government  falling  into  Mr.  Stoughton's  hands, 
upon  Sir  William's  leaving  the  province,  feems  to  have 
been  adminiilered  by  him  to  good  acceptance  in  England, 
and  to  the  general  fatisfa6tion  of  the  people  of  the  prov- 
ince. The  rule  of  a  lieutenant-governor  it  is  expected 
will  be  fhort ;  it  is  fcarce  worth  while  to  form  parties 
againfl  him  within  the  government ;  and  if  there  lliould 
be  any  mifrule,  which  requires  check  or  cenfure  from 
England,  it  is  of  lefs  confequence,  his  authority  being  fo 
foon  to  be  fuperfeded.  This  is  not  the  only  reafon  why 
the  adminiftration  of  Mr.  Stoughton  and  one  of  his  fuc- 
cefTors,  Mr.  Dummer,  have  been  generally  well  fpokcn 
of.  They  had  each  of  them  fpent  fome  time  in  England, 
and  better  knew  what  conduct  v/ould  be  approved  of 
there ;  they  were  well  acquainted  with  the  tempers  of 
their  own  countrymen  ;  each  of  them,  very  prudently, 
rather  aimed  at  an  eafy  quiet  adminiftration,  than  at  any 
thing  great  and  ftriking  ;  confidering  themfelves  as  at 
helm,  to  kep  the  ifhip  in  its  fleady  courfe ;  they  feldom 
relied  v/holly  upon  their  own  judgments,  ading  in  the 
mod  common  affairs  by  advice  of  council,  which  ferv- 
cd  as  a  juftification  of  any  meafures  which  might  be  un- 
popular, or  in  which  there  might  be  any  miftake,  and  yet 
took  not  away  the  credit  of  fuch  as  proved  to  be  well  judg- 
ed, and  were  generally  applauded.  At  the  firft  election, 
Mr.  Cooke  being  chofe  of  the  council,  although  he  had 
ever  been  of  the  party  oppofite  to  the  lieutenant-governor, 
yet  he  approved  of  the  choice. 

The  treaty,  laft  year,  at  Pemaquid,  had  produced  near  a 
twelvemonth's  quiet  to  the  frontiers.  The  French  did 
not  intend  it  fiiould  laft  fo  long.  They  kept  the  Indians 
from  reftoring  the  prifoners  according  to  their  engage- 
ments. The  hoftages  were  no  fecurity  whilft  the  Indians 
had  a  much  greater  number  of  the  Englifti  in  their  pow- 
er. New  hoftiUties  therefore  were  every  day  expected. 
At  length,  the  1 8th  of  July,  they  fell  with  fury  upon  a 
village  at  Oyfter-river,  in  New-Hampfnire  province,  killed 
and  carried  away  ninety-four,  fome  accounts  fay  about  one 
hundred  men,  women  and  children.  This  was  a  heavyblow. 
The  Englilli  reprefent  the  enemy  as  a  very  great  army, 

Charlevoix 


8q  the   history   of  [Chap,  t 

Charlevoix  fays  there  were  two  hundred  and  fifty  of  Penob« 
fcot  and  St.  John's  Indians,  befides  fome  of  father  Bigot^'s 
miffion,*  and  only  one  Frenchman.  He  adds,  that  twO: 
hundred  and  thirty  Englifh  periihed.  His  account  of  the 
number  of  the  enemy  is  moft  to  be  depended  upon  ;  and 
our  account  of  the  lofs  we  fuflained.  Madockewando,  a 
Penobfcot,  who  was  the  head  of  the  party,  went  with  the 
body  of  his  countrymen  to  Quebec,  and  prefented  the 
fcalps  to  Frontenac,  the  governor  of  Canada.f  We  hear 
nothing  of  prlfoners.  Toxus,  the  Norridgewock  chief, 
with  about  forty  of  that  tribe,  marched  along  towards 
Merrimack-river.  In  their  way,  after  an  unfuccefsful  at- 
tempt upon  the  houfe  of  one  Blackford,  they  murdered 
Mrs.  Cutt,  the  widow  of  prefident  Cutt,  and  three  of  her 
people,  at  her  farm  houfe.  Having  croiTed  Merrimack^ 
on  the  27th  of  July  they  fell  upon  Groton,  about  forty 
miles  from  Bofton.  They  were  repulfed  at  Lakin's  gar- 
xifon  houfe,  but  fell  upon  other  houfes,  where  toe  people 
were  off  their  guard,  and  killed  and  carried  away  from, 
the  vicinity  about  forty  perfons.  Toxus's  two  nephews 
were  killed  by  his  fide,  and  he  had  a  dozen  bullets  through 
his  blanket,  according  to  Charlevoix,  who  adds,  that  he 
carried  the  fort  or  garrifon  and  then  went  to  make  fpoil 
at  the  gates  of  Boilon  j  in  both  which  fa(5s  the  French, 
account  is  erroneous. 

In  Auguft,  fome  (Iragglers  killed  ten  or  eleven  perfons 
at  Spruce-creek  and  other  parts  of  Kittery,  and  knocked 
in  the  head,  fcalped  and  left  for  dead  a  little  girl  named 
Downing,  about  feven  years  old,  who  was  found  alive  the 
next  morning,  and  lived  many  years  afterwards  ;  and  Sep- 
tember the  4th,  Jofeph  Pike,  a  deputy-lheriff,  and  another 
perfon  with  him,  were  ihot  down  between  Almfbury  and 
Haverhill. 

After  all  thefe  outrages,  Bomazeen,  a  noted  Norridge- 
wock chief,  one  who  had  figned  the  treaty  at  Pemaquid, 
and  yet  was  afterwards  a  principal  adlor  in  the  carnage 
upon  the  Englifh,  came  flraight  to  Pemaquid  with  a  flag  of 
truce,  pretending  he  came  from  Canada  with  feveral  more 
who  were  in  company  with  him,  and  that  he  was  very 

forry 

*  Norridgewocks,  f  Charlevoix,  lib.  15, 


694.] 


MASSACHUSETTS.  81 


forry  for  what  had  happened.*  The  commanding  officer 
at  the  fort  confidered  them  as  rebels,  and  fent  them  to 
Bofton,  after  a  promife  or  encoura<]^ement  given  them  of 
fafety.  The  French  called  this  Enghfh  treachery.t  The 
governinent  of  MalTachufetts  fuppoied,  that  for  their  per-i 
fidy  they  were  to  be  treated  as  land-pirates  and  murderers. 
Be  it  fo,  yet  the  public  faith  given  to  them  is  not  to  be 
violated.  This  is  one  of  thoib  actions  which  have  caufed 
the  Englifh  to  be  charged  with  injuring  the  Indians  and 
provoking  them  to  all  the  cruelties  which  have  been  com- 
mitted, as  a  jull  return.  I  do  not  undertake  to  juflify  it ; 
but  think,  that  inftead  of  imprifoning  Bomazeen  and  the 
reft  for  feveral  months  at  Boilon,  they  ought  to  have  been 
fet  at  liberty,  whether  we  confider  the  atfair  in  a  moral  or 
political  view.  I  know  of  no  other  adion  of  this  fort 
which  can  be  juftly  charged  upon  the  government. j   We 

fhall 

*  "  November  19,  Bomazeen,  with  ten  or  a  dozen  Indians,  called  over  the  bar-^ 
bican,  defiling  to  fpcakwith  Capt.  March,  and  fet  up  a  flag,  by  which  they  did  im^ 
plicitly  own  themfclves  enemies  and  breakers  of  the  peace.  We  did  not  put  out  ours 
until  an  hour  or  two  after  theirs ;  would  have  perfuaded  them  there  was  no  reafon 
for  it ;  that  flags  were  ufed  between  enemies  in  time  of  war,  not  friends  in  time  of 
peace  :  minding  them  of  the  late  agreement  at  Pemaquid ;  but  they  called  carncft, 
ly  for  it.  We  refolved  to  feize  Bomazeen  at  any,  rate,  except  pofitive  violation  of 
promife.  We  made  no  other  promife  before  he  came  over  but  that  he  fliould  be 
welcome,  we  fhoiild  be  glad  of  his  company,  wou.id  treat  him  kindly,  and  do  hinx 
no  hurt.  After  he  was  feized,  we  told  him  the  fame,  and  obferved  it  pundually, 
fo  long  as  he  ftaid  here  ;  but  withal  told  him  we  muft  know  who  did  the  mlfchicf  at 
Oyfler-river  and  Groton,  &c.  of  which  they  made  themfelves  ignorant ;  why  th© 
peace  was  fo  fcon  broken  and  by  whom  ;  that  they  muft  go  to  Bofton  and  abide 
there  till  Sheepfcote  John  was  fent  to  fetch  in  the  other  Sagamores,  and  then  they 
ihould  come  again  with  fome  of  the  Englifh  to  treat,  &c.  We  thought  it  not  un- 
lav/ful,  nor  culpable  to  apprehend  fuch  perfidious  villains  and  traitors  (tho;;gh  under 
a  white  rag)  that  have  fo  often  falfified  their  promife  to  the  Englilh,  viz.  at  Coche- 
co,  at  Cafco  fort,  at  Oyfter-river  and  other  places ;  that  make  no  confcience  of  break- 
ing the  peace  whenever  it  fcrves  their  turn,  although  never  fo  fclemnly  confirmed 
with  fubfcriptions  and  oaths.  They  have  no  regard  to  the  law  of  nations,  and 
therefore  deferve  no  human  refped.  Eelides,  we  are  credibly  informed,  they  came 
with  a  certain  defign  to  betray  their  maiefties'  fort  here,  under  pretence  of  trade, 
friendfhip,  &c.  and  fo  they  are  fallen  into  a  pit  of  their  own  digging.  Neither  did  we 
aim  at  any  thing  more  than  their  detainment  as  prifoners,  fuppofing  fome  advantage 
might  accrue  to  the  peer  captives,  if  not  the  country  thereby.  If  your  honours 
judge  it  not  fairly  done,  they  are  now  in  your  hands  to  difpofe  of  and  deal  with 
them  as  may  be  for  their  majefties'  honour,  and  as  the  circumftances  of  the  cafe  re- 
c^uire."      LetL-r  from  J<jl>n  Flke  to  go-j.  13*  coi^ic'U,  Pemaq.  7  °fuii.  1 694. 

f  Cliarlevoix. 

\  Mention  is  made  of  a  defcendant  of  D'Aulney,  governor  of  Acady,  who  fcat^ 
t^ed  a  mungrel  breed  in  tb.at  part  of  the  country,  and  feveral  others  coming  in  tA 
Saco,  at  the  fame  time  Bomazeen  came  to  Pemaquid,  and,  Charlevoix  fays,  they 
were  all  killed  j  but  I  can  find  nothing  of  i:  in  any  lin^liih  accounts  cr  papers. 


8a  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  I. 

iliall  be  obliged  to  relate  more  unjullifiable  adions  of 
fome  particular  inhabitants. 

Sir  William  PHips,  upon  his  arrival  in  London,  was  fu- 
ed,  by  Dudley  and  Brenton,  in  anions  of  twenty  thoufand 
pounds  damage.  Sir  Henry  Afliurfl  bailed  him.  What 
were  the  grounds  of  Dudley's  adion  does  not  appear. 
Sir  William  urged  in  his  defence  againfl  Brenton,  that 
there  was  no  cuilom-houfe  eflablifhed  in  the  plantations 
by  zCz  of  parliament,  and  that  Brenton  had  no  authority 
to  compel  mailers  to  enter  and  clear  with  him,  the  navaU 
officer,  then  known  and  eftablifhed  by  ad  of  parliament, 
being  the  only  proper  officer  for  that  purpofe. 

Captain  Short  exhibited  no  articles  in  form.  Sir  Wil- 
liam's friends  in  New-England  fuppofed  his  affairs  in  En- 
gland would  have  been  all  accommodated,  and  that  he 
would  have  returned  in  a  fhort  time  to  his  government, 
if  death  had  not  prevented.  He  laid  his  arrefl  fo  much 
to  heart,  that  it  was  fuppofed  to  have  brought  upon  him 
or  increafed  the  ficknefs  of  which  he  died  the  i8th  of 
February,  1694-5. 

After  Mr.  Mather  and  the  other  agents  w^ho  folicited 
the  fettiement  of  the  government  left  England,  Sir  Henry 
Allnirll  alone  appeared  as  agent.  In  1693,  Conflantine 
Phips  (afterwards  lord  chancellor  of  Ireland)  was  joined 
with  Aihurfl,  and  .both  inflru(Sted  by  the  general  court. 
They  v/ere  both  of  them  friendly  to  Sir  WilHam. 

Mr.  Dudley  had  been  making  friends,  with  a  view  to 
fupplant  the  governor  while  he  was  living  ;  and,  upon  his 
death,  folicited  for  the  government  with  freffi  vigour  and 
application,*     Without  lofmg  his  old  friends,  he  fuccefs- 

fully 

*  "  Mr.  D tliought  himrdf  as  fure  of  being  governor,  as  you  are  of  my  friend-i 

ihip.  He  had  laid  it  with  the  D.  of  Leeds,  Sidney,  Blathwait  and  my  lord  Cutts, 
who  hath  made  Portland  entirely  for  him,  and  the  matter  fettled,  and  poor  Sir  Wil- 
liam Phips  arrefled  in  an  a6lion  of  ^^.20,000,  by  Mr,  D's  and  Mr.  B's  affidavits, 
for  which  I  was  bail.  I  h^xc  been  oppofaig  your  grand  enemies,  who  have  got  all 
thofe  letters  to  recommend  him  from  your  miniflcrs.  I  hope  he  will  trouble  you 
no  more.  The  reverfmg  of  Ijcifler's  attainder  hath  I  hope  a  train  of  good  confe- 
quences.  I  ihall  never  do  Nev/-England  fo  much  good  as  by  getting  this  bill  pafTed. 
I  hope  the  door  Is  nailed  againfl  him,  and  you  will  have  the  earl  of  Bellamont  gover- 
nor. I  could  not  believe  what  Sir  Wiliiaj-n  Phips  told  me  of  Mr.  Stoughton  and  Mr, 
Addington.  I  perceive  I  had  wrong  notions  of  things."  Sir  H.  Afourjl's  lett.  t9 
Mather,  May  5,  1 695. 

"I  drev/  a  bill  for  reverfing  the  attainder  of  Capt.  Leifler,  Mr.  Milburn  and  Mr. 
Govcnieur,  which  palled  the  lords  without  oppoiition ;  but  when  it  came  to  the 


common! 


1694.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  S^ 

fully  applied  hlmfelf  to  bring  over  fome  who  had  been  his 
violent  entniies.  He  recovered  the  favour  of  many  of  the 
niinifters  in  New-England,  and  recommended  himfelf, 
by  a  grave  ferlous  deportment,  to  the  dilfenters  in  En- 
gland ;  whilft,  at  the  fame  time,  by  his  good  fenfe  and  po- 
lite behavipur,  he  acquired  the  notice  and  efleem  of  many 
confiderable  perfons  at  court.  His  income  was  very  mod- 
erate ;  and  yet,  with  economy,  he  made  a  decent  appear- 
ance in  England,  and  gave  feveral  of  his  children  educa- 
tion there,  whilfl:  the  reft  of  his  family  was  fupported  by 
him  in  New-England.  A  vacant  government  had  divers 
candidates,  but  it  looks  as  if  he  would  have  carried  it  from 
the  reft,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  oppofition  made  by  the 
two  agents  for  the  province,  Afhurft  and  Phips,  who  were 
obliged  to  urge  againft  him  the  fliare  he  bore  in  the  trial 
and  condemnation  of  Leiller,  at  New- York  ;  and  for  the 
fake  of  laying  open  that  affair  to  the  prejudice  of  Dudley, 
they  both  of  them  promoted  a  bill  in  the  houfe  of  com- 
mons, of  which  Afliurft  was  a  member,  for  reverfmg  Leif- 
ler's  attainder.  Mr.  Dudley  could  ftand  it  no  longer, 
and  withdrew  his  folicitations  for  that  time  ;  and  foon  af- 
ter, by  the  intereft  of  lord  Cutts,  obtained  the  place  of 
lieutenant-governor  of  the  Ifle  of  Wight,  of  which  his 
lordfliip  was  then  governor^  From  that  time,  lord  Bella- 
mont  was  looked  upon  as  the  governor  of  Maffachufetts, 
although  he  was  not  adlually  appointed  until  the  next  year. 
The  'dCts  of  trade  had  been  very  little  regarded  in  any 
of  the  colonies.  Buccaniers  or  pirates,  who  in  times  of 
peace  made  their  depredations  upon  Spanifti  fliips  and  fet- 
tlements  in  America,  were  very  numerous.  They  brought 
their  plunder  chiefly  to  New- York,  and  fome  to  other 
colonies.  With  a  view  to  put  a  ftop  to  thefe  mifchiefs,  the 
earl  of  Bellamont  was  pitched  upon  as  the  moft  proper 

perfoa 

commons, Dudley,  having  notice  of  It,  made  all  the  oppofition  to  It  imag:Inable,  which 
was  the  thing  wc  dcfired  ;  for  by  that  means,  we  had  f.-veral  hearings  before  a  full 
committee  of  the  commons,  and  had  the  opportunity  of  giving  a  full  account  of  thofc 
proceedings,  and  letting  the  world  fee  how  great  a  part  he  adted  in  that  tragedy. 
Since  that,  he  is  not  fo  much  as  talked  of  to  be  governor,  but  the  three  competitors 
are,  the  earl  of  Bellamont,  major  Bremin  and  colonel  Layton,  and  I  beUeve  ray  lord 
Bellamont  is  the  moil  hkcly  to  have  it."     Coi^fi.  Phips  to  I.  M.  il%  j,  1695. 


S4  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

perfon  for  the  government  of  New- York,*  and,  probably, 
to  make  the  appointment  worth  accepting,  as  well  as  to 
render  the  other  pm*pofes  more  effe<Slual,  Maffachufetts 
and  New-Hampfliire  were  put  under  the  fame  perfon. 

The  year  1695  P^^'^d  away  with  lefs  moleflation  from 
the  enemy  than  any  year  fmce  1688.  In  the  fpring,  they 
killed  one  of  the  foldiers  belonging  to  Saco  fort  and  car- 
ried another  away  captive.  A  mortal  ficknefs  prevailed 
among  the  Indians,  and  the  French  found  it  impradticablc 
to  fend  them  out  in  parties  upon  our  frontiers.  Their  at- 
tachment one  to  another  equals  that  of  more  civilized  na- 
tions. Befides  the  hoftages  they  had  given  in  1693,  ^^® 
Indians  feized  at  Pemaquid  were  in  the  prifon  at  Boftan  ; 
Bomazeen  in  particular  they  greatly  valued,  and  they  were 
ready  to  fabmit  to  aimoft  any  terms  to  obtain  their  relief. 
The  French  reprefent  the  Englilh  as  treating  the  hoftages 
and  prifoners  with  cruelty  ;  but  there  was  no  other  cru- 
elty than  a  confinement  in  a  prifon  in  Bofton,  which  it 
mud  be  acknowledged  was  a  very  bad  one.  The  Englifli 
were  not  lefs  defirous  of  peace  than  the  Indians,  if  they 
could  have  had  any  fecurity  for  the  continuance  of  it. 
One  of  the  hoilages,  Sheepfcote  John,  undertook  to  go 
from  Boflon  as  a  mediator,  and,  by  his  influence,  fifty  ca- 
noes of  Indians  came  within  about  a  league  of  the  fort  at 
Pemaquid,  the  20th  of  May,  and  fent  in  eight  captives ; 
acknowledged  their  fault  in  violating  the  lafl  treaty,  and 
propofed  the  releafe  of  captives  on  both  fides,  and  the  ef- 
tablifhment  of  a  durable  peace.  A  truce  of  thirty  days 
was  agreed  upon,  and  commiffioners  were  to  come  from 
Boflon,  to  fettle  the  terms  of  the  peace.  The  commiflion- 
jers,  colonel  Philips,  lieatenant-coionel  Plawthorn  and  ma- 
jor 

*"  It  is  wellknoTvn,  that,  for  feveral  years,  two  very  pernicious  things  have  been 
l^rowin-g  in  our  American  colonies  ;  an  unlawful  trade,  in  fraud  of  the  a6ls  of  navi- 
gation, infinitely  prejudicial  to  England,  and  the  curfed  practice  of  piracy,  utterly  de- 
'ftru<ftive  of  all  comKaerce,  In  the  beginntng  of  the  year  1695,  his  njajefly  thought 
fit  to  name  the  earl  of  Bellamont  to  be  governor  of  New- York,  a  place  remarkably 
infedled  with  thofe  two  dangerous  difeafes.  The  earl  has  often  told  me,  that  what 
the  king  faid  to  him,  when  he  hrA  let  him  know  his  pleafure,  was  that  which  prin- 
cipally induced  him  to  accept  of  the  employment.  His  majefty  did  him  the  honour 
to  fay,  he  thought  him  a  man  of  refolution  and  integrity,  and,  with  thofe  qualifica- 
tions, more  likely  than  any  other  he  could  think  of  to  put  a  flop  to  that  illegal  trade, 
and  to  the  growth  of  piracy  ;  for  which  reafon  he  made  choice  of  him  for  that  gov- 
ernment, and  for  the  fame  reafon  intended  to  put  the  government  of  New-England 
into  his  hands." 

Aecount  of procedlngi  in  relation  to  Capt,  KidJ^  Land.  IJOl*        ^ 


1^95-]  MASSACHUSETTS.  ff^ 

jor  Con  vers  foon  after  met  delegates  from  the  Indians  at 
Pemaquid,  but  refufed  to  enter  upon  any  treaty  with  them, 
until  all  the  Englilh  in  their  hands  fiiould  be  delivered  up, 
Bomazeen,  their  great  warrior,  and  fome  others,  were  left 
in  prifon  at  Bofton.  TJie  Indians  looked  upon  themfelves 
not  well  ufed  ;  fenfible  that  v/hen  they  had  parted  with  all 
their  prifoners,  they  fliould  have  no  way  of  obtaining  the 
releafe  of  their  own  people,  except  by  a  new  fet  c^  cap- 
tives. They  therefore  refufed  to  treat  any  further,  and 
left  the  place  abruptly.  The  government,  I  imagine,  ex- 
pected that,  by  retaining  fome  of  the  Indians  as  hoftages, 
fome  reftraint  would  be  laid  upon  the  reft,  from  exercifmg 
cruelty  towards  Englifh  prifoners,  feeing  we  fhould  have 
it  in  our  power  to  retaliate  it  upon  their  own  people  ;  and 
chofe  rather  to  rifk  the  continuance  of  the  war  than  part 
with  this  fecurity. 

Charlevoix,  who  fuppofes  the-  lieiitcnant-governor, 
Stoughton,  to  have  been  there  in  perfon,  fays,  "  the  Abe- 
naquis  infifted  upon  the  releafe  of  their  brethren,  who  were 
detained  in  violation  of  the  flag  of  truce  and  the  laws  of 
nations,  and  Stoughton  only  returned  bloody  reproaches 
for  their  late  holtihties,  and  terrible  threats  if  they  did 
not  deliver  up  the  authors  of  them*  The  Indians  were  as 
Itout  as  he  was.  At  length  both  fides  began  to  foften* 
Stoughton  was  not  willing  to  drive  to  extremity  a  people 
who  had  formerly  known  how  to  make  themfelves  a  terror^ 
They  were  defirous,  at  any  rate,  of  recovering  their  rela- 
tions out  of  the  hands  of  the  Englifh  ;  being  fully  deter- 
mined, that  when  they  had  accomplifhed  their  ends,  they 
would  revenge  the  blood  of  fuch  of  them  as  had  been  mur- 
dered ;  but  perceiving  that,,  whilft  they  were  in  treaty, 
the  Englifh  were  preparing  to  furround  them,  they  ran  to 
their  arms."  This,  no  doubt,  was  the  account  they  gave 
to  their  prieft,  when  they  returned  home. 

Immediate  notice  was  given  to  the  frontiers  to  be  upon 
their  guard,  but  this  did  not  prevent  fpoils  upon  divers: 
places.-  In  July,  major  Hammond,  of  Kittery,  was  taken 
prifoner  and  carried  to  Canada,  but,  being  above  the  or- 
dinary rank  of  the  Indian  captives,  he  was  very  kindly 
ttfedby  count  Frcntenac,  the  governor  j  and  foon  return- 
ed 


S6  THE   HISTORY   OP  [Chap.  L 

ed.in  a  vefTel  which  went  from  Bofton  for  exchange  of 
prifoners.  In  Auguft,  they  killed  and  took  fifteen  at 
Eillerica,  and  plundered  the  houfe  of  — —  Rogers,  and 
foon  after  furprifed  and  killed  the  ferjeant  of  Saco  fort. 
In  September,  they  killed  four,  an^  wounded  fix,  belong- 
ing to  Pemaquid  fort.  In  October,  they  came  upon  the 
houfe  of  John  Brown,  of  Newbury,  and  carried  away  nine 
perfons ;  but  being  purfued  and  overtaken  in  the  night, 
by  a  party  under  captain  Greenleaf,  they  firll  tomahav4^ed 
ail  their  prifoners,  which  effedlually  prevented  them  from 
joining  the  purfuers,  and  then  took  to  their  heels  and  ef- 
caped.  Some  of  thefe  unhappy  prifoners  lived  feveral 
months,  and  fome  more  than  a  year ;  but  all  finally  died 
of  their  wounds,  except  a  lad  who  happened  to  be  wound- 
ed in  the  llioulder,  and  not  in  the  head,  as  the  reft  were. 
The  winter  of  1695  proved  a  time  of  reft  to  the  fron- 
tiers. Their  only  fears  in  the  winter  were  from  an  army 
or  large  body  of  the  enemy,  fufEcient  to  refift  any  force, 
which  could  be  colleded  before  they  had  done  their  mif- 
chief  and  had  time  for  a  retreat.  Small  parties  would  be 
in  hazard,  when  they  could  be  tracked  upon  the  fnow. 
The  fpring  of  1696  opened  as  ufual.  In  May,  a  poor  fel- 
low, who  had  been  a  captive  before,  and  made  his  efcape, 
was  killed  at  Cochecho.  In  June,  three  women,  lifters, 
going  with  their  hufbands  from  York  to  Wells ;  one  of 
them,  wife  of  Thomas  Cole,  with  her  huft^and  were  Ihot 
down,  the  others  efcaped.  In  the  fame  month,  feveral 
houfes  were  burnt  by  the  enemy,  within  the  limits  of  Portf- 
mouth  ;  twelve  or  fourteen  of  the  inhabitants  were  ilain, 
and  four  taken  prifoners.  One  woman  was  fuppofed  to 
be  left  dead,  and  her  fcalp  was  carried  to  Canada,  as  the 
evidence  of  it ;  but  thofe  who  went  out  to  bury  the  dead 
finding  her  alive,  carried  her  home,  and  Ihe  recovered. 
The  Indians  generally  are  content  with  a  piece  not  larger 
than  the  palm  of  the  hand,  from  the  top  of  the  crown ;  and, 
if  it  was  not  for  the  blows  of  the  tomahawk,  many  might 
have  furvived  the  operation  of  the  knife.  Some,  who  have 
loft  the  flxin  from  the  whole  crown,  have  recovered  and 
lived  many  years, 

la 


1696.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  ^y 

In  July,  they  attaked  Cochecho  again,  a  plantation 
which  often  fu&red  ;  killed  three  of  the  inhabitants,  as 
they  were  going  home  from  public  worfhip,  wounded 
three  more,  and  carried  other  three  away  prilbners  to  Pe- 
nobfcot. 

We  have  taken  no  notice  of  Nova-Scotia,  although  in- 
cluded in  the  bounds  of  Mairachufetts  charter ;  the  in- 
habitants in  general  for  feveral  years  having  been  under 
the  power  and  command  of  the  authority  fcnt  from  France ; 
but,  this  year,  the  affairs  of  that  and  of  the  other  parts  of 
the  government  are  more  inter v/oven. 

After  the  conquefl:  of  that  province,  by  the  MalTachu- 
fetts  colonj  in  1690,  the  French  in  Europe  gave  themfelves 
but  little  concern  about  the  recovery  of  it.  and  the  Englifli 
as  little  about  its  prefervation  or  fecurity.  INIailachii- 
fetts  was  unable  to  bear  the  charge  of  a  fufficient  military 
force  to  keep  the  inhabitants  in  fubjection  :  flie  gave  com- 
miihons  to  judges,  juftices  and  other  officers,  and  requir- 
ed oaths  of  fidelity  ;  and,  in  1691,  gave  power  and  au- 
thority to  Mr.  Nelfon,  v/ho  was  bound  there  from  BoiLOii 
upon  a  trading  voyage,  to  be  commander  in  chief  in 
Acadie  ;  but  when  he  came  near  the  river  St.  John's,  he 
Was  taken  by  monfieur  Villebon,  who,  having  a  commif- 
fion  from  the  French  king,  had  been  in  to  Fort-royal 
and  ordered  the  Enghlh  flag  to  be  flruck  and  the  French 
liag  to  be  hoifted  there,  but  intended  10  make  St.  John's 
the  place  of  his  refidence,  and  took  poifeflion  of  it,  where 
he  carried  on  great  trade  with  the  Indians,  fupplying  them 
with  warhke  ftores,  prcvifions,  ccc.  v/ithout  which  they 
could  not  have  carried  on  the  v/ar.  In  1692,  foon  after 
Sir  William  Phips's  arrival,  an  attempt  was  made  by  the 
province,  with  a  fmallliaval  force,  to  remove  Villebon;  but 
it  proved  unfucceisful.  In  1695,  captain  Eams,  in  his 
niajefly*s  fhip  Sorlings,  was  fent  from  Eoilon  to  intercept 
the  ftores  with  which  Villebon  every  fpring  had  been  fur- 
nifhed  from  France ;  but  the  French  (hip  happened  to  be 
of  greater  force  than  ufual,  and,  after  an  engagement  at 
the  mouth  of  the  river  Eams,  v/as  glad  to  retreat.  It  feem.s 
that  until  now  the  inhabitants  of  Malfachufetts  looked 

upon 


88  THE   HISTORY   OF  [CrUP.  1. 

upon  themfelves  as  in  fome  fort  of  pofTeflion,  and  that  there 
had  not  been  an  entire  revolt  of  the  whole  province  ;  for 
this  year,  the  general  court,  from  a  fenfe  of  their  inalDihty 
to  protect  it,  petitioned  the  crown  that  the  province  might 
be  freed  from  any  further  expenfe  in  the  defence  of  Port- 
royal  or  St.  John's,  and  that  garrifons  might  be  kept  in 
both  thofe  places,  at  the  charge  of  the  nation.  This,  per- 
haps, might  be  deemed  a  refafal  to  exercife  jurifdidion 
over  that  part  of  the  province,  and  a  renunciation  of  their 
right;  and  accordingly,  after  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  when 
polTefTion  was  returned  to  the  crown,  it  was  fettled  a  dif- 
tin£l  province  ;  oihtrwiio,^  jus  pqftluninii  might  have  taken 
place,  as  well  with  refpecl  to  the  rights  of  a  body  corpo- 
rate as  thofe  of  particular  perfons* 

The  difappointment  iaft  year,  which  the  Sorlings,  a 
fmgle  fliip,  met  with,  occafioned  the  force  to  be  doubled 
this  year,  to  effedt  the  like  purpofe.  Captain  Paxton,  in 
the  Newport,  came  to  New-England  in  company  with  the 
Sorlings,*  and  both  Ihips  were  ordered,  together  with  a 
yacht  or  tender  in  the  province  fervice,  to  lay  off  the  river 
St.  John's  to  wait  the  arrival  of  the  ftgie-fliip.  It  happen- 
ed, unfortunately,  that  the  French  at  Quebec  were,  at  the 
fame  time^  fitting  out  two  men  of  war,  v^^ith  the  addition  of 
two  companies  of  foldiers  and  fifty  Michmack  Indians,  in 
order  to  reduce  the  Nev/-England  fort  at  Pemaquid.  Thefe 
iliips  were  of  fuperior  force  to  the  Englifh  fhips,  and  Iber- 
ville,! an  experienced  officer,  commanded.  When  they 
had  put  into  a  port  upon  their  paffage,  Villebon,  from 
St.  John's,  informed  them  of  the  fituation  and  circum- 
itances  of  the  fmall  Englifh  fleet.  They  went  immediate- 
ly in  queft  of  them,  and  came  upon  them  when  they  were 
not  expeded.  The  Newport,  after  the  lofs  of  one  of  her 
topmafls,  furrendered.  A  fog  arofe,  which  gave  the  Sor* 
lings  and  the  tender  an  opportunity  for  their  efcape,  and 
they  returned  to  Boflon,  with  the  news  of  this  fecond  dif- 
appointment. The  French  commander,  being  flrength-^ 
ened  with  the  Newport,  went  in  to  St.  John's,  and  there 
refitted.     From  thence,  he  proceeded  to  Fenobfcot,  where 

the 

*  In  1694. 
f  TK5s  was  not  the  Iberville  who  laid  the  fcundatlon  of  the  French  colony  at  Mif- 
fifippi  in  1690.     He  died  in  a  year  or  uvo  after  that. 


£696.]  [MASSACHUSETTS.  89 

the  baron  St.  Caftine  was  waiting  for  him,  with  two  hun- 
dred Indians.  The  whole  force  arrived  before  the  fort  at 
Pemaquld,  the  14th  of  July.  Captain  March,  who  was  a 
good  officer,  had  refigned  the  command  of  the  fort  a  feVv 
months  before,  and  was  fucceeded  by  a  very  diiferent 
man,  captain  Chubb.  Iberville,  upon  his  arrival,  font  a 
fummons  to  furrender.  Chubb  returned  a  vain  fooliih  an- 
fwer,  "  that  if  the  fea  was  covered  v/ith  French  velTels, 
and  the  land  with  Indians,  yet  he  would  not  give  up  the 
fort."  The  Indians  thereupon  began  their  fire,  and  return 
was  made  by  the  mufketry  and  with  a  few  cannon  from 
the  fort.  This  brought  the  firil  day  to  a  ciofe.  In  the 
night,  Fperville  landed  his  cannon'  and  mortars  ;  and  the 
next  day,  before  three  in  the  afternoon,  had  raifed  his 
batteries  and  thrown  five  bombs  into  the  fort,  to  the  great 
terror  of  Chubb  and  the  garrifon.  Caftine,  about  this 
time,  found  fome  way  of  conveying  a  letter  into  the  fort, 
and  let  them  know  that,  if  they  delayed  furrendering  until 
an  affault  was  made,  they  would  have  to  do  with  favages, 
and  mud  expecb  no  quarter,  for  he  had  feen  the  king's 
order  to  Iberville  to  give  none.*  This  did  the  bufmefs  ; 
the  chamade  was  beat* immediately,  and  the  fort  was  fur- 
rendered,  upon  the  terms  offered  by  the  French,  that  the 
garrifon  fhould  be  fent  to  Boflon  and  exchanged  for  the 
like  number  of  French  and  Indian  prifoners  ;  only,  a 
fpecial  fecurity  or  engagement  was  infilled  upon  from 
the  French  commander,  that  their  perfons  fliould  be  pro- 
tected againft  the  rage  of  the  Indians. 

Chubb' s  conduct  was  univerfally  cenfured,  and  at  firft 
he  was  put  under  an  arreic,  but  came  oit  without  any  other 
punifhment  than  being  laid  afide.  T'he  fort  had  fifteen 
cannon  mounted,  and  ninety  able  men  to  manage  them, 
and  no  want  of  ammunition  or  (lores.  The  French  fup- 
pofe,  that  if  there  had  been  a  brave  defence,  the  event 
would  have  been  doubtful ;  at  leafl:,  that  the  fort  could 
not  have  been  carried  without  a  great  lofs  of  men  ;  and 
attribute  the  furrender  to  the  cowardice  of  the  garrifon, 
who  compelled  the  commander  to  act  contrary  to  his 
Vol.  II.  '       G  own 

*  Original  letter  in  Cafline's  band  writtir.g. 


90  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

own  inclination.*     This  makes  the  acquifition  to  appear 
of  more  importance. 

After  all,  there  is  room  to  doubt  whether  a  better  gar- 
tifon  could  have  withftood  that  force,  until  rehef  might 
have  been  afforded  from  Bofton.  The  French  were  pro- 
vided v/ith  cannon  and  mortars,  were  numerous  enough 
to  refift  any  failles  from  the  garrifon,  without  interrupt- 
ing the  fiege  -,  there  v/ere  no  cafemates  nor  other  fhelter 
for  the  men,  and  the  magazine  itfelf  v/as  bomb  proof  in; 
one  part  of  it  only,  which  v/as  under  a  rock. 

The  reafon  of  the  garrifon's  requiring  an  extraordinary 
caution  againfl  the  rage  of  the  Indians,  was  this.  They 
were  confcious  of  their  own  cruelty  and  barbarity,  and 
feared  revenge ;  and  a  fecurity  from  it  might  probably 
haften  the  furrender,  lefl  it  fhould  afterwards  not  be  in 
their  power  to  obtain  it.  In  the  month  of  February  be- 
fore, Egeremet,  a  chief  of  the  Machias  Indians  ;  Toxus^^ 
chief  of  the  Norridgewocks  ^  Abenquid,  a  fagamore  of 
the  fame  tribe ;  and  feveral  other  Indians  came  to  the  fort, 
to  treat  upon  exchange  of  prifoners.  Chubb  with  fome 
of  his  garrifon  fell  upon  the  Indians  in  the  midil  of  the 
treaty,  when  they  thought  themfelves  moft  fecure,  mur- 
dered Egeremet  and  Abenquid  with  two  others.  Toxus 
and  fome  others  efcaped,  and  fome  remained  prifoners  ; 
one  Indian  was  found  in  the  fort,  in  irons,  when  the  French 
took  polfeffion  of  it.  Such  was  the  fury  of  Caftixie's  In- 
dians, that  there  was  no  way  of  fecuring  the  garrifon  but 
by  removing  them  to  an  illand,  under  a  conftant  guard 
of  French  troops,  until  proviiion  was  made  for  tranf- 
portlng  them  to  Bofton,  Some  writers  palliate  and  feem 
inclined  to  juftify  this  action  of  Chubb.  Surely,  the  cru- 
elty fhewn  by  the  Indians  to  the  Enghfh  muft  have  bialTed 
and  blinded  them.  Private  letters,  which  pafTed  at  this 
time  between  fome  of  the  beft  men  in  the  province,  con- 
demned it  as  an  horrid  piece  of  villany. 

The  French  remained  at  Pemaquid  until  the  1 8  th  of 
July,  demolifhing  the  fort,  (their  plunder  was  fmall)  and 
then  went  to  Penobfcot,  where  they  tarried  until  the  3d 

of  September. 

When 

*  Charlevoix, 


i6g6,']  MASSACHUSETTS.  51 

When  the  news  of  the  lofs  of  the  man-of-war  and  of 
the  fort  came  to  Boflon,  it  was  expecled  the  enemy  would 
proceed  weftward  as  far  as  Portfmouth.  Five  hundred 
men  were  raifed  without  delay,  and  marched  thither,  to 
be  ready  for  the  defence  of  New-Hampfhirc.  Two  men 
of  war,  the  Arundel  and  Orford,  arriving  at  the  fame 
time  at  Bofton^  a  detachment  from  the  militia  was  fent 
on  board  them,  to  ferve  as  marines ;  and  thefe  Ihips,  to- 
gether with  the  Sorhngs,  and  a  merchant  fhip  of  twenty 
guns,  and  a  fire-fliip  taken  up  by  the  province,  were  fent 
in  queft  of  the  enemy,  and  came  in  fight  of  them  juft  as 
they  failed  from  Penobfcot.  The  French,  who  were  well 
acquainted  with  the  coaft,  kept  their  fhips  clofc  in  fliore. 
Whether  the  Englifli  were  afraid  of  the  coaft,  or  were  too 
far  a-ftern,  or  did  not  make  fail  enough,  does  not  appear  ; 
it  is  certain  they  did  not  come  up  with  them  the  firil;  day, 
and  the  next  day  being  foggy,  they  reached  St.  John's  riv- 
er, and  the  Englifh  veflels  returned  to  Bolton.  The 
French  account*  takes  no  notice  of  the  fog,  makes  the 
five  Englifh  veffels  feven,  and  fays,  they  fleered  for  St. 
John's  river,  whilft  the  French  fleet  went  to  Cape-Breton 
and  from  thence  to  Newfoundland.  The  French  writers 
fuppofed  two  expeditions  to  have  been  but  one,  and  im- 
agined a  number  of  fmall  velTels,  under  colonel  Church, 
were  the  fame  which  purfued  Iberville.  As  the  Orford 
was  returning,  fne  met  with  a  French  fnallop  belonging 
to  St.  John's,  with  twenty-three  foldiers  under  Villeau, 
their  captain,  and  brought  them  prifoners  to  Boflon. 
Charlevoix  feems  to  miftake  Villebon  for  Villeau,  and, 
finding  him  foon  after  at  St.  John's,  defending  his  fort, 
he  takes  it  for  granted  he  mufl  have  been  releafed,  as 
having  a  pafTport  and  not  liable  to  be  retained. 

When  Mr.  Stoughton  found  the  enemy  was  gone  back 
to  the  eaflward,  he  ordered  colonel  Church,  who  had  the 
command  of  the  five  hundred  men  at  Portfmouth,  to  em- 
bark them  on  board  brigantines  and  other  fmall  veffels, 
and  to  range  along  the  eaflern  fliore.  Church  faw  none 
of  the  enemy,  except  now  and  then  an  Indian  canoe,  until 
he  came  to  Penobfcot,  where  he  did  not  arrive  uatil  after 
G  2  ^      the 

•  Charlevoix. 


32  The  history  of         [c^ap.  i^ 

the  French  fleet  had  failed,  and  the  coaft  clear.  Not  be- 
ing willing  to  return  without  doing  fome  fervice,  he  re^ 
folved  to  know  the  condition  of  the  province  of  Nova- 
Scotia,  and  failed  dirediy  up  toXlhignefto  or  Beauballin. 
Upon  the  difcovery  of  the  EngHfh  forces,  mod  .of  the 
French  inhabitants  left  their  houfes  and  fled  into  the 
woods.  The  Enghfli  purfued,  and  foon  met  Bourgeois, 
(Church  calls  him  Bridgman)  a  principal  inhabitant,  com- 
ing to  aflv  quarter  for  himfelf  and  family  ;  which  was 
readily  granted.  Upon  his  examination,  it  appeared  that 
there  were  Indians  mixed  with  the  French  in  the  woods,, 
and  orders  were  thereupon  given  to  renew  the  purfuit, 
and  to  ofl:er  quarter  to  all  the  French,  but  to  give  none 
to  the  Indians.  Bourgeois  was  ordered  alfo  to  give  no- 
tice to  all  his  countrymen  who  would  come  in,  that  they 
fhould-be  well  received.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  came 
in,  and  it  was  propofed-  to  them  to  join  with  the  Englifli 
in  purfuing-  the  Indians,  and  upon  their  comcplying  their 
houfes  ftiouid  be  fpared,  what  of  their  goods  had  been 
takeivfhouid  be  reltored,  and  the  reft  of  their  fubftance 
preferved.  This  was  a  hard  condition  and  in  effe£l  oblig- 
ing them  to  'quit  their  country,  for  otherwife  as  foon  as 
the  Englifli  had  left  them  without  fuiiicient  prote(9:ion, 
the  incenfed  Indians  would  have  f^^il  upon  them  without 
mercy.  They  therefore  refufed  to  comply ;  and  their 
houfes  were  thereupon  burnt,  and  their  cattle,  flieep,  &c= 
deftroyed,  and  their  goods  became  plunder  for  the  army, 
Charlevoix  fays,  that  Bourgeois  produced  a  writing^- 
by  which  Sir  William  Phips  had  given  aflTurances  of  pro- 
tedion  to  the  inhabitants  of  Chignedo,  whilft  they  re- 
mained faithful  fubjeds  of  king  WilUam  ;  and  that  Church 
gave  orders  that  nothing  in  their  houfes,  .kc.  fliould  be 
touched  ;  but  whilft  he  was  entertained  by  Bourgeois, 
together  with  the  principal  ofEcers,  the  reft  of  the  army 
difperfed  themfelves  among  the  other  houfes  and  behaved 
as  if  they  had  been  in  a  conquered  country.  This  may 
be  true.  Men  raifed  from  the  mihtia  of  any  country^ 
until  they  are  ufed  to  difcipline,  are  feldom  exemplary  for 
due  fubordination.  Charlevoix  adds,  that  many  of  the 
inhabitants,  not  trufting  to  the  promifes  of  the  general, 

refufed 


1.596.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  93 

r^fufed  to  come  in,  and  that  It  was  well  they  did ;  for 
foon  after,  he  broke  through  all  bounds,  and  left  only  the 
church  and  a  few  houfes  and  barns  (landing,  and  having 
difcovered,  polled  up  in  the  church,  an  order  of  Fronte- 
nac,  the  governor  of  Canada,  for  the  regulation  of  trade, 
he  threatened  to  treat  them  as  rebels,  fet  fire  to  the  church, 
and  the  houfes  which  he  had  before  fpared  and  which 
were  now  ail  reduced  to  aflies ;  and  having  done  this,  he 
prefented  a  writing,  which  he  told  them  was  an  acknowl- 
edgment of  their  having  renewed  their  fubjeclion  to  king 
William,  and  would  be  a  fecurity  to  them  in  cafe  any  En- 
glifli  fliould  again  land  among  them. 

The  condition  of  thefe  Acadians  was  truly  deplorable. 
Their  natural  attachment  was  to  the  French.  They  were 
bigotted  to  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,  in  proportion 
to  the  meannefs  and  other  difadvantages  of  their  education. 
Commerce,  fmall  indeed,  led  them  to  fome.  connexion 
with  the  Enghfh.  For  a  vvhole  century  together,  they 
were,  once  in  a  few  years,  changing  their  maders ;  and 
no  fooner  had  owned  themfelves  the  fubjeCls  of  one  crown, 
but  they  were  left  to  fall  again  under  the  power  of  the 
other.  It  was  hardly  reafonable,  where  protection  was 
refufed  or  neglected,  to  charge  them  with  being  traitors 
and  rebels.  When  under  Englifli  government,  although 
allowed  the  exercife  of  their  religion,  yet  their  prieils,  al- 
ways fufpeded  of  drawing  them  over  to  the  French,  w^ere 
hated  and  often  molefled  by  the  Engllfli.  Their  civil 
liberty  was  much  the  fame  under  either  government. 
They  had  certain  perfons,  annually  chofen,  whom  they  call- 
ed deputies  and  fometimes  feledmen,*  which  they  borrow- 
ed from  the  Englilh  colonies  of  New-England,  but  they 
had  no  other  authority  than  to  bring  and  carry  meffages 
from  and  to  their  governors  ;  and  upon  any  general  dif- 
turbance  or  all'air  of  general  concern,  the  whole  village 
or  diftrid  was  fummoned  to  appear.  Thus  they  v/ere  al- 
ways depreffed  and  without  fpirit.  No  people  are  more 
confined  to  their  own  country  than  they  were,  few  or 

none 

*  They  corrupted  their  language,  having  greater  convcrfe  with  the  Englifh  than 
xvith  the  European  French;  and  intermixed  many  EngHfh  words,  as  et  ■vans  iooj  in- 
ftead  oi  et  vsus  at'J:—/>as  yd,  inftead  of  />as  e/itorr,  and  many  like  e)fprefliou8. 


94  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  1. 

Fione  of  them  upon  any  occafion  ever  paffing  fo  far  as  New- 
England.     Their  fate  at  lad  was  hard  and  pitiable. 

But  to  return  to  our  flory.  Church  left  Chigned:o 
the  2oth  of  September,  and  flood  with  his  tranfports  for 
the  river  St.  John's,  and  landed  his  men,  not  without  fomc 
oppofition,  upon  the  eaft  fide.  He  took  feveral  prifoners, 
interrupted  the  building  of  a  new  fort  at  the  mouth  of 
the  river,  and  dellroyed  the  materials  they  had  prepared 
for  it ;  brought  away  twelve  of  their  cannon  and  what 
plunder  he  met  with.  Being  informed  there  was  not  depth 
of  water  in  the  river  for  his  veflels,  he  made  no  attempt 
to  go  up  to  Villebon*s  fort,  but  departed  for  Bofton,  in- 
tending to  touch  at  all  the  harbours  and  rivers  upon  the 
eaftefn  coafl,  in  his  way. 

Mr.  Stoughton,  having  much  at  heart  the  removal  of 
Viliebon  from  St.  John's,  ordered  the  Arundel,  captain 
Kiggins,*  who  returned  to  Boflon  the  beginning  of  Sep- 
tember J  the  province  galley,  captain  Southack,  and  a 
tranfport  floop,  captain  AIden,t  to  go  out  and  meet  Church 
v/ith  his  forces,  and  attempt  to  drive  Viliebon  from  his 
fort.  A  reinforcement  for  the  land  forces  was  fent  in  the 
tranfport,  and  the  command  of  the  whole  given  to  colo- 
nel  Hawthorn,  of  Salem,  one  of  the  council.  This  was 
an  impoHtic  meafure,  unlefs  any  mifconduft. in  Church 
made  it  neceifary  that  he  fhould  be  fuperfeded ;  and  it  is. 
evident,  by  his  own  account,  that  he  was  not  a  little  mor- 
tified ;  and  although  he  fubmitted,  it  was  with  reluctance, 
and  every  thing  went  on  heavily.  The  men  alfo,  having 
their  faces  towards  home,  were  loth  to  turn  back,  but 
were  obliged  to  it ;  being  met  by  the  iliips  not  far  from 
the  river.  Viliebon  had  timely  notice  of  the  return  and 
reinforcement,  and  made  the  beft  preparations  he  could 
for  his  defence.  Four  of  the  fmall  veffels  went  up  the 
river,  and  landed  their  men  near  the  fort,  Odlober  the 
jzth.  They  raifed  a  battery  for  two  field-pieces,  and  be- 
gan to  fire  with  them  and  with  their  mufketry  the  fame 
day  ;  and  the  French  made  return.  When  night  came 
on,  which  proved  very  cold,  the  Englifli  lighted  their  fires 

to 

*  Charlevoix  calls  him  Sikik. 
f  The  fame  who  was  imprifoned  for  witchcraftj  when  Hawthorn  the  colonel  had 
been  one  who  examined  hiin. 


1696.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  $5 

to  keep  them  from  perifliing.  This  made  them  a  mark 
for  the  French  cannox^,  which  difturbed  them  to  that  de- 
gree, that  they  were  obliged  to  put  out  their  fires  and  to 
be  expofed  all  night  to  the  inclemency  of  the  weather. 
They  were  foon  difcouraged,  for  the  next  night  they  re- 
embarked  ;  and  having  joined  thofe  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river,  made  the  bed  of  their  way  to  Bofton.  No  notice 
was  taken  of  any  lofs  on  either  fide,  except  the  burning 
a  few  of  the  enemy's  houfes  ;  nor  is  any  fufficient  reafoii 
given  for  relinquifliing  the  defign  fo  fuddenly.  It  is  prob- 
able that  the  forces  v/ere  not  provided  with  tents  nor 
cloathing  fufficient  to  defend  them  from  the  cold,  which 
they  had  reafon  to  expe6t  to  increafe  every  day,  and  it  is 
certain  the  old  colonel  Church  v/as  offended  at  being  fu- 
perfeded  in  command. 

Whilft  the  forces  which  ufed  to  be  employed  for  the 
defence  of  the  frontiers  were  upon  other  fervice,  the  in- 
habitants kept  clofe  confined  to  their  garrifons  and  were 
hindered  from  their  labour,  the  Indians  being  upon  the 
■watch  in  every  quarter,  and  now  and  then  would  feize  or 
ihoot  down  a  man  who  ventured  to  ftep  out  of  his  door. 
Befides  thofe  mentioned,  in  the  beginning  of  fummer. 
Major  Froft  and  his  wife  were  killed  at  Berwick,  as  they 
were  returning  from  meeting ;  and  two  men,  who  went 
to  carry  the  news  to  the  garrifon  at  Wells,  were  ambuili- 
ed  and  flain.  In  O^lober,  four  foldiers  were  killed,  be- 
longing to  the  fort  at  Saco.  A  late  author  fays,  "  a  dread- 
ful defolation  was  threatened,  and  more  for  want  of  man- 
agement than  power  ;"*  but  this  is  not  fo  judicious  as 
fome  others  of  this  author's  refle<3tions.  The  fettlement 
of  a  nev/  country  could  never  be  effecied,  if  the  inhabit- 
ants fliould  confine  themfelves  to  cities  or  walled  towns. 
A  frontier  there  mufc  be,  and  nothing  lefs  than  making 
every  houfe  a  fort,  and  furnifhing  every  traveller  with  a 
flrong  guard,  could  have  been  an  effedual  fecurity  againfl 
an  enemy,  as  greedy  after  their  prey  as  a  wolf,  and  to 
w^hom  the  woods  were  equally  natural  and  familiar. 

An  expedition  againft  Canada  had  been  folicited  every 
year  fmce  1692.  This  year  there  was  a  more  than  ordi- 
nary 

*  Difcovcry  and  fettlement  of  the  Engllfli  in  N.  America,  in  Harris's  collection. 


96  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

nary  dependance  upon  it.  The  bad  fuccefs  of  the  war  in 
Europe  put  an  end  to  this  dependance.  Intimations  were 
given,  divers  ways,  of  a  French  armament  from  Europe 
by  fea,  and  land  forces  from  Canada  to  make  a  defcent. 
upon  the  Englilh  colonies.  Apphcation  had  been  made 
to  the  French  king,  by  the  governor  of  Canada,  in  the 
latter  part  of  1695,  ^^^  ^^'^^  ^^  tv/elve  men-of-war,  to  be 
fent  the  next  fpring  from  feveral  ports  in  France,  to  en- 
counter an  Englifli  fquadrcn,  wiiich  it  was  expeded  would 
have  been  at  fea  about  that  time  ;  and,  having  conquered 
the  Englifli  fnips,  then  to  go  and  take  B.ofton,  which  was 
reprefented  to  be  a  place  of  great  trade  ;  and  if  they  could 
gain  pofleflion  of  it,  they  would  gain  by  that  means  the 
fole  pofreilion  of  thehfliery.*  Nothing  more  was  intend- 
ed by  the  French  court  than  the  poiTeilion  of  Newfound^ 
land,  and  the  removal  of  the  Englifh  from  Acadie.  Both 
thefe  were  eifefted  :  for  after  Iberville  had  taken  the  fort 
at  Pemaquid,  he  went  with  the  fhips  to  Newfoundland, 
and  poffefted  himfelf  of  St.  John's  and  the  other  harbours 
there,  and  made  a  very  fuccefsful  expedition.  This  was 
not  only  a  much  eafier  acquifition  than  Bofton  would  have 
been,  to  a  flronger  fquadron  than  Iberville's,  although  it 
was  not  then  one  fourth  part  fo  well  fortified  as  it  is  at  this 
time  ;  but,  by  gaining  all  the  ports  in  Newfoundland,  the 
whole  colony  was  gained  ;  whereas,  the  gaining  of  Boflon 
v/ould  not  ha.ve  enabled  them  to  have  poliefTed  even  the 
reil  of  that  province  nor,  without  a  very  great  land  army, 
could  they  have  held  the  pofTefTion  of  Bofton  alone  one 
winter,  againft  fo  great  a  number  of  inhabitants  as  were 
then  ia  the  province.! 

The 

*  Charlevoix. 

•f  The  winter  of  1696  was  as  cold  as  had  been  k»own  from  the  flrft  arrival  of  thft 
En^ailli ;  flays  and  loaded  fieds  palTmg  great  part  o£  the  time  upon  the  ice  from  Bof- 
ton as  far  as  kantalket.  Greater  loffes  in  trade  had  never  been  known,  than  what 
were  rnet  with  in  this  year  ;  nor  v/as  there,  at  any  time  after  the  firft  year,  fo  great 
a-  fcarcity  of  food  ;  nor  was  grain  ever  at  a  higher  price. 

Lord  Beilamont  had  been  expedled  for  two  years  paft.  His  long  delay  occafion- 
ed  feme  doubt,  whether  he  had  not  laid  afide  the  defign  ;  but,  in  February  1696, 
Mr.  Blalthwait  writes,  "  You  may  be  in  expeAation,  for^ie  time  this  fummer,  of  my 
lord  Bellamont,  who  is  now  in  a  way  of  receiving  his  difpatches  for  the  government 
of  New-England,  and  probably  of  New- York  too,  for  the  better  uniting  our  flrength 
againft  the  French  and  Indians.  In  the  mean  time,  I  hope  the  colony  of  Maffachu- 
felts  will  take  care  to  defend  themfelves  againft  the  further  encroachments  of  the 
cnsray,and  protsd  tlicir  neiglibours  of  J^evv-Hampfliire,  for  the  common  intereft.'' 


i6gy.y  MASSACHUSETTS.  97 

The  lafl  year  of  the  war  proved  more  alarming  to  the 
province  than  any  of  the  preceding  years.  An  iavafion 
was  every  day  expected,  for  feveral  weeks  together  ;  and 
news  was  brought  to  Eofton,  that  a  formidable  French 
jfileet  had  been  feen  upon  the  coaft.  It  was  indeed  a  very 
critical  time,  perhaps  equal  to  that  when  the  duke  d'An- 
viile  was  with  a  fquadron  at  Chibuclou.  The  force  un- 
der the  duke  was  fuperior,  but  the  province  at  that  time 
wa3  in  proportion  (Ironger  and  better  able  to  repel  it. 
France  expeded  that  a  very  llrong  fquadron  v/ould  be, 
fent  from  England  to  recover  the  ports  in  Newfoundland, 
which  Iberville  had  taken  the  lafc  year.  Great  prepara- 
tions were  therefore  made,  to  defeat  fuch  fquadron,  and, 
after  that,  or  in  cafe  it  lliould  not  proceed,  then  to  lav 
wafle  the  Englifh  colonies.  Frontenac,  the  governor  of 
Canada,  upon  whom  great  dependance  had  always  deferv- 
edly  been  placed,  had  orders  to  raife  fifteen  hundred  men, 
prepared  to  march  upon  fliort  warning  ;  but,  at  this  time, 
the  fervice  for  which  they  were  intended  was  not  comma-, 
nicated.  He  made  provifion  accordingly,  and  they  would, 
have  been  already  upon  eight  days  notice.  The  remem- 
brance of  this  danger  is  loll  in  New-England.  «  Charle- 
voix's account  will  be  new  to  mod  people.  "  The  intend- 
ed expedition  agalnft  Bollon  was  very  well  concerted,  and 
would  not  have  failed,  as  all  vv^hich  preceded  it  had  done, 
if  it  had  been  vigoroully  purfued.  The  king  had  entrulU 
ed  the  command  with  the  marquis  of  Nefmond,  an  officer 
of  great  reputation,  and  had  appointed  for  the  fervice  ten 
men-of-war,  a  galliot,  and  two  frigates.  Bofiion  was  not 
the  only  object.  He  had  orders  to  be  ready  to  leave  Bred, 
with  part  of  the  fquadron,  by  the  25th  of  April  at  farthell, 
in  order  to  join  the  other  part  which  lay  at  Rochel  under 
commodore  de  Magnon  ;  and,  v;ith  all  poffible  difpatch,  to 
proceed  to  Placentia-bay  in  Newfoundland,  that  he  might 
be  beforehand  of  the  Englifli,  who  it  was  faid  were  deter- 
mined to  recover  all  they  had  lo(l  the  year  before  in  that 
illand,  and  to  clear  it  entirely  of  the  French.  If  he  found 
Placentia  befieged  by  the  Englifh,  he  had  orders  to  attack 
them ;  if  they  fliould  be  gone  before  he  arrived,  he  was 
to  follow  them  and  giv€  them  battle,  whether  they  had  fuc- 

ceeded 


9S  THE    HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  I. 

ceeded  or  not.  After  their  defeat,  he  was  to  fail  for  Pe- 
iiobfcot ;  difpatching  at  the  fame  time  a  packet-boat  to 
<>uebec,*  to  inform  count  Frontenac  of  his  route,  that  fo 
that  general  might  meet  him  at  Penobfcot,  with  fifteen 
hundred  men,  which  he  was  to  have  in  readinefs.  As 
foon  as  the  jundion  was  made,  and  the  troops  embarked, 
the  fleet,  without  iofs  of  time,  was  to  go  to  Bofton,  and, 
that  town  being  taken,  it  was  then  to  range  the  coail:  to 
Pifcataqua  ;  dellroying  the  fettlem.ents  as  far  into  the 
country  as  they  could,  and  fo  etfedually  as  that  it  might 
take  the  Englilh  a  long  time  to  re-ellablifli  themfelves.  If 
there  fliould  be  time  left  for  further  acquifitions,  the  fleet 
was  to  go  to  New- York,  and,  having  reduced  that  city, 
the  French  American  troops  were  to  march  through  that 
colony  to  Canada,  laying  the  country  wafte  as  they  went 
along.  The  king  had  this  expedition  fo  much  at  heart, 
that  he  had  given  permifTion  to  de  Nefmond  to  ftrengthen 
his  fleet  with  the  addition  of  certain  ihips,  deflined  for 
another  expedition  in  Hudfon's-Bay,  if  he  fhould  happen 
10  meet  them  at  Placentia  and  think  them  neceffary." 

We  flrall  next  fee,  from  the  fame  author,  how  this  en- 
ferprize  happened  to  fail  of  fuccefs. 

''  As  the  French  court  had  not  received  the  news  of 
the  fiegef  of  Naxoat  (St,  John's  river)  when  the  inftruc- 
tions  were  prepared,  but  it  happened  to  be  brought  a  fhort 
time  after,  upon  de  Nefmond's  anchoring  in  Rochelle 
road,  he  found  orders  had  been  fent  from  court  to  meet 
him  there,  requiring  him  to  give  the  chevaHer  de  Villebon 
all  that  aid  both  of  men  and  ftores  which  fhould  be  necef- 
fary  to  maintain  him  in  or  reflore  him  to  his  poll.  When 
de  Nefmond  came  to  Placentia,  he  found  there  a  letter 
waiting  for  him  from  the  count  de  Pontchartrain,  giving 
him  intelligence  of  eighteen  Engiifii  iliips,  laden  with  fait 
and  ready  to  fail  from  Lifbon,  under  convoy  of  a  man-of- 
war  ;  which  fliips  were  to  be  employed  in  the  cod  fifliery 
at  Newfoundland  ^  and  he  was  required  to  do  every  thing 

in 

*  This  fccms  to  Lc  ths  greateft  defedl  In  the  plan.  The  time  in  pafling  up  the 
river  St.  Lawrence,  embarking  the  troops,  and  coming  down  to  Penobfcot,  from  the 
uncertainty  of  that  navigation,  might  take  up  the  greateil  part  of  the  fummer,  and 
render  the  whole  defign  abortive. 

t  By  the  Mitfiachufetts  forces. 


1697O  MASSACHUSETTS.  99 

in  his  power  to  prevent  their  efcaping  him.  T!ie  count 
added  further,  that  if  he  fliould  be  fo  fortunate  as  to  beat 
the  Englifh  fleet,  which  was  expeded  to  be  or  have  been 
at  Newfoundland,  then  it  ^as  the  king's  pleafure  that  he 
fhould  range  the  eaftern  coafl  of  Nev/foundland,  and  take 
or  burn  all  the  Englifh  fhipping  he  could  meet  with.  But 
de  Nefmond  departed  too  late  to  carry  fo  many  and  fo 
great  defigns  into  execution.  EeHdes,  meeting  with  con* 
trary  winds,  he  had  above  two  months  palUige,  not  arriv- 
ing at  Placentia  until  the  24th  of  July.  There  he  heard 
no  news  of  the  Englifh  fleet.  He  held  a  grand  council  of 
war,  in  order  to  determine  whether  immediately  to  proceed 
to  Bofton  or  not.  All  the  voices  were  in  the  negative,  and 
for  thefe  reafons, — there  was  no  aifurancc  that  it  could 
be  a  prudent  meafure,  whilft  they  were  wholly  ignorant 
of  the  fituation  and  circumflances  of  the  enemy  ;  more- 
over, let  there  be  ever  fo  great  difpatch  in  giving  notice 
to  count  Frontenac,  the  Canada  forces  could  not  be  at 
Penobfcot  before  the  i  oth  of  September ;  and  by  that 
time  the  fleet  would  not  have  above  fifty  days  provifions 
left,  and  would  be  in  no  capacity  of  undertaking  any 
thing." 

It  was  known  in  New-England  that  a  formidable  French 
fleet  was  at  no  great  diftance,  and  the  approach  of  it  was 
every  day  expeded.  There  Vv^ere  no  great  hopes  of  an 
Englifh  fleet  to  encounter  it.  The  inhabitants  were  in 
great  confl:ernation.  The  lieutenant-governor  of  Ivlalfa- 
chufetts  made  the  befl  preparations  he  could.  The  mili- 
tia, for  feveral  weeks,  were  held  in  readinefs  to  march  to 
the  fea-ports.  The  cafl:le  at  Eofton  was  then  but  an  in- 
confiderable  fortrefs.  Such  additions  were  made  as  the 
time  would  admit  of;  and,  when  the  danger  was  over, 
many  perfons  exprefled  themfelves,  in  the  accounts  they 
gave  of  it  to  their  friends,  as  if  they  had  no  doubt  that  the 
fhips  would  have  been  ftopped  from  coming  up  to  the  town. 
It  was  expelled  that  a  great  body  of  French  and  Indians 
from  Canada  would  fall  upon  the  eafiern  frontiers,  when 
the  French  fleet  was  upon  the  fea  coafl ;  five  hundred  men 
were  therefore  railed,  and  fent  under  major  March,  for 
the  defence  of  that  part  of  the  province. 

This 


lao  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Cha?.  L 

This  fcheme  of  the  French,  in  all  probability,  faved  the 
livcs'of  many  of  our  inhabitants.  The  greatefl  part  of 
the  fummer,  the  flrength  of  Canada,  which  would  have 
been  employed  for  our  annoyance,  was  kept  in  a  ftate  of 
inaclion,  w^aiting  for  orders  to  move  ;  and  until  September 
we  were  quiet,  both  eaftward  and  w'eftward.  A  party 
of  the  enemy  then  fell  upon  Lancafter,  and  killed  twenty 
or  thirty  perlbns,  Mr.  Whiting,  the  roinifter  of  the  town, 
being  one  of  them.* 

The  next  year, -they  began  early,  and  in  February  fur- 
prized  Andover,  about  twenty-five  miles  from  Bofton, 
where  they  killed  feven  of  the  inhabitants,  and  took  others 
prifoners,  and  burned  many  houfes.  Among  the  flain 
was  Chubb,  the  captain  of  Pemaquid  fort,  who  lived  here 
with  his  family,  in  a  place  thought  to  be  not  expofed. 
His  death  afforded  as  much  joy  to  the  Indians  as  the  de- 
ilrudlion  of  a  whole  town,  becaufe  they  had  taken  their 
beloved  vengeance  of  him  for  his  perfidy  and  barbarity 
to  their  countrymen.     Jt  is  not  probable,  that  they  had 

any 

*  Governor  Bradflreet  died  at  Snlem  March  27tli,  1697,  aged  94  or  95.  We 
■h?:ve  had  frequent. occiifion  to  mention  him,  efpeciiilly  in  the  lirit  part  of  our  hiftory, 
\vh°re  he  appears  in  the  chnra-ilcr  of  an  afuflant,  fecretary,  agent,  commiiiioner  for 
the  United  Colonies,  and  at  length  governor.  He  feems  to  have  been  of  a  moder- 
ate genius,  fuch  an  one  as  we  often  fee  by  a  long  courfe  of  Iteady  inofFenfive  con-» 
du6it  rife  from  flep  to  fi:ep,  but  at  thofe  intervals  when  there  happens  to  he  none 
more  fhining  or  enterprizing  to  obflruit  it.  He  was  the  y.onngeft  of  all  the  afiift- 
antswho  came  over  v.-ith  the  ftrll-  charter,  but  had  been  fenior  afliftant  many  years 
ticfore  he  atlah:eu  to  the  chair.  At  length,  in  the  76th  year  of  his  age,  k  fell  to 
his  lot.  It  is  not  improbable  th«t  fome,  who  would  otherwife  have  beeji  his  com- 
petitors, acquiefced  in  his  advancement  from  the  fame  ccnuderatioijs  that  the  com- 
petitors in  the  conclave  at  Rome  have  often  acquiefced  in  the  choice  of  a  very  old 
cardinal  to  the  popedom;  Whe.n  king  Charles  demanded  a  fur'render  of  the  charter, 
he  was  for  complying.  The  event  proved  it  to  be  eafier  to  re-alFurae  after  a  forced 
furrender  than  after  a  judgment  sgainfl:  it.  The  king  had  promifed  lenity  upon  a 
compiiance,  and  threatened  all  feverity  if  the  colony  forced  him  to  a  judgm.ent  againft 
them.  This  influenced  Mr.  BradHreet.  He  thought  it  w  ifdom  t.o  fave  part  of  the 
privileges  of  the  colony  rather  than  lofe  the  whole.  Befides,  it  was  fuhmitting  to 
•the  neceiTity  of  the  times,  fubuiittlng  to  a  power  they  could  not  reHft.  Some  faid  if 
judgment  went  againft  them,  one  ti}ne  or  other  it  might  be  reverfed.  He  thought 
that  dureffi  per  minas  migllt  be  pleaded  to  avoid  their  own  a6l,  if  ever  a  favourable 
opportunity  fhould  offer  for  it.  He  v/as  reproached  for  his  pufiUanimity.  If  he 
was  upright,  the  cenfure  of  the  oppofite  party  iliould  not  tranfmit  reproach  to  pof- 
terity.  The  mofl:  tenacious  are  not  always  mod  virtuous  :  men  will  fometimes, 
^urfuing  popular  meafures,  run  rifques  in  public  affairs,  which  they  would  not  think 
prudent  in  their  private  concerns.  The  reafon  is  obvious.  Their  particular  fliarc 
in  the  public,  if  the  event  Ihould  prove  unfortunate,  has  not  equal  weight  upon  their 
tninds  with  the  appiaufe  which  they  are  fure  of,  fuccecd  or  not,  for  fortitude  and 
heroifra.  Bad  men  in  this  way  can  oftentimes  alfo  gratify  their  private  affcilioK-s, 
-•f  envy,  hatrsd,  and  defirc  of  revenge,  at  the  public  expenfe. 


i6gS.2  MASSACHUSETTS.  tot 

any  knowledge  of  the  place  of  his  abode,  but  they  fell  up-* 
on  him  by  mere  accident.  Rapin,  the  EngiiCi  hiftorian, 
would  have  pronounced  fuch  an  event  the  immediate 
judgment  of  Heaven  ;  Voltaire  that,  in  this  place  of,  fiip- 
pofed  fafcty,  the  man  could  not  avoid  his  deiliny.  Among 
the  prifoners  was  colonel  Bradftreet  (who  ablconded  ia 
1692,  to  fave  himfelf  from  a  profecution  for  witchcraft) 
and  all  his  family.  Fortunately  for  them,  the  Indians 
apprehended  they  were  piirfued  by  a  fuperior  force,  and 
fled,  leaving  their  prifoners  to  efcape.  Their  terror  mufl: 
have  been  great,  feeing  there  was  not  dme  to  knock  the 
prifoners  on  the  head,  according  to  the  ufual  pradice 
when  purfued.  The  enemy,  upon  their  return  home, 
made  fome  fpoii  upon  the  town  of  Haverhill.  In  March, 
another  party  came  upon  the  fame  town,  burned  nine 
houfes,  and  killed  and  took  prifoners,  in  the  whole,  about 
forty  perfons.  There  wps  a  woman  (Hannah  Duilan)  a 
heroine,  made  prifoner  at  this  time,  whofe  (lory,  although 
repeatedly  puLs^^imed,  we  cannot  w^ell  omit.  She  had  lain 
in  but  a  week,  when  the  Indians  attacked  the  houfe.  Her 
hufband,  with  i^cven  of  his  children  made  their  efcape  j 
but  the  v/ife,  the  nurfe  ajid  the  young  infant  were  feized* 
The  Indians  foon  beat  out  the  infant's  brains  againft  a 
tree.  The  two  women  they  made  to  travel  with  them 
twelve  miles  the  firft  night,  and  to  continue  travelling  from 
day  to  day  towards  an^Indian  town,*  the  fettlement  of 
which,  as  the  Indians  faid,  had  been  begun  a  little  while 
before,  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  HaverhiiL 
When  they  had  travelled  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  the 
Indians  told  the  women  there  was  one  ceremony  which 
could  not  be  difpenfed  with  upon  their  arrival.  They 
mud  be  dripped,  and  run  the  gantlet  through  the  village- 
this  difcipline  has  been  fometimes  fo  cruelly  adminidered, 
that  the  poor  captives  have  funk  under  it.  The  women 
had  been  afPigned  as  fervants  to  an  Indian  familyf  confid- 
ing of  two  men,  three  women,  and  fevei-t  children,  belides 

-  *  The  diftance  woiiM  agree  v/cll  enough  with   St.  Francis  or  Becancour ;  but 
Charlevoix  fays,  this  fettlement  began  fix  or  fevcn  years  later,  in  1 704. 

f  It  was  the  pradlice  of  the  Indians,  after  they  had  fell  iipon  the'Entrlir.i  and  wert 
OHt  of  danger,  to  divide  into  fmull  parties  or  fmg^^le  families,  and  difperi'e  for  the  fai.; 
•f  mare  advantageous  hunting  ia  their  retuin. 


102  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  I. 

an  Englifh  boy,  who  had  been  piifoner  a  year  and  an  half. 
The  terror  of  the  Indian  gantiet  feems  to  have  infpired 
Duflan  with  refolution,  and  (ht  prevailed  upon  the  nurfe 
and  the  Englifh  boy  to  join  with  her  in  the  deftrudion 
of  the  Indian  family.  The  Indians  kept  no  watch.  The 
boy  had  been  with  them  fo  ionr,  as  to  be  confidered  as 
one  of  their  own  children.  From  women,  ordinarily,  at- 
tempts of  this  fort  are  not  to  be  expected.  In  the  morn- 
ing, a  little  before  day,  Duflan  arofe,  and,  finding  the 
whole  company  in  a  found  lleep,  calls  upon  her  con- 
federates to  join  with  her,  and  with  the  Indian  hatchets 
they  filenced  fuch  as  they  began  with,  and  yet  took  care 
not  to  make  fo  much  noife  as  to  awaken  the  reft ;  and  in 
this  manner  they  difpatched  the  whole  family,  except  a 
favorite  boy,  vvhom  they  defignedly  left,  and  an  old  wo- 
man they  fuppofed  they  had  killed,  but  who  jumped  up, 
and  with  the  boy  made  their  efcape.  They  took  off  the 
fcalps  from  ten,  to  bring  home  with  them.  Their  danger 
was  great  from  the  enemy  and  from  famine,  in  travelHng 
home  above  an  hundred  miles,  through  thick  woods  and 
acrofs  mountains  and  rivers ;  but  they  arrived  fafe  with 
their  trophies.  They  received  a  reward  of  fifty  pounds 
from  the  general  court,  and  many  prefents  from  their 
neighbours  ;  and  colonel  Nicholfon  fent  them  a  valuable 
prefent  from  Maryland,*  the  fam.e  of  fo  uncommon  an 
action  having  foon  fpread  througv  the  continent. 

The  lieutenant-governor,  Stoughton,  had  held  the  reins 
four  years,  and  had  kept  free  from  controverfy  with 
the  other  branches  of  the  legiflature.  The  defence  of  the 
province,  by  fea  and  land,  was  enough  to  employ  the  at- 
tention of  the  public.  Internal  difputes  and  controverfies 
in  States  are,  ordinarily,  moll  effedually  avoided  or  fuf- 
pended  by  imminent  external  dangers.  Befides,  Mr. 
Stoughton  now  flood  fo  well  in  the  efteem  of  the  people, 
that  they  chofe  him,  at  every  eledion,  one  of  the  council, 
although  at  the  fame  time  he  was  commander  in  chief. 
Before  the  year  expired,  a  new  governor  might  arrive, 
in  which  cafe  he  would  take  his  place  as  a  counfelior. 
Sheriffs  in  England  are  named  or  remain  in  commiflion 

for 

*  Nicholfon  was  then  governor  of  Maryland, 


1698.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  103 

for  the  peace  during  their  fhrievalty,  although  the  ex- 
ercife  of  their  authority,  as  juftices,  is  fufpcnded  for 
fuch  time. 

The  earl  of  Bellamont  embarked  on  board  one  of  his 
majefty's  fhips  early  in  the  fall.  The  merchant  veifels, 
which  failed  at  the  fame  time  for  Bofton,  all  arrived  fafe 
with  fliort  paifages  ;  but  the  man-of-war  was  blown  off 
to  Barbadoes,  and  there  wintered,  not  arriving  at  New- 
York  until  fome  time  in  May.  Immediately  upon  the 
advice  of  his  lordfhip's  arrival,  a  committee  was  fent  v/ith 
congratulations  from  MalFachufttts  ;  and,  during  his 
refidence  at  New- York,  he  was  frequently  confulted, 
and  all  matters  of  importance  were  communicated  to 
him,  and  his  advice  or  directions  were  generally  follow- 
ed ;  but  the  adminillration  of  all  a6ts  of  government  were 
in  the  name  of  the  lieutenant-governor,  as  commander 
in  chief.  The  party  difputes,  which  ran  high  at  New- 
York,  and  detained  his  lordfhip  there  about  a  year,  do 
iiot  come  within  our  defign.  In  general  we  may  obferve 
that  he  countenanced  the  Leiflerians.*  This,  together 
with  the  interell  which  had  been  made  for  Mr.  Dudley  in 
England  in  oppofition  to  his  lordfhip,  feems  to  have  prej- 
udiced him  in  favour  of  all  Dudley's  enemies  in  New- 
England.  Whilfl  he  was  at  New- York,  he  kept  a  con- 
ftant  correfpondence  with  Mr.  Cooke,  one  of  the  coun- 
cil for  MafTachufctts,  who  was  a  principal  man  of  that 
party  ;  and  feems  to  have  placed  more  confidence  in  him 
than  in  Mr.  Stoughton,  who  ever  remained,  in  his  heart, 
attached  to  the  Dudley  party. 

The  peace  of  Ryfwick  was  proclaimed  in  Bodon  De- 
cember the  10th,  1697.  '^^^  ^^'"'^  ^^'^^^  ^^^  Indians  did 
not  immediately  ceafe.  The  beginning  of  the  next  year 
they  fhewed  themfelves  at  Kittery,  where  they  killed  an 
old  man  ;  and  at  the  fame  time  they  carried  away  three 
perfons  from  York-  In  July,  they  appeared  upon  the  weft- 
ern  frontier,  and  took  three  or  four  prifoners  at  Hatneld: 
but  the  French  no  longer  daring  to  atibrd  them  adiilance, 
they  fpent  the  refl  of  the  year  in  contriving  a  peace- 

Upoft 

•  His  lordfliip  was  one  of  the  committee  of  parliament  to  inquire  into  the  triuls 
©f  Leifler  and  Milbournc,  and  told  Sir  Henry  Afiiuril  ikaii  aiC4  wc/c  muxd«irud. 
and  barbareuily  murdered. 


i04  THE   HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  L 

Upon  intimations  given  by  the  Indians  to  any  of  the 
forts  or  out-po(ls  that  they  are  difpofed  to  peace,  the 
Englifli  are  very  jeady  to  embrace  the  offer.  The  prin- 
cipal objed:  is  the  recovery  of  the  captives,  which  at  the 
end  of  the  war  have  generally  been  numerous.  In  Oc- 
tober, major  Con  vers  and  captain  Akien  \vere  fent  to 
•Penobicot  to  fettle  preliminaries,  one  of  which  was  to  be 
the  releafe  of  all  priibners,  but  no  more  could  be  obtain- 
ed on  this  head  than  a  promife  to  return  all  fuch  as  defir- 
ed  it ;  the  Indians  refufed  to  com.pel  any  v/ho  inclined  to 
remain  wfth  them.  In  the  winter,  John  ThiUips,  efquire, 
of  the  council,  with  major  Convers,  and  Cyprian  Souths 
ack,  commander  of  the  province  galley,  Vv^ent  with  full 
powers  to  conclude  a  treaty.  The  Indians  are  not  very 
nice  in  acknowledging  their  perfidy  in  fuch  terms  as  the 
Engliili  prepare  for  them,  and  make  fuch  fubmiffiohs  and 
promifes  ot  future  fidelity  as  are  defired.  The  treaty  was 
in  the  fame  terms  with  that  in  1693.  Several  captives 
w^cre  reiLored,  and  others  were  promJfed  in  the  fpring  ; 
but  many  remained,  males  and  females,  who  mingled 
with  Indians  and  contributed  to  a  fuccefhon  of  favages  to 
exercife  cruelties  upon  the  Engliili  frontiers,  in  future 
wars,  and  perhaps  upon  fome  of  their  own  relations. 

The  leaving  bounds  to  be  fettled  between  the  Englifli 
and  French,  upon  the  continent,  by  commilTaries,  and 
the  ambiguous  terms  made  ufe  of  in  treaties  (perhaps 
artfully  introduced  by  the  French)  have  been  the  caufes 
of  new  difputes  between  the  two  crowns  ;  and,  in  one 
inflance  at  leaft,  have  very  foon  brought  on  a  new  war.* 
The  peace  of  Ryfwick  was  fcarcely  proclaimed  in  New- 
England,  Vvdien  the  inhabitants  were  made  fenfible  of  the 
defigns  of  the  French  to  make  themfelves  fole  proprietors 
of  the  filhery,  and  to  reftrain  the  Enghfli  from  the  poflef- 
fion  of  any  part  of  the  country  contained  in  the  Maifachu- 
fetts  charter  to  the  eaflward  of  Kennebeck.  It  was  un- 
derflood  by  the  Englilh  court,  that,  by  the  treaty  6f 
Ryfwick,  ail  the  country  weftward  of  Saint  Croix  was  to 
remain  to  the  Englifh,  as  being  within  the  bounds  of  the 
province  of  Maffachufetts.  The  French  court,  immedi- 
ately 

*  After  the  treaty  of  Ak  la  Chapelle  in  1 748, 


t698.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  105 

ately  after  the  treaty,  alTerted  an  exclufive  right  to  the 
iifhery  upon  the  fea-ooafts,  and  to  all  the  inland  country.* 
A  French  man-of-war,  bound  from  France  to  Port-royal, 
met  one  of  our  fifhfng  veffels  off  Cape-Sables,  fent  for 
the  fkipper  to  come  on  board,  and  caufed  to  be  tranflated 
and,  read  to  him  in  Englilh  an  order  of  the  French  king 
for  feizing  all  Englifh  veffels  found  fifliing  on  the  coafls, 
and  told  him  to  give  notice  of  this  order  to  all  other  vef^ 
fels.  Villebon,  governor  of  St.  John's  river,  writes  fooii 
after  to  Mr.  Stoughton,  that  he  had  orders  from  the 
French  king  his  mailer  to  take  poffeffion  of  and  defend 
the  whole  country  as  far  as  Kennebeck.f 

The  Norridgewock  Indians,  this  year  alfo,  built  a 
church  at  their  chief  fettlemcnt  upon  Kennebeck  river, 
\vhich  was  complained  of  by  the  Maffachufetts  government 
as  a  French  encroachment ;  but  I  know  not  for  what  rea- 
fon,  except  their  having  a  Frenchman  for  their  priefl  caa 
be  thought  one. 

Reprefentations  were  made  to  the  the  miniffry,  and  the 
right  of  the  Engliffi  to  the  eafliern  country  as  far  as  St. 
Croix  was  infifted  upon.  The  lords  of  trade  write  thus 
to  the  earl  of  Bellamont  :  "  As  to  the  boundaries,  v/e  have 
always  infifted  and  fhall  infift  upon  the  Engliffi  right  as  far 
as  the  river  St.  Croix  ;  but  in  the  mean  while,  in  relation 
to  the  encroachments  of  the  French  and  their  building  a 
church  on  Kennebeck  river,  that  feems  to  us  a  very  proper 
occafion  for  your  lordffiip's  urging  the  general  affembly 
of  Maffachufetts  to  rebuild  the  fort  at  Pemaquid,  which 

they 

*  Acadle  has  'been  ftretched  and  contraited  at  different  times,  as  the  French  foun4 
it  to  ferve  their  intereft. 

t  "  I  am  exprefsly  ordered  by  his  majefty  to  maintain  the  bounds  between  New- 
England  and  us,  which  are  from  the  head  of  Kennebeck  river  unto  its  mouth,  leaving 
the  courfe  of  the  river  free  unto  both  nations,  and  I  expc6l  that  you  will  no  longer 
confider  the  Indians  inhabiting  there  as  your  fubjc6ts.  I  am  informed  that  you  have 
divers  filhemien  on  our  coafts,  and  that  you  permit  your  people  to  trade  in  the 
French  ports.  You  may  well  cxpcft,  Sir,  that  I  Ihall  feize  all  the  Englifli  who  fliall 
be  found  fifhing  or  trading  ;  for  you  cannot  be  ignorant,  that  it  is  plainly  prohibit- 
ed by  the  treaty  between  the  two  crowns,  which  you  yourfelf  font  to  me.  Monf. 
de  Bonaventure,  commander  of  the  Envicux,  has  alio  lent  you  fome  of  your  fifliing 
veffels,  which  he  had  taken,  and  acquainted  you,  that  if  they  r^itumcd,  cither  fgr 
fiftiing  or  trading,  he  v/ould  make  prize  of  ttcm.**' 

Fillebons  letttr^  Sip.  <,  1698. 

Vol.  IL  H 


i6i  THE   HISTaRY   OF  [Chap.  E 

they  ought  to  have  done  long  ago,  and  thereby  they  might 
have  prevented  this  and  many  other  inconveniences."* 

The  French  perfifted  in  their  moleftations  of  the  En- 
glifli  hfhermen,  and  there  feems  to  have  been  no  great 
concern  about  it  in  the  Englilh  miniftry  ;  other  greater 
affairs,  in  difference  between  the  two  crowns,  engaged  the 
attention,  and  brought  on  a  new  v/ar  ;  and  it  was  well 
they  did,  for  it  looks  very  probable  that  this  difpute  about 
the  fiffiery  would  not  have  made  a  breach,  but  if  peace 
had  continued,  the  French  would  have  excluded  the  En» 
glilh,  and  this,  valuable  branch  once  loll  might  never  have 
been  recovered.. 

King  James,  always  under  the  influence  of  France,  had 
relinquifiied  his  right  to  Acadie,  or  Nova  Scotia  ;  and,  al- 
though his  governor  (Andros)  for  the  fnort  time  the  king 
remained  afterwards  upon  the  throne,  retained  the  poffef- 
fion  of  Pemaquld,  and  challenged  a  right  to  St.  Croix  ; 
and  although  the  friendlhip  between  the  two  m^onarchs 
might  prevent  any  feverity  upon  the  Englifh  fiffiermen, 
yet  the  French  infifted  upon  their  right  both  to  the  coun- 
try and  coafts.  The  war  upon  the  revolution  fufpended 
the  difpute  about  title.  At  the  treaty  of  Ryfwick,  En- 
gland was  not  difpofed  to  urge  any  points  which  would  re- 
tard the  peace,  and  the  French  immediately  after  renewed^ 
the  fame  claim  they  had  made  under  king  James. 

Lord  Bellamcnt  arrived  at  Bofton  from  New- York 
May  26th,  1699.  A  nobleman  at  the  head  of  the  gov- 
ernment, was  a  new  thing.  All  ranks  of  people  exerted 
themfelves  to  fliew  him  refpecl,  and  the  appearance  was  fo 
pompous,  that  his  lordlliip  thought  it  gave  him-  good  rea- 
fon  to  exped  a  very  honourable  fupport  from  a  province- 
fo  well  flocked  with  inhabitants,  and  in  a  ftate  of  fo  much 
affluence.  He  took  every  method  to  ingratiate  himfelf 
with  the  people.  He  was  condefcending,  affable  and 
courteous  upon  all  occafions.  He  profeffed  to  be  of  the 
mofl  moderate  principles,  in  rehgion  and  government  ; 
although  a  churchman,  yet  far  from  high  church,  and. 

he 

*  Oiftoter  30,  1 700. 


1^99.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  107 

he  attended  the  weekly  le£lure  at  Boflon*  with  great  rev- 
erence, and  profefTed  great  regard  and  efleem  for  the 
preachers.  He  avoided  all  unneceflary  tontefls  with  pri- 
vate perfons  or  with  either  branch  of  the  legiflature.  His 
inchnation  led  him  to  Mr.  Dudley's  enemies,  but  he  did 
not  neglect  thofe  who  were  friendly  and  attached  to  him. 
There  was  perfect  harmony  in  the  General  Court  whiHl 
he  prefided.  There  was  fomething  fmgular  and  unparlia- 
mentary in  his  form  of  proceeding  in  council  ;  for  he  con- 
fidered  himfelf  as  at  the  head  of  the  board  in  their  legifla- 
tive  as  well  as  executive  capacity.  He  concerned  himfelf 
in  all  their  debates  ;t  propofed  all  bufmefs,  and  frequent- 
ly recommended  to  them  to  refolve  into  a  committee  upon, 
bills  or  claufes  in  bills ;  and  then,  as  the  entries  (land, 
he  left  the  chair,  and  the  committee  (being  ready  to  re- 
port) reafiumed  :  nor  did  he  think  it  proper  they  fliould 
ad:  as  a  houfe  of  parliament  in  his  abfence  ;  but  when 
detained  at  home,  by  meffages  from  time  to  time,  direded 
their  going  into  a  committee  and  preparing  bufmefs- 
againfl  fuch  time  as  he  fhould  be  able  to  attend.  This 
was  guiding  them  in  all  their  debates  and  refolves,  as  far 
as  his  influence  would  extend,  which  was  not  a  little  way  ; 
and  yet  afterwards,  as  a  feparate  branch,  he  had  his  nega- 
tive upon  ail  their  proceedings  which  were  not  according 
to  his  mind.  This  irregularity  does  not  feem  to  be  the 
mere  effed  of  his  lordlhip's  authority  and  influence  over  the 

council. 

*  The  Grneral  Court  in  that  day  ab.vays  adjourned  to  attend  the  Icdnre.  An 
anecdote  or  f.vo,  or  what  the  French  call  perfunaliter.,  will  give  us  an  idea  of  feme 
-parts  of  his  lordfliip's  characfler.  The  precife  part  of  the  country,  however  trcafted 
with  refpedt  in  public,  were  not  mofh  agreeable  for  private  company  and  more  inti- 
mate acquaintance.  Among  the  more  liberal  was  one  Bullivant,  an  apothecary, 
who  had  been  a  juftlce  of  peace  under  Andros.  Lord  Beliamont,  going  from  the 
ledure  to  his  houfe,  with  a  great  crowd  round  him,  paffed  by  Bullivant  Handing  at 
his  fhop  door,  loitering  ;  "  DoBor^''  fays  his  lordfhip  \'\'ith  an  audible  voice,  "  yow  bavt 
Icjl  a  precious  fcrmon  to  day.''^  Bullivant  whifpcred  to  one  of  his  companions  who  ftood 
by  him,  "  If  I  could  have  got  as  much  iy  being  there  as  his  lordjhip  ivill,J  ivould  have  been, 
there  too.''^ 

A  fpeech  of  his  to  his  lady,  when  his  table  was  filled  with  reprcfentatives  from 
the  country  towns,  is  yet  remembered: — "^Dame^-wejkotdd  tr:at  ihefj  gentlemen  ivell ; 
they  give  tis  our  bread" 

f  Henry  IV.  fat  in  the  houfe  of  lords  in  De  la  Pole's  c^fe  ;  hut  the  lords  proteftcd 
againfl  the  king's  interpofmg  in  their  rights  and  privileges.  In  the  reign  of  his  prc- 
deceflbr,  Richard  II.  the  houfes  of  parliament  had  rcfolved  that  the  king  has  the  ap- 
pointing what  matters  fhall  be  firfl  handled  in  parliament,  and,  alter  that,  what  next, 
and  fo  CB  to  the  end  of  the  feflion. 

Ha 


loS  THE   HISTORY   OF  CChAp.  1 

council.     The  conflitutlon  under  the  new  charter  was  not 
fettled.     They  came  off  by  degrees  from  their  pradicc 
under  the  old  charter.    The  governor,  created  by  the  peo- 
ple, ufed  then  to  vote  with  the  airilfcants ;  and  although- 
he  had  no  negative,  yet  Be  had  a  calling  voice.*     Lord 
Bellamont  finding  this  t»  have  been  the  praftice,  and, 
confidering  how  much  it  increaied  his  fliare  in  all  afts  of 
government,  might  be  difpofed  to  retain  it.     Experience 
taught,  v/hat  was  not  at  hrfl  conceived,  the  great  differ- 
ence between  the  privilege  of  propofiilg  or  originating  and 
that  of  rejecting.     In  fome  fucceeding  adminiflrations,  it 
has  given  caufe  ci  exception  and  complaint  when  the  gov- 
ernor has  interedcd  himfelf  in  the  debates  of  the  council^ 
l?o  influence  their  determinations  and  abridge  them  of  that 
freedom:  to  which  they  are  equally  entitled  with  the  other 
branches  of  the  legillature.     He  was  the  firfl  governor 
who  imitated    the  lord-lie-^tenant  of  Ireland,  in  forma! 
fpeeches,  as  the  king's  reprefentative,  to  the  two  houfes 
Cfi  parliament,  copies  of  v/hich  were  delivered  to  the  fpeak- 
er  and  afterwards  printed-    Extratls  from  one  or  two  fhew 
they  vv'ere  calculated  ad  captanditnu     The  unfavourable 
fentiments  of  the  inhabitants  in  general  of  the  reign  of 
ithe  Stuarts  were  well  knov/n  to  him  ^  no  fubject  could 
be  more  engaging  than  a  cenfure  upon  that  family.     He 
concludes  his  hrft  fpeechy  which  is  a  very  long  one,  in 
this  manner.     "  I  fhould  be  wanting  to  you  and  myfelf 
too,  if  I  did  not  put  you  in  mind  of  the  indifpenfable  du- 
ty and  refpeft  v^e  owe  the  king,  for  being  the  glorious  in- 
Ifrument  of  our  deliverance  from  the  odious  fetters  and 
chains  of  popery  and  tyranny,  which  has  almofl  over- 
whelmed our  Gonfciences,and  fubverted  all  our  civil  rights* 
There  is  fomething  that  is  godlike  in  what  the  king  hath 
done  for  us.     The  works  of  redemption  and  prefervation 
come  next  to  that  of  creation.     I  would  not  be  mifunder- 
ftood,  fo  as  to  be  thought  to  rob  God  of  the  glory  of  that 
Itupendous  ad  of  his  providence,  in  bringing  to  pafs  the 
late  happy  and  wonderful  revolution  in  England.     His 

blefled 

*  While  Mr.  Stoughton  was  commander  in  chief,  he  had  always  been  chofen  of 
the  council ;  it  can  fcarcely  be  fuppofed  that  he  gave  his  voice  as  one  of  the  cQUHcilj 
in.  leaiilative-  matters. 


j59<).]  MASSACHUSETTS.  109 

• 
bleiTed  work  it  was,  without  doubt,  and  he  was  pleafed  t® 
jniake  king  William  immediately  the  author  and  inftru- 
ment  of  it.  Ever  fmce  the  year  1602,  England  has  had  a 
fucceflion  of  kings,  who  have  been  aliens  in  this  refpecl, 
that  they  hav^e  not  fought  our  battles  nor  been  in  our  in- 
terefls,  but  have  been  in  an  unnatural  manner  plotting 
and  contriving  to  undermine  and  fubvert  our  religion, 
laws  and  liberties,  till  God  was  pleafed,  by  his  infmite.  pow- 
er and  mercy  and  goodnefs,  to  give  us  a  true  Engiilli  king, 
in  the  perfon  of  his  prefent  majefty,  ivho  has  apon  all  occa- 
fions  hazarded  his  royal  perfon  in  the  fronts  of  our  battles 
and  where  there  was  moO:  danger-  He  has  reflored  to  our 
nation  the  almofl:  loft  charadcr  of  bravery  and  valour  ; 
and,  what  is  moft  valuable  of  all,  his  majeily  is  entirely  in 
the  intereft  of  his  people.  It  is  therefore  our  duty  and  in- 
tereft  to  pray  to  God,  in  the  moft  fervent  manner,  that  he 
would  blefs  our  great  king  William  with  a  long  and  prof- 
perous  reign  over  us,  to  which  I  am  perfuaded,  you  that 
are  prefent  and  all  good  people  will  heartily  fay  amen.'* 

His  laft  fpeech  had  expreftions,  ftrong  enough,  upon  the 
fame  ftrain.  "  The  parting  with  Canada  to  the  French 
and  the  eaftern  country  called  Acadie,  or  Nova-Scotia, 
with  the  noble  filhery  on  that  coaft,  were  moft  execrable 
treacheries  to  England,  and  intended,  without  doubt,  to 
ferve  the  ends  of  popery.  It  is  too  well  knov/n,  what  in- 
tereft that  kiug  favoured,  who  parted  with  Nova-Scotia, 
and  of  what  religion  he  died." 

By  avoiding  offence  to  particular  perfons,  and  by  a  gen- 
eral conformity  to  the  caft  or  prevailing  difpofition  of  the 
people,  his  lordftiip  obtained  a  larger  fum,  as  a  falary  and 
gratuity,  not  only  than  any  of  his  predeceftbrs,  but  alfo 
than  any  who  fucceeded  him,  when  the  inhabitants  weie 
more  numerous  and  more  opulent,  and  money,  compared 
with  the  neceifaries  of  life,  had  become  lefs  valuable  ;  for 
he  remained  but  fourteen  months  in  the  province,  and  the 
grants  made  by  the  General  Court  amounted  to  ^.2500 
lawful  money,  or  ^T.  18 75  fterling. 

His  time  was  much  taken  up  in  fecuring  the  pirates  and 
their  efFefts,  which  we  have  obferved  was  a  great  induce- 
ment with  the  king  to  fend  him  to  America.     Before  his 

arrival 


no  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

arrival  In  Boflon,  feveral  fufpeded  perfons  had  been  feiz- 
ed.  After  thirty  or  forty  years  indulgence,  there  fue- 
ceeded  a  general  abhorrence  of  buccaniering,  and  the  buc- 
caniers  or  freebooters  were  hunted  from  one  colony  to 
another.  A  large  fum  of  money  was  feized  in  the  poffef- 
fion  of  one  Smith,  part  of  it  foreign  coins  and  the  impref- 
fions  unintelligible  ;  and  he  was  brought  upon  trial,  but 
the  evidence  produced  being  infufficient  to  fatisfy  the  jury^ 
he  was  acquitted. 

About  the  fame  tim.e,  one  Bradifh  was  apprehended* 
He  had  been  boatfwain's  mate  of  a  Ihip  fitted  out  by  mer- 
chants and  tradefmen  of  London  to  India,  in  the  inter- 
loping trade.  The  crew  turned  pirates ;  and,  having  left 
the  mafler  afhore  at  Polonais,  gave  the  command  to 
Bradifh.  They  came  to  America,  and  lodged  large  fums 
of  money  and  goods  with  perfons  upon  Long-Ifland  and 
other  places  within  and  near  to  the  government  of  New- 
York,  and  then  difperfed  ;  fome  to  Connedicut,  others 
to  MafTachufetts,  where  Bradifh  was  taken  and  others  of 
his  crew,  and  fent  to  England.  The  vigilance  ufed  in  pur- 
uiing  and  apprehending  them,  appears  from  the  account 
Mr.  Stoughton  tranfmitted  to  the  fecretary  of  flate.*     But 

Kidd 

*  "  I  have  further  to  obferve  unto  your  honour  that,  about  the  19th  of  March  lail 
paft,  there  arrived  at  the  eaft  end  of  Long-Ifland,  in  the  province  of  New- York,  the 
ihip  or  hack-boat  named  the  Adventure,  of  London,  burthen  about  three  hundred 
and  fifty  tons,  mounted  with  twenty-two  guns,  Thomas  Gullock  late  commander ; 
which  fhip  failed  from  Gravefend  the  i6th  day  of  March,  1697-8,  bound  to  the 
Ifland  of  Borneo  in  India,  upon  an  interloping  trade  ;  being  fet  forth  by  captain 
Henry  Tate  and  captain  Hammond,  who  kept  a  brew-houfe  in  Thames-fbreet,  and 
Mr.  Samuel  Shephard  and  the  Heathcoats,  merchants  in  London.  Having  proceed- 
ed fo  far  onward  of  the  voyage  as  Polonais,  they  there  flopped  to  water  ;  and  the 
faid  commander,  with  feveral  of  the  ofiicers,  mariners  and  fome  paffengers  being  on 
iliore  upon  the  faid  ifland,  and  the  boatfvvain  gone  on  board  with  water,  the  reft  of 
the  fliip's  company  combined  and  confpired  together  to  leave  the  faid  commander 
and  others  v/ith  him  on  ihore  upon  the  faid  ifland,  and  to  run  away  with  the  fliip 
and  lading  ;  which  they  accordingly  put  in  execution,  on  the  17th  day  of  Septem- 
ber lafl:  paft,  cut  the  cables  and  brought  the  fliip  to  fail,  offering  the  yawl  to  fome 
of  the  company  that  refufed  to  join  with  them  in  the  faid  piracy,  to  tranfport  them 
to  the  fliore  ;  which  they  accepted  of,  and  feveral  went  off  in  her  to  the  faid  ifiand  : 
tlie  furgeon's  mute  and  two  other  youths  they  forced  to  ftay  in  the  fhip  :  the  chief 
mate  alfo,  v/ith  the  boatfvvain  and  armourer,  not  confenting  unto  the  faid  villan- 
ous  ad,  but  unwilling  to  go  afliore  at  the  aforefaid  ifland,  they  gave  the  long-boat 
unto  them  with  neccflary  provifions,  <5cc.  three  days  after,  being  then  about  twenty 
leagues  from  the  land,  in  which  they  went  off  from  the  filip  ;  the  remainder  of /the 
company  on  board,  being  five  or  fix  and  twenty  m  number,  made  choice  of  or«e 
Jofcph  Bradifh.  the  boatiVaiii's  matCj  to  be  their  corximander,  'whom  they  preferred 

fe? 


i599.]  MASSACHUSETTS,  iii 

Kidd  was  his  lordfhlp's  chief  object.  His  own  reputation 
and  that  of  feveral  of  his  friends  depended  upon  his  fei- 
zure,  being  the  only  elFedual  way  of  removing  the  jeal- 
oufies  and  unjuft  furmifes,  not  only  againft  feveral  of  the 
miniftry,  but  even  againil  the  king  himfelf.  In  order  to 
fupprefs  the  piracies  committed  by  Englifli  fubjecls  in 
India,  &c.  it  was  thought  proper  to  fit  out  a  (liip  for  that 
fpecial  purpofe.  Lord  Rumney,  Sommers  and  others, 
became  adventurers,  to  the  amount  of  fix  thoufand  pounds 
fterhng,  and  a  grant  was  made  to  them  of  all  captures, 
faving  one  tenth  only  referved  to  the  king.     Lord  BeU 

lamont 

for  liis  flcill  in  navigation,  and  dirr eled  tlieir  courfe  for  Mauritius,  where  they  fitted 
the  (hip,  took  in  fome  frcfh  provifions  and  two  young  gentlemen  named  Charles 
Seymour  and  John  Power,  who,  being  on  a  voyajj^e  for  India,  in  a  fliip  under  die 
command  of  one  captain  Pye,  were  unhappily  left  behind  on  the  faid  ifland  ;  and 
from  Mauritius  they  came  about  Cape  bon  Efpcrance  and  in  fome  fliort  time  after 
made  a  fharing  of  the  money  on  board,  which  was  contained  in  nine  chefl^,  flowed 
in  the  bread-room,  and  fet  forth  three  or  four  and  twenty  fingle  fhares,  befides  the 
captain's  which  was  two  fhares  and  a  half.  In  weigiiing  out  the  money,  fome  re- 
ceived fifteen  others  fixteen  hundred  dollars  for  a  Cngle  fhare.  Tiiey  afterwards  made 
a  fecond  fharing  of  broadcloths,  ferges,  fcuffs  and  other  goods  on  board.  They  ftop- 
pedat  the  ifland  of  Afcenfion,  took  ferae  turtle  and  frefh  provifions  there,  and  thence 
diredled  their  courfe  for  this  continent  and  arrived  as  aforefaid  at  Long-If.and,  whfr; 
the  faid  captain  Bradifh  went  on  fhore,  carried  the  moil  of  his  money  and  fome  rin--  j 
and  jewels  with  him  ;  committed  them  to  the  care  of  a  gentleman  on  faid  iCund  • 
fent  a  pilot  on  board  to  remove  the  fliip  and  bring  her  to  an  iHand  called  Gardner's- 
Ifland  ;  hut  the  wind  not  favouring  them,  ran  over  to  Block-Ifland  within  Rhode- 
Ifland  government  ;  from  whence  they  lent  two  of  the  company  to  faid  Pvhode-Ifland 
to  buy  a  floop,  but  the  government  there,  having  notice  that  a  fiiip  was  hnverinjf 
about  thofe  parts,  fufpeded  to  be  a  pirate,  feized  on  the  faid  two  men  and  detained 
them ;  the  intelligence  whereof  being  carried  to  the  fhip,  and  fome  floops  bein^ 
dtfcried  coming  from  faid  Ifland  towards  the  fhip,  th^  company,  fearing  that  they 
were  manned  out  from  thence  to  feize  them,  fortliwith  came  to  fail  and  flood  off  t» 
fea  ward;  the  floops  following,  came  up  with  them,'  and  being  informed  what  the 
floops  were,  permitted  them  to  come  on  board  and  bought  one  of  the  floops  and 
hired  another  to  tranfport  them  and  their  money,  allowing  the  floops'  men  to  take 
■what  they  pleafed  out  of  the  fhip  and  gat  on  fhr^re,  fome  in  one  place  and  fome  in 
another ;  landing  at  farm,  houfe^,  where  they  provided  themfelves  with  horfes,  and 
fcattered  into  divers  parts  of  the  country  ;  the  aiptain,  and  fome  other?  with  liim, 
coming  into  this  province  ;  upon  the  firfi  intelligence  whereof,  a  proclamation  was 
ifTued,  and  hue  and  cries  fent  through  the  province  and  into  the  neighbouring  gov- 
ernments to  purfue  and  feize  all  fuch  of  them  as  could  be  found,  with  their  trcaf- 
ure.  The  captain  with  ten  more  of  the  company  are  apprehended  and  in  cuflody 
here  in  order  to  a  trial,  who  upon  examination  feverally  confefled  the  particulars 
before  recited  ;  and  a  ccnfiderable  quantity  of  money,  to  the  value  of  near  three 
thoufand  pounds,  with  feveral  goods  and  merchandizes  taken  out  of  the  faid  fh-p 
are  fcized.  Seven  or  eight  more  arc  apprehended  within  Connedicut  gnvernment, 
and  purfuit  is  making  after  the  refl.  ^  The  juflices  of  the  peace  and  other  ofhcerg', 
in  their  refpeiftive  flations,  have  been  very  vigorous  in  the  profecution  of  thefe  vil- 
lains, and  the  people  in  general  have  iull  refentment  and  abhorrence  of  fuch  vile 
anions,  and  the  government  here  will  be  very  zealous  in  the  difcountcnancin"-  ani 
yuniihing  all  fuch  criminals." 

Mr,  Stotightons  ktt:r  to  Mr.  Sctrrdary  Fcrnon^  Af>,  12,  1699. 


113  THE    HiaXORY    OF  [Chap.  L 

lament  feems  to  have  had  the  principal  direction.  Upon 
inquiry  for  a  proper  commander,  Mr.  Livingftone,  a 
principal  inhabitant  of  New-York  being  then  in  London, 
recommended  Kidd,  who  had  failed  out  of  New-York  ^ 
and,  having  a  family  there,  no  qu^eflion  was  made  of  his. 
attachment  to  it,  and  there  was  no  fufpicion  of  his  ever 
turning  pirate  hin^Felf.  From  London  he  went  firft  to. 
NeW'York,  where  he  broke  through  the  inflrudions  he 
had  received,  fhipplng  his  men  upon  new^  terms  y  and, 
%vhen  he  arrived  in  India,  not  only  connived  at  and  fuf- 
fered  to  continue,  a  known  pirate  velfel,  but  committed 
divers  alarming  aces  of  piracy  himfelf,  to  the  endangering 
the  amity  fubfifting  between  the  Eaft-India  company  and 
the  princes  in  that  part  of  the  world.  The  leafl  faid  by 
the  enemies  of  the  adminiftration  was,  that,  from  a  greedy 
defire  of  gain,  an  ill-judged  meafure  had  been  engaged 
in,  which  would  be  attended  with  very  mifchievous  con- 
fequences,  and  the  malice  of  fonie  infinuated  a  criminal 
intention  in  the  undertaking. 

Where  Kidd  would  feek  an  afylum  was  uncertain. 
Strangely  infatuated,  he  came  from  Madagafcar  to  BofloUj^ 
and  made  a  bold  open  appearance  there,  July  the  firft,  this 
year,  and  fome  of  his  crew  with  him.  Oji  the  third,  he 
was  fent  for  by  the  governor,  and  examined  before  the 
council.  What  accoimt  he  could  giv€  of  himfelf  does 
not  now  appear,  but  he  was  not  immediately  committed, 
and  only  ordered  to  draw  up  a  narrative  of  his  proceed-, 
ings  ;  which  neglecling  to  do  in  the  time  affigned  him, 
on  the  fixth  he  was  apprehended  and  committed  toprifon. 
Being  a  very  refolute  fellow,  when  the  officer  arrefted  him  in 
his  lodgings,  he  attempted  to  draw  his  fword,  but  a  young 
gentleman,*  who  accompanied  the  officer,  laying  hold  of 
his  arm,  prevented  him,  and  he  fubmitted.  Several  of  his 
men  were  fecured  at  the  fame  time,  and  advice  having  been 
fent  to  England,  it  wast  thqught  an  affair  of  fo  much  im- 
portance, that  a  man-of-war  was  fent  to  carry  them  there ; 
where  Kidd,  Bradifii  and  divers  others  were  condemned 
and  executed.  The  party  writers  in  England  pretended, 
that  after  Kidd's  arrival  he  had  alTurance  from  fome  anti- 
courtiers, 

*  Mr.  ThoiTxas  Hutchinfonj  afterwards  for  mapy  years  one  of  the  council. 


1699.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  113 

courtiers,  who  examined  him  in  prifon,  that  his  Ufe  fhould 
be  fpared  if  he  would  accufe  his  employers,  but  that  he 
was  not  bad  enough  to  comply  with  fuch  a  propofaL 

Lord  Bellamont  held  two  felTions  of  the  General  Court 
this  year  ;  the  firft,  the  anniverfary  for  the  eledion  of 
counfellors  5  the  latter  the  31(1  of  March  following,  occa- 
fioned  by  a  general  rumour  through  the  colonies,  that  the 
Indians  (from  all  quarters,  not  only  thofe  upon  the  fron- 
tiers, but  thofe  who  were  fcattered  through  the  towns  in 
the  fevcral  colonies)  had  united  and  agreed,  at  an  appoint- 
ed time,  to  fall  upon  the  Englifh  in  order  to  a  total  extir- 
pation. The  Indians  were  no  lefs  alarmed  with  a  report, 
that  the  king  had  withdrawn  his  protection  from  them  and 
ordered  his  fubjeds  to  unite  in  their  dc{lru<^ion.  Thefe 
reports  were  fuppofed  to  have  been  raifed  by  evil- 
minded  perfons  among  the  Englifh  or  Dutch  ;  but  it  is 
rnore  probable,  the  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations,*  to  obtain 
the  prefents  which  accomxpanied  all  treaties  between  the 
Englifh  and  them,  w^ere  the  contrivers  and  managers  of 
the  whole  affair.  Such  v/as  the  confternation  in  Maf- 
fachufetts,  that  feveral  a6ls  paifed  the  General  Court  for 
levying  foldiers  ;  for  punifhing  mutiny  and  defertion  ; 
for  holding  all  the  militia  in  readinefs  to  march  ;  and  for 
enabling  the  governor  to  march  them  out  of  the  province, 
which,  by  charter,  he  was  reftrained  from  without  an  -a«5l 
of  alTembly.  As  it  happened,  there  was  no  occafion  for 
carrying  thefe  laws  into  execution,  the  general  terror 
fubfiding  foon  after. 

Soon 

*  I  remember  that  when  the  commlffioners  from  fevera!  governments  were  at  Al- 
bany, upon  treaty  with  the  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations,in  the  year  i745,Hendrick,the 
Indian  chief,  (who  afterwards  loft  his  Ufe  fighting  under  the  Englifh  when  baron 
Dieflcau  was  defeated)  had  contrived,  a  little  while'before  the  treaty,  to  fpread  a  ru- 
mour, among  his  countrymen,  that  the  Englifh  had  laid  a  plan  for  their  deftruAion  ; 
and  that  the  ammunition.  Sue.  were  provided  and  fent  to  the  frontiers,  in  order  to 
make  a  ftroke  upon  them,  when  they  leaft  expecfted  it.  The  commifiioners  were  fur- 
prifed  at  the  general  difcontent  dlfcovered  by  the  Indians,  their  frequent  affembling 
and  their  backwardnefs  in  conferring  with  the  Engiilh  ;  and  having  fome  intimation 
of  the  rumour,  they  refolved  to  fearch  to  the  bottom  of  it.  Hendrick,  finding  him- 
ielf  in  danger  of  being  difcovered,  and  fearing  thq  refentment  of  his  own  countiymen, 
<:ame  to  the  commiflioncrs  privately,  and  defired  they  would  make  no  further  inqui- 
ry ;  he  would  undertake  to  quiet  the  Indians  and  remove  their  fears.  The  commif- 
fioners  confideredhim  as  a  neceffary  man,  who  had  been  very  ufeful  in  bringing  his 
countrymen  to  agree  to  meafurcs  propofed  by  the  EngliHi,  and  thtit  it  was  good  poh-. 
cy  not  to  expofe  him,  and  left  it  to  him  to  convince  the  reft  that  their  fufpicions  were 
groundlffs,  v/hich  he  effeded  in  a  very  fhort  time. 


EJ4  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

Soon  after  the  feiTion  of  the  General  Court  in  May,. 
170O5  lord  Bellamont  took  his  leave  of  Maflachufetts  and 
went  to  New- York,  where  he  died  the  5th  of  March  fol- 
lowing. Mr.  Stoughton  took  the  chair  again  v/ich  re- 
iudance.  His  advanced  age  and  declining  ilate  of  health 
jnade  him  fond  of  eafe  and  retirement. 

As  foon  as  the  news  of  the  governor's  death  reached 
England,  Mr.  Dudley  renewed  his  folicitations,  with  frefh 
vigour,  for  a  po(l  which  he  never  loft  fight  of.  By  the 
intereil  of  lord  Cutts,  and  the  condefcenfion  of  lord 
Weymouth,  whofe  fon-in-law  was  a  -competitor,  he  was 
cholen  member  for  New^town,  in  Southampton  county,  in 
king  \¥iUiam's  laft  parliament.  This,  v*/ith  the  place  of 
lieutenant-governor  of  the  Ifle'  of  Wight,  was  to  be  pre- 
ferred to  all  he  could  exped  in  New-England,  if  it  had  not 
been  his  native  country  ;  but  he  had  a  paffion  for  laying 
his  bones  there,  which  equalled  that  of  the  ancient  Athe- 
nians, and  which  he  could  not  help  mentioning  to  every 
New-England  man  who  paid  him  a  vifu  ;  as  many  fre- 
quently would  do,  from  Portfmouth,  where  they  were 
often  detained  for  convo)^ 

When  Sir  Pilchard  Onflow  and  Mr.  Harley*  w^ere  com- 
petitors for  the  fpeaker's  place,  his  inclination  led  him 
to  the  latter,  from  whom  he  had  received  favours ;  but 
his  favourite  objed,  which  he  was  then  purfuing,  obliged 
him  to  comply  with  the  court  and  vote  for  the  former. 
He  made  ufe  of  the  diifenting  intereil  in  England  to  ob- 
tain his  commifTion  and  to  recommend  him  to  his  coun- 
trymen upon  his  arrival.!     There  was  another  difficulty 

ftill 

*  We  have  a  tradition  that  Mr.  Harley  hadfome  New-England  blood  In  him,  hi* 
mother  being  a  grand-daughter  of  Sir  Richard  Sakonftall.  A  letter  from  her  to  one 
of  her  lifters  in  New-England  is  faid  to  have  been  preferved  many  years  after  hi« 
death  for  the  fake  of  this  pafTage  in  it.  "  I  am  nov/  going  to  carry  Bob  up  to  the 
inns  of  court,  to  make  a  man  of  him." 

f  "  Rev.  Sirs,  London,  Augujl  13,  170J. 

The  juft  and  great  concern  we  have  for  the  welfare  of  New-England,  has,  upon  all 
occafions,  engaged  us  to  improve  that  little  intereft  vve  have  or  can  make  at  court, 
in  the  appointment  of  your  governor  from  time  to  time,  that  he  may  be  fuch  a  one 
as  may  feck  your  good,  and  under  whom  you  may  be  fecure  and  encouraged  in  your 
holy  religion,  ap.d  alfo  in  your  civil  rights  and  privileges  ;  and  fuch  a  one  we  hope 
and  have  a  great  deal  of  reafon  to  believe  is  colonel  Dudley,  whom  the  king  was 
pleafed  upon  his  departure  to  appoint  your  governor  ;  and  we  crave  leave  to  acquaint 
you  that  we  were  very  well  pleafed  in  his  majefty's  nomination  upon  many  accounts, 
•ur  own  perfoxnal  kno v/lcdge  cf  his  tharuder  to  be  a  man  of  karniug,  prudence  and 

iobrictjr, 


I70I.] 


MASSACHUSETTS.  iic^ 


ftill  remaining,  the  king  was  not  willing  to  appoint  a  gov- 
ernor who  he  knew^  had  been  very  obnoxious  to  the  peo- 
ple. A  petition  was  therefore  procured,  from  fuch  per- 
fons  belonging  to  Maffachufetts  as  were  then  in  London, 
and  from  the  principal  New-England  merchants,  praying 
that  Mr.  Dudley  might  be  appointed  governor.  He  had 
alfo  the  addrefs  to  reconcile  himfelf  to  Mr.  Mather  the 
younger,  and  to  obtain  from  him  a  letter  favouring  his 
caufe,  which  he  made  known  to  the  king,  and  vv^hich  re- 
moved his  obje<51:ion  j*  and  although   lord  Cornbury,  a 

near 

fobriety,  and  of  good  acceptance  with  the  prefent  government  of  England  for  hi» 
faithful  fervice  in  the  Hie  of  Wight,  and  that  his  family,  eftate  and  interclt  h  in  your 
country.  Upon  the  w  hole,  we  judge  it  an  efpecial  act  of  the  king's  liivcur  toward* 
you,  that  he,  among  fo  many  othirrs  that  always  offer  upon  fuch  accounts,  fhould  be 
determined  for  you.  We  hope  and  believe  it  is  the  efpecial  providence  of  God,  and 
fhall  heartily  pray  that  you  may  foon  fee  him  and  have  the  benefit  of  his  good  con- 
duvfl  and  care  for  you,  and  do  not  doubt  but  you  will  joyfully  receive  him  and  aflilt 
him  with  your  prayers  and  advice.  At  all  tinaes  we  are,  Reverend  Sirs,  your  molt 
aiTcdionate  and  humble  fervants, 

John  Quick,  Jeremiah  White, 

Robert  Billio,  Richard  Strctton, 

Jofiah  Chorley  Norwich,  Thomas  Powell,  minillcr 

Fr.  Glafcocke,  of  the  golpel, 

John  Long,  Mart.  Sylvefter." 

Letter  from  dijfent'tng  minijlirs  in  England  to  thi  minijiers  cf  Alajjachiif.tts. 

*  "  I  have  been  fo  hurried  in  parUament,  and  indifpofed  by  my  late  attending 
committees,  that  I  could  not  find  leifure  to  write  to  you  ;  or  rather,  I  was  fo  cut  of 
humour  with  my  ill  ufage  here  and  in  New-England,  for  my  faithful  twelve  years 
fervice,  that  1  had  no  heart  to  write.  I  fee,  he  that  is  faithful  to  his  religion  and  hi» 
country,  mufl  expedl  his  reward  above.  Before  the  king  died,  I  had  another  hearing 
before  the  council  and  the  king.  Mr.  Dudley  and  Mr.  Phips  on  the  one  fide,  and 
I  alone  on  the  other.  Mr.  Dudley  produced  Mr.  Cotton  Mather's  letter,  and  read 
it  to  the  king  ;  and  Mr.  Phips  and  he  averred,  that  there  was  not  one  minifter  nor 
one  of  the  affembly  but  were  impatient  for  his  coming.  I  wifh  you  very  happy 
under  his  government.  As  to  my  lord  Cornbury,  he  was  bred  at  Geneva,  and  would 
no  more  have  attempted  upon  your  religious  intereft  than  I  would.  I  could  not  be- 
lieve that  my  lord  Weymouth  fuould  hinder  his  own  fon-in-lav.'  from  being  cliofen 
parliament-man,  that  Mr.  Dudley,  when  I  oppofed  him,  might  get  in,  and  that  Mr. 
Blaithwait  and  the  bifhop  of  St.  Afaph,  faould  fo  eameftly  be  for  Dudley's  foing, 
and  that  on  purpofe  to  ferve  the  intereft  of  your  churches.  Mr.  Stretton  gat  ;rll  ih-z. 
non-cons  to  fubfcribe  that  letter.  Poor  Mr.  Glafcocke  wept  to  Ivlr.  Howe  for  fign- 
ing  it.  Whatever  you  pleafe  to  fay  or  think  of  me,  I  have  the  teflimony  of  my  con- 
fcience,  that  in  the  integrity  of  my  heart,  in  tiie  fight  of  God,  I  have  fcrved  Ntw- 
England  with  all  my  might." Sir  H.  Afcurjl  t»  I.  J\I.  March  25,  1702. 

Sir  Henry  Afhuril  was  miftaken  in  his  opinion  of  lord  Cornbury.  Mr.  Smith, 
in  his  hiftory  of  New-York,  has  given  us  an  account  of  ihe  -rbitrury  fevere  treatment 
the  Diffenters  received  from  him.  A  circumiiantial  acco..nt  of  his  profecuting  two 
itinerant  preachers  1  have  feen,  under  the  hand  of  one  of  them.  The  fouthern  cole  - 
nies  being  deilitute  of  minillers  of  any  fort,  the  diffenting  miniftcrs  in  London,  with 
feme  principal  men  of  their  congregations,  made  prcviUcn  for  the  fupport  of  two 
itinerant  miffionarits  from  Virginia  to  New-York,  who  were  to  be  abfcnt  two 


ii6  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.!, 

near  relation  of  the  late  queen  and  the  princefs  Ann,  being 
appointed  for  New-York,  expefted  Maflgichufetts  alfo,  yet 
Mr. Dudley  prevailed  ;  and  his  commiffion  pafled  the  feals. 
The  king's  death,  a  few  months  after,  caufed  him  the 
trouble  of  taking  out  a  new  commiflion  from  the  queen, 
but  he  had  the  unufual  favour  (hewn  him  of  remitting 
mod  if  not  all  the  fees. 

Whilft 

years ;  and  upon  their  return,  two  others  were  to  be  fent  out,  and  fo  from  time  t» 
time.  The  two  firft  were  George  Macnifti,  from  Scotland,  and  John  Hampton, 
from  Ireland  ;  but  being  ftrangers  to  America,  Francis  Mackennie,  another  minifter 
who  had  been  there  before,  accompanied  them.  Beginning  their  miflion  at  Garoli-? 
na,  they  travelled  northward  ;  and  M'Nilh  being  left  to  take  care  of  five  meeting-? 
houfes  in  Sonaerfet,  Maryland,  the  other  two  went  on  to  New- York.  They  waited 
upon  the  governor,  and  v/cre  civilly  received  ;  and  fome  of  the  inhabitants  who  de- 
fired  to  hear  them,  applied  to  his  lordfhip  to  give  them  leave  to  preach  in  the  Dutch 
or  French  church,  but  he  refufed  it,  and  the  minifters  of  the  churches  did  not  care 
to  admit  them  againO:  his  mind.  Mackennie,  in  compliance  with  the  defires  of  the 
people,  preached  in  a  private  houfe  with  the  doors  open,  and  a  day  or  two  after  left 
New- York  in  order  to  preach  at  Newtown  on  Long-Ifland,  where  he  and  Hampton, 
who  had  preached  in  the  meeting-houfe  at  Nev/town,  were  apprehended  by  a  war- 
rant from  the  governor,  carried  before  him,  and  charged  with  preaching  in  his  gov- 
ernment without  his  licenfe.  They  replied,  that  they  prefumed  upon  the  liberty 
given  by  an  adl  of  parliament  the  I  ft  of  WiUiam  and  Mary,  and  had  obtained  cer- 
tificates according  to  tiie  dircdlions  of  the  act  which  they  delivered  him.  He  told 
them  the  adl  v/as  local,  and  they  muft  find  fureties  for  their  good  behaviour,  and  ef- 
pecially  not  to  preach  any  more  in  his  government.  This  they  declined,  and  were 
committed  to  cuftody,  where  they  continued  many  weeks  at  the  expenfe  of  forty 
fhillings  per  week.  During  their  confinement,  they  applied  to  the  minifters  of  Bof- 
ton,  defiring  them  to  reprefent  their  cafe  to  fome  gentlemen  in  England  who  might 
appear  in  there  behalf,  which  oecafioned  among  ethers  the  following  letter. 

«  Sirs,  BoJloH,  N.  E.  April  i,  1707. 

We  have  lately  given  you  fome  account  of  the  violent  and  illegal  anions  of  my 
lord  Cornbury,  governor  of  New- York,  in  imprifoning  two  qualified  prefbyterian 
minifters  (Mr.  F.  M.  and  Mr.  J.  H.)  for  offering  to  attend  the  duties  of  their  min* 
iftry  in  his  government,  under  the  Ihelter  of  the  a6l  of  toleration.  The  gentlemen 
lay  prifoners  for  more  than  fix  weeks,  at  forty  fniilings  per  week  charges,  upon  a 
mittimus  figned  by  my  lord,  not  in  the  queen's  name,  and  without  any  crime  fpeci- 
fied.  Though  both  my  lord  and  the  queen's  attorney  denied  the  a6l  of  toleration  to 
extend  unto  the  plantations,  yet  they  have  fince  made  the  aft  of  uniformity,  notwith- 
ilanding  the  claufes  of  limitation  ia  it,  fo  extenfive.  The  chief  juftice,  finding  him- 
felf  under  a  neceffity  to  grant  the  gentlemen  an  habeas  corpus,  which  would  have  dif- 
charged  them,  my  lord  (from  whom  they  have  no  hope  of  obtaining  here  any  fatif- 
faftion  for  their  falfe  imprifonment  all  this  while)  ferved  a  new  mittimus  upon  them. 
A  grand  jury  was  packed,whereof  three  where  juftices  of  the  peace,  who  had  already, 
as  fuch,  appeared  agalnft  the  prifoners ;  the  reft  of  the  Englifti  were  high-flying 
churchmen,  and  the  biggeft  part  were  Dutch  and  French,  M'^ho  neither  knew  the 
Englifh  law  nor  fpake  the  Englifti  tongue,  and  either  were  dependents  on  my 
lord  or  fufpedled  of  popery.  This  grand  jury  found  againft  Mr.  Francis  Mack- 
ennie a  bill,  that  on  the  ijd  day  of  January  he  did  preach  and  teach  at  the  houfe 
of  one  WilUam  Jackfon,  where  were  aflembled  together  above  the  number  of  five 
perfons  at  one  time,  and  did  voluntarily  and  unlawfully  ufe  other  rites  and  cere- 
monies and  form  and  naanncr  of  divine  worfliip  than  what  are  contained  in  a 
certain  book  entitled,  the  book  of  common  prayer  and  adminiftration  of  the  fa- 
cramentc,  againft  the  ftatute  in  that  cafe  made  and  provided.     Mr.  John  Hampton 

«  was 


1702.3  MASSACHUSETTS.  n; 

Whilfl  thefe  things  were  tranfacling  in  England,  the 
Keutenant-governor^  Mr.  Stoughton,  died,  July  7th,  1701, 
at  his  houfe  in  Dorchefter.  The  adminiftration  for  the 
firfl  time  devolved  upon  the  council.  Some  manufcript 
minutes  and  letters,  which  I  have  leen,  about  the  timcy 
and  after  the  fettlement  of  the  charter,  take  it  for  granted 
that  upon  the  death  or  abfence  of  the  governor  and  lieu- 
tenant-governor the  fenior  counfellor  would  prefide,  and 
an  inftrudion  from  th^  crown  has  been  given  for  that 
purpofe ;  but  the  exprefnon  in  the  charter,  if  it  will  ad- 
mit of  this  conftruftion,  does  not  favour  it.  We  mufl 
not  wonder  therefore,  that  twenty-feven  counfellors  did 
not  readily  give  up  their  fhare  in  the  adminiftration  to 
him  that  happened  to  be  the  eldeft.  It  is  a  defe-fl  in  the 
conflitution  ;  for  although-^  for  certain  purpofcs,  fevcn: 
counfellors  make  a  quorum,  yet  in  all  a6ts,  as  command- 
ers in  chief,  it  has  been  judged  neceifary,  that  fifteen  (or 
a  majority  of  the  whole  number)  fhould  gfve  their  con- 
fent.  This  mufl  be  extremely  inconvenient,  efpecially 
in  time  of  war,  when  difpatch,  often,  and  fecrecy,  fome- 
times,  are  of  great  importance. 

Mr. 

was  difcharged,  Being  a  man  of  lefs  intereft.  On  this  bill,  the  faid  Mr.  Francis 
flklackennie  is  bound  over  to  the  court  in  June,  when  he  expetils  another  jury 
of  the  fame  complexion,  and  that  their  delrgn*  is  then  to  make  a  prey  of  him. 
Except  a  fpecdf  relief  be  obtained,  the  iiTue  will  be,  not  only  a  vail  opprefiicn  on 
a  very  worthy  fervant  of  God,  but  alfo  a  confufion  upon  the  whole  body  of 
Diflenters  in  thofc  colonies,  where  they  are  languilhing  under  my  lord  Cornbury's 
arbitrary  and  unaccountable  government.  We  do  therefore  earneilly  fohcit  you, 
Aat  you  would  humbly  petition  the  queen's  majefty  on  this  occaficn,  and  reprefent 
the  fufferings  of  the  Diffenters  in  thofe  parts  cf  America  ;which  are  carried  on  in  fo 
direft  violation  of  her  m.ajefty's  commands,  of  the  laws  of  the  nation,  and  the  com- 
mon rights  of  Englilhmen. 

The  diftance  of  a  thoufand  leagues  between  England  and  thefe  colonies,  and  the 
uncertainty  of  communication  in  this  time  of  war,  make  our  condition  under 
♦pprefTors  the  more  infupportable,  before  any  relief  or  fo  much  as  a  check  to  fuch 
a  governor  as  my  lord  Cornbury  can  be  obtained  ;  and  befpeaks  the  more  lively 
•ompaflion  of  thofe  unto  whom  we  cry,  as  we  novv-  do  unto  you  to  be  our  advocates. 
It  is  the  caufe  of  the  opprtffed  that  you  now  have  to  plead  ;  the  caufc  of  not 
•nly  many  thoufands  in  America,  but  of  a  great  part  of  the  Engllfti  nation,  jind 
indeed  the  common  caufe  of  humanity  itfelf.  You  may  depend  upon  the  truth 
«f  the  reprcfentation  here  laid  before  you,  and  it  is  to  be  wifhed  that  it  may  be  pub- 
Uihed  unto  the  whole  Englilh  nation. 

Ths  defircs  of  many  of  the  moft  eminent  pcrfons  In  New-England,  thus  addref* 
anto  you  by  the  pen  of.  Sirs, 

To  Sir  H.  Afhurft,  Your  moft  humble  fervant- 

Sir  W.  Afhurft,  and 

Sif  £dci«  Harciion,  JLondoa.'*  * 


ii3  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  L 

Mr.  Sroughton's  father  was  edeemed  by  the  people ; 
was  coPximander  in  chief  of  the  forces  of  the  colony  in 
the  firft  war  againft  the  Pequod  Indians,  and  after  that 
many  years  a  magillrate,  and  of  a  confiderable  eflate  for 
thofe  times.  This  circumftance  caufed  his  own  natural 
endowments,  which  Vv'ere  cultivated  and  improved  by  the 
bed  education  the  country  afforded,  to  be  more  obferved 
and  valued.  He  was,  in  early  life,  a  candidate  for  the 
miniflry  ;*  but  the  people  judged  him  proper  to  take  his 
father's  place  as  a  magiltrate  ;  then  employed  him  as  their 
agent  in  England ;  and  urged  him  a  fecond  time  to  en- 
gage in  the  fame  fervice.  It  is  no  blemifn  in  his  charac- 
ter that  he  had  many  oppofers.  Every  man,  who  makes 
it  more  his  aim  to  ferve  than  to  pleafe  the  people,  may 
expecl  it.  From  the  obfervations  he  made  in  his  agency, 
he  WT.S  convinced  it  was  to  no  purpofe  to  oppofe  the  de- 
mands of  king  Charles  ;  and  from  the  example  of  the 
corporations  in  England,  he  was  for  furrendering  the  char- 
ter rather  than  to  fuffer  a  judgment  or  decree  againft  it. 
In  fuch  cafe,  a  more  favourable  adminiftration  might  be 
expected  to  fucceed  it,  and  in  better  times  there  would 
be  a  greater  chance  for  re-aiTuming  it.  He  confented  to 
ad  as  one  of  the  council  under  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  in 
hopes,  by  that  means,  to  render  the  new  form  of  govern- 
ment more  eafy.  By  this  ftep  he  loft  the  favour  of  the 
people,  and  yet  did  not  obtain  the  confidence  of  the  gov- 
ernor, who  would  willingly  have  been  rid  of  him,  feldom 
confulted  him,  and  by  the  influence  he  had  over  the  ma- 
jority of  the  council,  generally  carried  the  votes  againft 
his  mind.  He  joined  upon  the  revolution  with  the  old 
magiftrates,  w^ho  made  no  fcruple  of  receiving  him,  in  re-  , 
affuming  the  government ;  but  upon  the  eledion  after- 
wards made  by  the  people  he  did  not  obtain  a  vote.     At 

the 

*  Many  gentlemen,  before  and  fmce  Mr.  Stoughton,  who  have  been  probationers 
for  the  miniftry,  have  afterwards  made  a  figure  at  the  barj  and,  in  the  legiflative  as 
well  as  executive  courts  of  the  province,  gained  great  reputation  ;  and  fome,  who 
have  been  fettled  miniflers,  liave  not  been  lefs  efleemed  for  leaving  their  parifhes 
where  an  infuflBcient  fupport  has  been  afforded,  or  there  has  been  other  good  caufc 
affigned  ;  but  thefe  inftances  are  more  rare.  The  New-England  clergy  do  not  af- 
I'ume  an  indelible  chara6ler  ;  however,  after  having  been  once  ordained,  or,  to  ufe 
one  of  their  own  a?  well  as  a  fcriptural  cxpreflive  ttrm,feparated  to  the  work  of  the 
rn  iniltry,  there  feems  to  be  fome  more  fpccial  reafons  requifite  to  juftify  the  forfak-? 
ing  this,  than  wowld  be  fuficieut  in  the  cafe  of  a  civil  employment  or  courfe  of  life. 


■i7cr2.^  MASSACHUSETTS.  119 

the  defire  of  the  council  and  reprefentatives  he  drew  up  a 
narrative  of  the  proceedings  of  Sir  Edmund  and  his  ac- 
complices, figned  by  him  and  feveral  others  of  the  coun- 
cil ;*  in  which  they  modeflly  take  exception  to  many 
things  in  the  adminiftration,  and  exculpate  themfelvcs 
from  any  fhare  in  them.  He  was  nine  vc'ars  lieutenant- 
governor,  and  fix  of  them  commander  in  chief ;  had  ex- 
perienced the  two  extremes  of  popular  and  abfolute  gov- 
ernment ;  and  not  C4ily  himfelf  approved  of  a  mean  be- 
tween both,  but  was  better  qualified  to  recommend  it,  by 
a  diicreet  adminiftration,  to  the  people  of  the  province. 
He  died  a  bachelor.  Inftead  of  children,  he  faw,  before 
his  death,  a  college  reared  at  his  expenfe,  which  took  the 
name  of  Stoughton-hall.f  He  had  good  reafon  to  thinlc 
it  would  tranfmit  a  grateful  remembrance  of  his  name  ta 
fucceeding  ages. 

Sir  Henry  AfhurflJ  and  Conllantine  Pliips  had  contin- 
ued agents  for  the  province,  in  England,  for  ten  years  to- 
gether. Divers  attempts  had  been  made,  by  Mr.  Math- 
er's friends,  to- fend  him  again  to  England  in  the  fervice 
of  the  province  ;  and,  after  Mr.  Stoughton's  death,  the 
two  houfes  came  to  a  refolution  to  cbt)ofe  fom.e  perfon  in. 
the  jfrovince,  and  fend  him  to  England  as  their  agent  j 
and  a  great  intereft  was  made  that  Mr.  Mather  might  be 
the  man  ;  but  it  happened  that  Mr.  Cooke,  who  had  not 
forgot  their  former  dirference  when  joint  agents,  flood  as 
well  with  the  affembly  at  this  time  as  he  had  ever  done^ 
and  had  influence  enough  to  prevent  Mr.  Mather  from 

fucc  ceding. 

*  They  conclude  their  narrative  with  thefe  words :  "  Thefe  are  the  chief  matters 
■^hich  upon  this  occafion,  without  any  undue  prejudice  againft  any  man,  or  dtfigix 
to  juftify  the  dtfe6ts  of  ourfelves  in  the  performance  of  our  own  f}iarcs  of  duty,  but 
in  anfvvcr  to  the  defire  fignified  to  us  as  above,  we  have  to  fet  forth  ;  prcfeffing  tru- 
ly, that  by  fuch  a  ftate  of  things  as  we  had  the  experience  and  f-eling  of,  the  places 
thr.t  we  held  were  rendered  exceeding  uneafy  to  us,  and  that  out  of  a  fincere  refpecT: 
to  the  profperity  of  thefe  their  majelly's  plantations,  v/e  could  nyt  but  be  very  de- 
Crous,  that  through  the  favour  of  God  and  our  fiiperiors,  all  due  rcdrefs  miglit  in 
a  good  happy  feal'en  be  obtained  ;  and  the  way  of  governing  Englifh  fubjc(5ls  ii> 
their  niajefties'  dominions,  without  an  affembly  ©f  the  people's  reprefentatives,  be 
kanilhcd  forever. 

William  Stoughton,  Walt.  Winthrop, 

Thomas  Hinklcy,  Samuel  Shrimpton.**" 

Earth.  Gedney, 

f  The  foundation  (lone  was  laid  the  9th  of  May,  1698. 

^  Sir  Henry  was  finally  diiiniired  juil  bffere  lord  BcUamea;  left  tha  province. 


i'2o  tHE   lilSTORY   OP  [Chap.  L 

faccedlng.  The  choice  fell  upon  VNTaitftlU  Winthropj 
granciroii  to  the  firft  governor  of  Maflachufetts  and  fon  to 
the  firll:  governor  of  Connedicut,  and  who  either  out  of 
refpeft  to  his  family,  or  for  fome  other  reafon  which  does 
not  now  appear,  was  confidered  as  prefident  of  the  council^ 
pJthough  there  were  many  who  by  priority  of  appoint- 
ment, the  rule  generally  obferved,  fliould  have  preceded 
him. 

The  French  claim  to  the  country  call  of  the  river  Ken- 
nebeck-,  and  to  an  exclufive  fifliery  upon  the  fea-coaft,  were 
the  reafons  publickly  aiTigned  for  the  choice  of  an  agent  at 
this  time,  and  an  addrefs  to  the  king  had  paiTed  the  coun- 
cil and  aiiembly^  and  Mr^  AVinthrop's  inflrudions  were 
prepared.  Thefe  proceedings  of  the  French  were  really 
alarming.  The  profefTed  reafons,  however,  were  not  the 
true  reafons.  Mr.  Dudley's  folicitations  for  the  govern- 
ment were  known,  and,  although  his  inter  eft  in  the  prov^ 
ince  was  increafmg,  yet,  a  majority  of  the  General  Court 
had  a  very  ill  opinion  of  him.  Mr.  Winthrop  was  a  good 
fort  of  a  man,  and  although  he  was  of  a  genius  rather 
inferior  to  either  of  his  anceftors,  yet  he  was  popular,  and 
the  party  againft  Mr*  Dudley  wifhed  to  have  him  gover- 
nor. They  flattered  themfelves  that  his  being  acceptable 
to  the  country  would,  together  with  his  family  and  his 
eftate,  both  which  were  of  the  firfl  rate,  be  fufficient 
to  recomanend  him  ;  but  they  were  miftaken.  Winthrop 
was  a  plain  honeft  man.  Dudley  had  been  many  years 
well  acquainted  with  the  cuftoms  and  rnanners  of  a  courts 
and  would  have  been  more  than  a  match  for  him.  Jufl 
as  he  was  about  to  embark,  news  came  that  Mr.  Dudley 
was  appointed  governor  and  Thomas  Povey  lieutenant- 
governor.  The  reafon  of  Mr.  Winthrop's  appointment 
to  the  agency  immediately  appeared.  The  vote  for  his 
inftruclions  was  re-confidered,  and  his  voyage  laid  afide. 
It  was  thought  proper,  however,  that  the  addrefs  to  the 
king  fhould  be  forwarded.  This  was  fent  to  Mr.  Phips. 
A  fecond  addrefs  accompanied  it,  occafioned  by  advice  of 
a  bill  being  brought  into  the  houfe  of  lords  for  difToiving 
charter  governments.  It  is  not  probable  that  the  Maifa- 
chufetts  charter  was  the  fpecial  occafion  of  this  bill.     It 

differs 


^702.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  i2i 

differs  fo  little  from  the  commiiTions  in  the  royal  govern- 
ments, as  they  are  called,  as  not  to  be  worth  notice* 
About  this  time,  or  a  little  before,  the  fplrit  againfl:  the 
king  had  caufed  the  re-afmmption  of  many  grants  which 
he  had  made  of  private  eftates.  If  there  was  a  fpecial 
prejudice  againfl:  colony  charters,  it  is  probable  the  char- 
ter to  Pennfylvania  was  the  mofl  exceptionable.  The  pro- 
prietor was  obnoxious,  had  abfconded  a  few  years  before 
upon  a  fufpicion  of  treafonable  pradices,  and  was  flill  un- 
der a  cloud.  The  people  of  Malfachufetts  inflrud  their 
agent  as  follows :  "  As  to  the  bill,  faid  to  be  lying  before 
the  houfe  of  lords,  for  the  diflblving  charter  governments 
in  the  plantations,  we  entreat  you  to  be  very  w^atchflil  in 
that  matter  and  ufe  the  utmofl  diligence,  by  all  convenient 
means,  to  prevent  our  being  comprehended  in  or  conclud- 
ed by  the  fame.  Our  circumftances  are  different  from 
thofe  of  other  plantations  under  charter  government, 
our  firfl  fettlement  being  wholly  at  our  own  cofl  and 
charge ;  and  by  our  prefent  fettlement  we  are  already 
reduced  to  a  more  immediate  dependence  on  the  crown, 
his  majefty  having  referved  to  himfelf  the  nomination  of 
our  governor,  lieutenant-governor  and  fecretary,  and  a 
negative  on  our  laws.''  In  their  addrefs  to  the  king  they 
thus  exprefs  themfelves  :  "  And  forafmuch  as  we  are 
given  to  underflarid  that,  through  the  fuggeflions  of 
fome  perfons  not  well  affected  to  charter  governments, 
a  bill  has  been  preferred  in  the  houfe  of  lords  for  vacat- 
ing charter  and  proprietary  governments  within  your 
niajefly's  plantations,  we  in  all  fubmiflion  crave  leave 
humbly  to  pray  yoiir  majefliy's  grace  and  favour  towards 
your  good  fubjedls  within  this  your  province,  that  no 
fuch  fuggeflions  may  make  an  impreflion  in  your  royal 
breafl  to  deprive  us  of  thofe  privileges  which  we  enjoy 
under  your  majefly's  mofl  gracious  grant,  and  that  we 
may  not  be  included  in  any  fuch  a£t  to  our  prejudice, 
without  having  opportunity  given  us  of  being  heard  and 
fpeaking  for  ourfelves."  The  bill  was  dropped  in  the 
houfe  of  lords,  and,  a  war  with  France  being  every  day 
expected,  the  longefl  fword  was  to  determine, the  points 
complained  of  in  the  firfl  addrefs. 
Vol.  II.  I  The 


t2Z  ■       THE   HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  L 

The  fending  thefe  addreffes  to  Phips  was  grievous  to 
Afhurft.*  Although  he  had  not  very  fliining .  talents, 
yet  being  a  member  of  parliament,  having  a  great  family 
intereft,  and  being  an  honed:  man  and  confcientious  in 
the  difeharge  of  his  truft,  he  had  been  very  ferviceable 
to  the  province.  He  had  however  the  fate  of  mod 
agents*  As  foon  as  the  party  againfl  him  found  they 
were  ftrong  enough,  they  left  him  out  of  the  agency, 
and  he  made  frequent  complaints  that  they  had  flighted 
his  fer vices,  and  neglected  giving  him  an  adequate  re- 
ward. Ail  the  agents  who  had  been  employed  before 
him,  except  Mr.  Winilow,  v/ere  unfuccefsful,  and  feveral,: 
probably  for  that  reafon,  thought  unfaithful.  The  firfl 
who  were  employed  were  Weld,  Peters  and  Hibbins,  in 
1640.  They  borrowed  money  for  the  fervice  of  the 
colony,  and  proper  care  not  being  taken  by  the  govern- 
ment for  th@  payment,  thefe  agents,  for  feveral  year^ 
after,  were  contending  about  the  proportion  in  which 
they  fhould  pay  it  themfelves.  Winilow,  who  went  over 
in  1 6465  foon  found  more  pi^ofitable  employment ;  but 
his  allowance  was  fo  fcant  from  the  colony  that  the  cor- 
poration for  propagating  the  gofpel  among  the  Indians 
allowed  him  ;{!.ioo  fterling  for  promoting  that  defign^ 
but  wrote  to  the  government  that  it  ought  to  be  reftored.- 
Bradilreet  and  Norton  were  fent  in  1660.  Norton  laid 
the  reproaches  he  met  with  fo  much  to  heart  as  to  affedl 
his  health  and  fhorten  his  life.  In  1677  Stoughton  and 
Bulkley  were  employed,  and  foon  after  their  return  it 
was  faid  by  thofe  who  charged  Bulkley  with  too  great 
compliance  with  court  meafures,  that  his  fun  fet  in  a- 
cloud.  He  died  of  melancholy.  Stoughton  was  re- 
proached, 

*"  Sir  Henry  Alhurfu  was  fon  to  Henry  Afliurn:,  efquire,  who  had  a  great  hand" 
in  fettling  the  corporation  for  propagating  the  gofpel  among  the  Indians  in  New- 
England  and  parts  adjacent.  Sir  Henry  being  a  zealous  Diflentcr,  accompanied 
Mr.  Baxter  when  he  was  brought  to  hig  trial  before  a  favage  judge,  was  at  the 
expenfc  of  fees  for  his  counfel,  and,  after  the  trial,  led  him  through  the  crowd 
and  conveyed  him  away  in  a  coach.  Notwithftanding  this,  he  was  created  a 
baronet  in  the  fame  reign,  when  Diffenters,  in  oppofition  to  the  church  of  England, 
were  in  favour,  juft  before  the  revolution.  His  lady  was  daughter  of  lord  Paget. 
He  died  in  1 710,  leaving  only  one  fon,  Su-  Henry  Alhurft,  who  married  a  daughter 
and  coheirefs  of  Sir  Thomas  Draper,  of  Sunninghill-park,  Berklhire,  and  was  mem- 
ber for  Windfor  in  1714,  and  died  in  173a  without  ilTue,  fo  that  the  title  is  extin<5l:» 
but  the  defccndants  of  thefjrft  Henry  by  the  younger  branches  remain,  and  the 
family  is  Hill  refpeflable.. 


S702.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  123 

preached,  and,  although  he  had  a  majority  of  the  court 
ill  his  favour,  he  could  not  be  prevailed  on  to  rifque  his 
reputation  a  fecond  time.  Dudley  and  Richards  were 
the  next,  in  1682.  The  former  managed  the  whole 
bufinefs,  and  bore  the  whole  blame,  but,  being  of  a  very 
different  temper  from  fome  of  his  predecellbrs,  inftead  of 
laying  to  heart  the  flight  of  his  countrymen,  he  was 
politic  enough  to  improve  frowns  at  home  to  procure 
favours  from  abroad.  Mather,  Cooke  and  Oakes  were 
employed  to  folicit  the  reftoration  of  the  firft  charter. 
In  this  they  failed.  Mather  without  the  confent  of  bJs 
brethren  accepted  the  prefent  charter^  and  although,  at 
firfl,  a  majority  of  the  court  acknowledged  his  merit, 
the  oppofite  party  foon  after  prevailed,  and  he  failed  of 
his  expected  reward,  and  complained  all  his  life  of  the 
ingratitude  of  his  countrymen,  after  having  fpenx  not  on- 
ly his  time  but  part  of  his  eftate  in  public  fervice.  I 
would  draw  a  veil  over  our  tranfa6i:ions  relative  to  agents, 
if  my  obligations  to  truth  would  permit  me.  Errors  and 
failings,  as  well  as  laudable  deeds,  in  pad  ages,  may  be 
rendered  ufefulj  by  exciting  pofterity  to  avoid  the  one 
>nd  to  imitate  the  other. 


t 


*« 


CHAP. 


THE  HISTORY   OF  [CiiAP.  It 


CHAP.      IL 

from  the  arrival  cf  Gover nor  Dudley^  in  17025  io  the  atrivat 
of  Govsrnor  Shute^  in  1716. 

iVlR.  Dudley  was  received  with  ceremony  and  marks:' 
of  refpedt,  even  by  thofe  who  had  been  his  greatefl  op- 
pofers  in  the  reign  of  king.  James.  Winthrop,  Cooke, 
Hutchinfon,*  Fofler,  Addington,  Ruflfel.  Phillips,  Browne, 
Sargent,  and  others,  who  had  been  of  the  council  which 
committed  him  to  prifon,  where  he  lay  twenty  w^eksy 
Were  of  the  council  when  he  arrived.     Upon  fuch  polit- 

VA,    ical  changes,  a  general  amneity  is  oftentimes  advifeablc 
and  necellary.. 

The  affront  and  infult  fliewn  by  Lewis  XIV.  not  only' 
to  the  prince  upon  the  throne,  but  to  the  Engliih  nation, 
in  proclaiming  another  perfon  king,  had  rendered  a  war 

iS^With  France  inevitable^  before  the  governor  left  England, 
"ilie  news  of  its  being  proclaimed  arrived  in  a  few  weeks 
after  him.  Nothing  ielV  could  be  expected  than  a  wai° 
with  the  Indians  alio.  Ever  fmce  the  peace,  in  1698,  the 
governor  of  Canada,  by  his  emiffaries,  had  been  contin- 
ually exciting  them  to  hoftilities ;  and-juflified  himfel£ 
upon  this  principle-,  that  the  Indians  having  call  them- 
felves  upon  the  French  long  fmce  as  their  prote£lors, 
and  being  proprietors  of  the  eadern  country,  where  the 
Englifli  had  ufurped  a  jurifdidion,  which  as  far  weflward 
as  Kennebeck  rightfully  belonged  to  the  French^  the  En- 
ghfli  therefore  were  to  be  confidered  as  intruders  and  in- 
vaders upon  the  jurlfdi^lion  of  the  French,  and.  upon  the 
^property  of  the  Indians.. 

^^.    The  governor,  in  the  fummer  of  1703,  vifited  all  the-| 
eaflern  frontiers  as  far  as  Pemaquid  ;  taking  fuch  gentle-- 
men  of  the  General  Court  with  him  as  he  thought  prop-- 
er  jt  J^etthe  delegates  from  the  Indian- tribes  and  confirm-,,^ 

*  Col.  Hutchinfon  liad  the  command  of  the  caille  when  Mr.  Dudley  arrived,  \i\xt\£i 
wa';  removed  and  fucceeded  by  lieutenant-governor  Povey. 

I  He  always  refufed  to  allow  the  two  houfes  to  appoint  committees  to  attendhimf 
f-poj)  Jiny  treaties-.  y?V^ 

'-•if 

m 


5703.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  1^25 

cd  the  former  treaties  which  had  been  made.  He  had 
recommended,  in  his  iirfl  fpeech  to  the  aflembly,  the  re- 
building the  fort  at  Pemaquid  ;  and  the  gentlemen  who 
accompanied  him  eaft,  reported  in  favour  of  it,  and  their 
report  was  accepted  by  the  council ;  but  tbe  houfc  con^ 
tinned  of  the  fame  mind  they  had  formerly  been,  urgin;^ 
that  all  the  money  they  could  raife  would  be  wanted  foi 
other  fervices  more  necefl'ary  than  that,  and  refui'ed  to 
comply  with  the  governor's  propofal.  His  heart  was  fct 
upon  it ;  the  miniflry  coniin.ued  their  prejudice  in  favour 
of  this  particular  fpot,  and,  it  is  not  improbable,  that  he 
had  given  encouragement  he  fhouW  be  able  to  carry  a 
point  which  his  predeceflbrs  could  not,  and  therefore 
was  the  more  mortified  at  the  failure. 

The  Indians  upon  the  Mallachufetts  frontiers  continu- 
ed quiet  this  year,  but  the  Nova-Scotia  Indians  feizcd 
three  of  the  fifhing  velfels  belonging  to  this  province,  up- 
on a  report  that  war  was  declared.  The  council  attempt- 
ed to  reco-'er  them,  and  by  the  interpofitioii  of  Bruillonj 
governor  of  Nova-Scotia,  two  if  not  the  third  were  rc- 
ftored. 

At  the  firfl  eledion  Mr.  Dudley  treated  tlie  houfe  more 
cavalierly  than  Sir  William  Phips  or  Lord  Bellamont  had 
ever  done.  After  the  lid  of  counfellors  cled  had  been, 
prefented,  "  A  mefl'age  was  fent  from  his  excellencv,  to 
defire  Mr,  fpeaker  and  the  houfe  forthwith  to  attend  him 
in  the  council  chamber  ;  and,  Mr.  fpeaker  and  the  houfe 
being  come  up,  his  excellency  obfcrved  to  them,  that 
in  their  lift  of  eleQ:ions  prefented  to  him,  he  took  notice 
that  there  Vv'^re  feveral  gentlemen  left  out  that  were  of 
the  council  laft  year/?  who  were  of  good  ability,  for  eftate 
and  otherwife^  to  ferve  her  niajeity,  and  well  difpofed 
thereto,  and  that  fome  others  v/ho  were  new  elected,, 
were  not  fo  well  qualified,  fome  of  them  being  of  little, 
or  mean  eftate  ;  and  withal  figniiied  that  he  fhould  ex- 
punge five  of  the  name  in  their  lilt,  viz.  Eliflia  Cooke,  and 
Peter  Sargent,  efquires,  Mr.  Thomas  Oakes,  Mr,  John 
Safiin,  and  Mr.  John  Bradford,  and  difmifled  the  houfc, 
who  returned  to  their   chamber."'*     Cooke  had  been   of 


•-General  Court  record. 


f    ,-..' 


126  THE   HISTORY  OF  [ChAp.  IL 

^  the  council  nine  or  ten  years,  had  been  afliflant  before 
the  revolution,  married  a  daughter  of  governor  Leveret, 
and  was  allied  to  the  bed  families  in  the  province,  had  a 
better  ellate  than  the  governor  himfelf,  but  then  he  had 
been  agent  in  England,  and  difcovered  greater  zeal  for 
profecuting  the  complaints  againfl  Andros,  Dudley,  &c. 
than  any  of  his  fellow  agents.     Sargent  had  married  the 
relict  of  Sir  William  Phips.     Oakes  had  been  one  of  the 
agents  in  England  alfo,  and  under  the  diredion  of  Cooke. 
Saffin  was  a  principal  inhabitant  of  Briftol,  (the  father  of 
Thomas   Saflin  in  Stepney  church-yard,  whofe  memory 
the  author  of  the  Spectator  has  immortalized)  and  Brad- 
ford  was   grandfon   of    the  firft   worthy    governor   of 
Plymouth. 

There  had  been  but  one  inftance  of  the  governor's 
refufal  of  a  counfellor  fmce  the  charter.  The  right  of 
refufal  could  not  be  difputed.  Had  the  power  been  fre- 
quently exercifed,  lefs  exception  would  have  been  .taken 
to  this  inftance ;  but  the  long  difufe  of  it  caufed  the  re« 
affumption  of  it  upon  fo  many  perfons  at  once  to  be  more 
difagreeable.  Oakes  was  of  the  houfe,  and,  notwith- 
flanding  the  negative  as  a  counfellor,  remained  there  ;  and 
if  he  could  be  of  any  confequence,  this  would  add  to  his 
weight. 

Lord  Cornbury,  governor  of  New- York,  fome  time  ia 
the  month  of  May  advifed  Mr.  Dudley  of  an  army  of 
French  and  Indians,  intending  to  make  a  defcent  upon 
Deerfield,  in  MaftaGhufetts.  The  intelligence  was  brought 
to  Albany,  by  fome  of  the  praying  or  chriftianized  Mo- 
hawks, who  had  been  to  vifit  their  friends  at  Cagnawaga 
in  Canada,  who  formerly  had  belonged  to  the  fame  village 
about  forty  miles  from  Albany.  This  defign  was  not 
immediately  carried  into  execution. 

Whiift  every  one  was  fearing  hoftilities  from  the  In- 
dians, feveral  Englifhmen, pretending  friendlhip  toCaftine, 
fon  of  the  baron  de  St.  Caftine  by  an  Indian  woman,  who 
now  lived  at  Penobfcot,  plundered  his  houfe,  &c.  and 
made  great  fpoil.  Upon  his  complaint  to  the  govern- 
ment, he  was  affured  the  adion  fliould  not  go  without 
due  puniihment,  and    that  reflitution  diould  be  made. 

About 


1703.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  T27 

About  the  fame  time,  the  Indians  did  mifchicf  to  fome  of 
th&  people  of  Kennebeck.  Which  a£lion  was  firit,  I 
cannot  afcertain.  Perhaps  neither  of  them  was  from  re- 
fentment  or  revenge  for  the  other. 

Before  the  end  of  the  year,  the  blow  threatened  in  the 
beginning  of  it  was  ftruck  upon  Deerfield.     This  was  the 
mofl  remote  fettlement  upon  Connedicut  river,  except  a 
few  families  at  Squakheag,  or  Northfield,  adjoining  to  it. 
Deerfield,  being  eafiefl:  of  accefs  of  any  place  upon  the 
river,  had  often  fuffered  by  fmall  parties.     In  1697,  an 
attempt  was  made  upon  it,  but  failed  of  fuccefs,  through 
the  vigilance  and  bravery  of  the  inhabitants,  with   Mr. 
Williams  their  minifler  at  their  head.     Colonel  Schuyler, 
of  Albany,   had  obtained  information  of  the  defigns  of 
the  enemy  upon  it  this  year,  and  gave  notice  feafonable 
enough  to  put  the   people  upon  their  guard.     It  was  af- 
terwards thought   remaikable,   that  the   minifler   had  it 
ftrongly  imprefied  upon  his  mind,   that  the  town  would 
be  deftroyed.     It  vv'ould  not  have  been  very  ftrange,  if 
this  impreffion  had  never  been  off  his  mipd.     He  warned 
his  people  of  it  in  his  fermons,  but  too  many  made  light 
of  the  intelligence,  and  of  theimpreffions  whioh  naturally 
followed.     The  government,  upon  his  application,  order- 
ed twenty  foldiers  as  a  guard.     The  party,  which  had  been 
fitted  out  at  Canada,  confided  of  about  three  hundred 
French  and  Indians,  under  Hertel  de  Rouville,  who  had 
four  brothers  with  him  ;   their  father  had  been  a  noted  par- 
tizan,  but  was  now  unable  to  take  fo  long  a  march.     They 
came  upon  the  town,  the  night  after  the  28th  of  Februa- 
ry.    In  the  fore  part  of  the  night,   and  until  about  two 
hours   before  day,  the  watch   kept  the  ftreets ;  and  then 
unfortunately  went  all  to  deep.     The  enemy,  who  had 
been  hovering  about  them,  and  kept  continually  recon- 
noitring, perceived  all  to  be  quiet,  and  firil  furpriied  the 
fort  or  principal  garrifon  houfe.     The  fnow  was  fo  high 
in  drifts  that  they  had   no  difficulty  in  jumping  over  the 
walls.     Another  party  broke  into  the  houfe  of  Mr.  Wil-  , 
liams,  the  minifler,  who,  rifing  from  his  bed,  difcovered 
near  twenty  entering.     He  expeded  immediate  death,  but 
had  the  iirmnefs  of  mind  to  take  down  a  piflol,  which  he 

alwavs 


^x 


< 


128  THE   HISTORY   OF   ^      [Cha?.  IL 

always  kept  loaded  upon  his  teller,  and  to  prefent  it  to 
the  bread  of  the  firft  Indian  who  came  up  to  him.  The 
piftol,  fortunately  for  Mr.  Williams,  fnapped  only  and 
jnifTed  fire..  Had  he  killed  the  Indian,  his  own  life  no, 
doubt  would  have  been  taken  in  revenge.  Being  in  ef- 
fed:  difarmed,  he  was  feized  and  pinioned,  and  kept 
flanding  in  his  fhirt  only  in  that  cold  feafon  the  fpace  of 
sn  hour.  In  the  mean  time,  his,  houfe  was  plundered, 
snd  two  of  his  children  and  a  negro  woman  murdered. 
His  wife  and  five  other  children  w^ere  fuffered  to  put  on 
their  clothes,  and  then  he  himfelf  was  albwed  to  drefs 
and  prepare  for  a  long  march. 

Other  parties  fell  upon  other  houfes  in  the  town,  and 
flew  about  forty  perfons,  and  made  about  one  hundred 
more  prifoners.  Sun  about  an  hour  high,  the  enemy 
had  finifhed  their  work,  and  took  their  departure,  leaving 
uU  the  houfes,  out-houfes,  &c.  in  flames.  Mrs.  Williams, 
J^had  fcarcely  recovered  from  her  lying-in,  and  was  in  a 
weak  flate.  The  enemy  made  all  the  hade  they  could, 
left  a  fuperior  force  fliould  overtake  them.  The  fecond 
day,  Ihe  let  her  huCband  know  fhe  was  unable  to  travel 
any  farther,  as  faft  as  they  did.  He  knew  the  confe- 
quence,  and  would  gladly  have  remained  with  her  and  af- 
fi fled  her  ;  but  they  had  different  mafters,  and  leave  could 
3iot  be  obtained,  and  he  was  carried  from  her  and  foon. 
^fter  heard  that  her  niafler  had  funk  his  hatchet  into  her 
brains.  One  cannot  eafily  conceive  of  greater  diftrefs 
than  what  an  afFe6lionate  hufband  muft  then  have  felt. 
About  twenty  more  of  the  prifoners,  in  their  travel  to- 
wards. Canada,  gave  out,  and  were  killed  alfo.*     They 

were 

*  This  is  not  mentioned  as  an  inflance  of  favagc  barbarity.  Their  own  preferva- 
tion  often  depends  upon  their  deftroying  their  prifoners.  Henry  V.  of  England 
killed,  in  cold  blood,  the  flower  of  France,  when  he  fuppofed  his  own  little 
army  to  be  in  danger.  The  Indians,  after  thefe  onfets,  always  expe<fted  to  be  pur- 
fued.  If  they  left  their  grown  captives  In  the  wooda  they  would  difcover  them  to 
tiieir  purfuers,  if  fuch  captives  fhould*"  be  found  by  them.  To  leave  young  children 
to  die  would  be  more  cruel  than  to  kill  them  outright.  Their  barbarities  are  com- 
niitted  when  they  are  intoxicated  with  liquor  or  enraged  with  paflion.  Some  of 
the  children  who  were  taken  at  Dcerfield  they  drew  upon  flays  ;  at  other  times 
they  have  been  known  to  carry  them  in  their  arms  or  upon  their  backs  to  Canada. 
This  tendernefs  has  occafioned  the  beginning  of  an  affe6tion,  which  in  a  few  years 
has  been  fo  rivettcd,  that  the  parents  of  the  children,  wSb  have  gone  to  Canada  to 
fcek  them,  could  by  no  means  prevail  upon  them  to  leave  the  Indian?  and  return 
hpme.     One  of  Mr.  Vv''jlliams's  daughters  married  an  Indian  hulband,  and  yet  lives 

Wits 


1703.]  MASSlCHUSETTS.  129 

were  twenty-five  days  between  Deerfield  and  Chambli^ 
depending  upon  hunting  for  their  fupport  as  they  travel- 
led.* Vaudreuil,  the  French  governor  of  Canada,  treat-* 
ed  thefe  prifoners  with  humanity  ;  and  although  the  In-, 
dians  have  been  encouraged,  by  premiums  upon  prifon-. 
ers  and  fcalps,  to  lay  wafle  the  Englilh  frontiers,  yet  the 
captives  who  have  been  carried  ta  Canada  have  often  re- 
ceived very  kind  ufage  from  the  French  inhabitants. 

The  unfortunate  provinces  of  Maflachufetts  and  New- 
Hampfhire,  were  the  only  people  upon  the  continent 
ajgainft  whom  the  French  and  Indians,  during  a  ten  years 
war,  exerted  their  ftrength.  Connecticut  and  Rhode- 
Wand  were  covered  by  Maliachufetts.  New- York  took 
care  of  themfelves  and  of  the  colonies  fouth  of  them,  by 
a  neutraUty  which  the  Iroquois  or  Six  Nations  (influenc- 
ed by  thofe  who  had  the  dire£lian  of  Indian  affairs)  en- 
gaged to  obferve  between  the  Englifli  and  French.  This, 
was,  in  effect,  a  neutrality  between  the  French  and  the 
Englifh  governments  to  the  fouthward  of  New-England. 
Nothing  could  be  more  acceptable  to  the  Canadians. 
The  New-England  governments  felt  the  terrible  confe- 
quences.  Charlevoix  gives  this  account  of  it.  "  Tegan- 
ifforens  arrived,  a  little  while  after,  at  Montreal,  and,  in 
the  conference  which  he  had  with  the  commander  in 
chief,  he  appeared  at  firll  to  be  out  of  humour,  which 
boded  ill  to  the  bufmefs  he  came  upon.  The  Europeans, 
fays  he,  are  an  out-of-the-way  people ;  after  they  have 
made  peace,  one  with  another,  they  go*  to  war  again 
for  mere  nothing  at  all.  This  is  not  our  practice  ;  after 
we  have  once  figned  to  a  treaty,  there  mud  be  fome  very 
ftrong  reafons  to  induce  us  to  break  it.  He  went  on  and 
declared  that  his  nation  fhould  not  engage  in  a  war  which 
they  did  not  approve  of,  neither  on  one  fide  nor  the  oth- 
er.    Monfieur  de  Vaudreuil  let  TeganilTorens  know  that 

he 

with  them.  I  faw  at  Albany  two  or  three  men,  in  the  y«ar  1744,  who  came  in 
with  the  Indians  to  trade,  and  who  had  been  taken  ;it  Grorc n  in  this,  tiiat  is  called 

queen  Anne's  war.     On-e  of  them,  Tarbell,  was  fald  to  be  one  of  the  weakh- 

ieft  of  the  Cagnawaga  tribe.  He  made  a  vifit  in  his  Indian  drefs  and  with  his  In- 
dian complexion  (for  by  means  of  grenfe  and  paints  but  little  difference  co^ld  be 
difcerned)  to  his  relations  at  Groton,  but  had  no  inclination  to  remain  there, 

*  Moft  of  the  captives  were  redeemed  after  fome  years.  Two  of  Mr.  WiUiams's 
fons,  after  their  return,  were  worthy  miniflers,  of  amiable  charadicrs,  one  at  "Wm- 
tham,  now  deceafed  ;  the  other  Itill  living  at  Long-Meadow,  in  Springfield. 


X3^  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  II. 

he  defired  nothing  further  ;  and,  that  the  Iroquois  might 
have  no  pretence  to  break  fo  advantageous  a  neutrality, 
he  determined  to  fend  out  no  parties  towards  New-York/* 
Again,  upon  another  occafion,  "  At  all  events,  the  Six 
Nations,  and  efpecially  the  Tfononheans,*  were  refolved 
ftridly  to  obferve  the  neutrality  which  they  had  fworn, 
and  of  which  they  had  begun  to  feel  the  benefit  ;  but 
you  may  fee  that  they  were  much  fet  upon  including  the 
Enghfh,  that  they  might  be  confidered  as  mediators  be^ 
tween  them  and  us.  M.  Vaudreuil,  who  had  very  early 
feen  through  their  defign,  had  acquainted  the  court  with 
it,  and  received  for  anfwer,  that  if  he  was  able  to  carry  on 
the  war  to  advantage  without  putting  the  crown  to  any 
extraordinary  expenfe,  he  fhould  reject  the  propofals  of 
the  Iroquois  ;  otherwife  he  might  fettle  a  neutrality  for 
America  upon  the  befi:  terms  he  could,  but  that  it  was  not 
for  his  majefiy's  honour  that  his  governor  and  lieuten- 
ant-general fhould  be  the  hrfc  mover  of  it.  The  minifler 
added,  that  he  thought  it  v/ould  be  moll  proper  for  the 
miffionaries  to  let  the  Indians  know  that  the  French  did 
not  deiire  to  difturb  the  peace  of  the  country  ;  that  al- 
though they  were  very  well  able  to  carry  on  a  vigorous 
war,  yet  they  preferred  the  quiet  of  Canada  to  all  the  ad- 
vantages they  might  reap  from  the  fuperiority  of  their 
arms  ;  and  if  the  Six  Nations,  convinced  that  this  was 
our  difpoiition,  fliould  caufe  the  Englifh  toaika  neutrality 
for  their  colonies,  M.  Vaudreuil  might  confider  of  it  ; 
but  that  he  fhould  not  come  to  a  conclufion  without  or- 
ders from  the  king." 

I  am  fenfible  Charlevoix  fays,  that  "the  BoHoneers 
would  have  obtained  the  fame  thing  from  the  Abenaquis, 
or  eaftern  Indians. ""  It  is  certain,  that  the  MaiTachufetts 
government  would  have  been  content  (provided  the  eaft- 
ern Indians  had  continued  at  peace  with  the  Engliih)  that 
they  fliould  not  be  obliged  to  go  to  war  againfl  the 
French  ;  but  the  inhabitants  of  MaiTachufetts,  in  all  their 
treaties  with  the  eaftern  Indians,  made  peace  for  the  other 
governments  as  well  as  for  themfelves  ;  and  hoftilities 
;againfl  Connecliciit  or  New- York  would  have  been  deem- 
ed 


1703.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  131 

ed  a  breach  of  the  peace,  as  well  as  thofc  agp-ind:  Maf- 
fachufetts  ;  whereas  the  New-Yorkers,  or  rather  the  Al- 
banians, fuffered  the  Canada  Indians  to  go  through  their 
province  and  fall  upon  any  of  our  frontiers,  without  look- 
ing upon  it  to  be  a  breach  of  the  neutrality,  and  carried 
on  great  trade  both  with  French  and  Indians  at  the  fame 
time,  and  fometimes  the  plunder  made  in  the  county  of 
Hampfhire  became  merchandize  in  Albany.  Some  of 
the  bed  people  deteflcd  fuch  proceedings,  particularly 
colonel  John  Schuyler,  of  Albany,  who,  by  means  of  the 
Indian^  of  the  Six  Nations  in  the  Englifh  intereft,  inform- 
ed himfelf  of  the  intended  expeditions  of  the  French,  and 
French  Indians,  and  gave  frequent  notice  to  the  people 
upon  our  frontiers  to  be  upon  their  gua^d  ;  but  moll  of 
the  inroads  made  upon  us  he  had  it  not  in  his  power  to 
difcover. 

That  the  French  might  improve  this  plan  to  greater 
advantage,  they  drew  off,  about  this  time,  a  great  number 
of  the  Abenaquis  families  from  Penobfcot,  Norridgewock, 
Saco,  Pigwacket,  &c.  and  fettled  them  at  Becancour  and 
St.  Francois,  in  Canada,  where  they  were  known  to  the 
Englifh  by  the  name  of  St.  Francois  Indians.  Here  they 
were  under  the  conftant  direction  of  the  governor  of  Can- 
ada,  and  were  fent  out,  from  time  to  time,  with  parties  of 
the  Six  Nations  in  the  French  interefl  and  French  Cana- 
dians, to  malfacre  the  men,  women  and  children  upon  the 
eafl  and  weft  frontiers.  Charlevoix  fays,  "  they  were 
intended  as  a  barrier  againft  the  inroads  of  the  Six  Na- 
tions, in  cafe  of  a  future  war  between  them  and  the 
French." 

Maflachufetts,  thus  harafied  and  perplexed,  thought  it 
neceiTary  to  remain  no  longer  on  the  defenfive  only,  and  in 
the  fall  fent  out  three  or  four  hundred  men  to  a  noted  fettle- 
ment  of  the  Indians  at  Pigwacket,  and  another  party  to  the 
ponds,  Offapy,  &c.  upon  the  back  of  the  eaftern  frontier  ; 
but  neither  party  met  with  the  enemy.  Soon  after,  col- 
onel March  going  out  with  another  party,  killed  and  took 
about  a  dozen  of  the  enemy.  This  meafure  not  anfwer- 
ing  expectation,  to  encourage  fmall  parties  of  the  Englifli 
to  go  out  and  hunt  the  Indians,  the  General  Court  prom- 

ifc'i 


1^2  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  IL 

Jfed  a  bounty  or  reward  no  lefs  than  forty  pounds,  for 
«very  Indian  fcalp.  Captain  Tyng  went  out  in  the  win^ 
ter  and  brought  in  five. 

In  the  fpring,  another  proje6l  was  tried.  About  an 
hundred  Indians  "were  obtained  from  Connedlicut  and 
polled  at  Berwick,  in  the  county  of  York  ;  but  thefe  In- 
dians were  not  only  flrangers  to  the  woods,  and  wholly 
ignorant  of  the  frontiers  of  Canada,  but  by  long  living  in 
a  depreffed  flate  among  the  Englifh,  were  difpirited,  ener- 
vated, and  i^nfit  for  this  feryice,  and  nothing  remarkable 
•was  effected.  Had  not  the  Six  Nations  been  reftrained,' 
parties  of  them^  haraffing  the  French  fettlements,  would 
have  induced  the  French,  for  their  o\yn  prefervation,  to 
liave  fuffered  the  frontiers  of  New-England  as  well  as 
New-York  to  have  rernained  unmolefted. 

All  thefe  attempts  failing,  aftill  more  expenfive  under- 
taking was  agreed  on.  It  was  fuppofed  that  an  army  to 
fweep  the  Goaft  and  country  from  Pifcataqua-river  to  No- 
\^a-Scotia,  would  flrike  terror  into  the  Indians  and  bring 
them  to  reafon.  Colonel  Church,  noted  for  his  exploits 
in  former  wars,  efpeciallj  In  Phillip's  war,  was  pitched 
upon  to  command  in  this  expedition,  and  had  orders  to 
enlik  as  many  as  he  could,  both  of  Englifh  and  Indians, 
who  had  been  in  fervice  before.  This  is  called  by  Char- 
levoix an  expedition  againfl  Port-royal ;  but  Church  was 
in(lru6led  not  to  make  any  attempt  againfl  the  fort  there, 
and  to  ravage  the  country  only.  Mr.  Dudley  had  inti- 
mations of  the  queen's  intention,  to  fend  fhips  the  next 
year  for  the  redu<3:iQn  of  that  fortrefs.  * 

Church  had  five  hundred  and  fifty  foldiers  under  him, 
in  fourteen  fmall  tranfports,  and  was  provided  with  thir- 
ty-fix whale-boats,  and  convoyed  by  the  Jerfey  man-of-war^ 
of  forty-eight,  the  Gofport  of  thirty-two,  and  the  province 
fnow  of  fourteen  guns,  He  flopped  firll  at  Montinicus, 
and  fent  two  of  his  boats  to  Green-Iiland,  where  he  took 
four  or  five  French  and  Indians,who  ferved  him  for  pilots 
up  Penobfcot  river  and  to  the  Indian  fettlements  there. 
In  this  river  he  killed  and  took  captive  divers  of  the  ene- 
my j 

*  This  he  puhlickly  gave  as  his  reafon.  His  enemies  charged  him  with  a  fecrer 
telcfire^that  the  place  might  be  preferved,  for  the  fake  of  unlawfyl  trade- with  the  i^- 
^abitaats,  in  which  He  was  to  be  a  fharcr. 


« 


ip4'l  MASSACHUSETTS.  13^ 

iny  ;  among  the  captives  were  Caftine's  daughter  and  her 
children,  her  hufband  and  father  being  gone  to  France, 
where  Cafline  had  an  eftate,upon  which  he  Hved  after  he  left 
America.     The  tranfports  lay  at  Mount  Defart.    Church, 
having  taken  from  them  a  frefh  fupply  of  provifions,  v/en: 
in  the  boats  up  the  weflern  Paflimaquady.     In  the  har  • 
hour,  he  found  only  a  French  woman  and  her  children 
upon  an  ifland,  and  another  family  upon  the  main,  near 
to  it.     He  then  went  up  the  river,  where  he  took  prifon- 
ers  Gourdon  a  French  officer  and  his  family,  who  lived- 
in  a  fmall  cottage.     Church  feeing  fome  of  his  men  hover  - 
ing  over  another  hut,  he  called  to  them  to  know  what  they 
were  doing  ;  and  upon  their  reply,  that  there  were  people 
m  the  houfe  who  would  not  come  out,  he,  hadily  bid  hi:> 
men  knock  them  in  the  head  ;  which  order  they  immedi- 
ately obferved.     He  was  much  blamed  for  this  after  his 
return,  and  excufed  himfelf  but  indifferently.     He  fearcci^ 
the  enemy  might  fail  upon  his  men,  whom  he  faw  were  olF 
their  guard,  which  put  him  in  a  pallion.     He  went  as 
high  up  the  river  as  the  falls,  taking  or  deflroying  all  in 
his  way ;  miffed  Chartiers,  another  French  officer,  who- 
lived  or  was  ported  there.     The  tranfports   took  in  the 
forces  at  the  harbour  or  mouth  of  the  river,  and  carried 
them  to  Menis ;  the  men-of-war  (landing  for  Port-rovaL 
At  Menis  he  met  with  fome  oppofition,  the  enemy  firinp^ 
from  the  banks  a-s  he  rowed  up  the  river  to  the  tov/n  ; 
but  he  loft  none  of  his  men..     They  found  plenty  not  on- 
ly of  frefh  provifions  but  good  liquor  in  the  town,  which 
occafioned  fuch  diforders  among  the  men,  efpecially  th& 
Indians,  that  it  wa-s  neceffary  ta  ftave  all  the  cafks  which 
had  any  wine  or  fpirits  in  them,  and  it  was  done  accord- 
ingly.    Here  the  lieutenant  of  Church's  own  company,^ 
Barker,  (Charlevoix  calls  him  the  lieutenant-general)  and 
one  man  more  were  (hot  down,  which  were  all  that  were 
loft  in  the  expedition.     After  plundering  the  inhabitants^ 
'of  all  their  goods,  they  fet  the  town  on  fire,  and  then  em^ 
barked  on  board  the  tranfports-.     The  inhabitants  of  a 
village  upon  another  branch  of  the  river  fuppofed  the 
EngUfii  to  be   gone,  and  that  they  fhould  efcape ;  but 
Church  went  back  with  his  boats,  and,  going  up  thii 

branchjj. 


i34  THE   HISTORY   OF  [tlHAP.  11 

branch,  came  unexpeftedly  upon  the  village  and  took 
what  prifoners  he  had  a  mind  to,  and,  among  the  reft, 
two  gentlemen  who  had  been  fent  by  the  governor  of 
Port-royal  to  bring  two  companies  of  foldiers  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  place  againd:  the  men-of-war  which  appeared 
in  the  gut.  Church  gave  the  gentlemen  leave  to  return, 
for  the  fake  offending  a  meifage  by  them  to  the  governor, 
to  defire  him  to  acqu:iint  the  governor  of  Canada,  that  if 
he  did  not  prevent  his  French  and  Indians  froiji  commit- 
ting fuch  barbarities  upon  poor  helplefs  women  and  chil* 
dren  as  the  people  of  Deerfield  had  fuffered  the  lafl  year, 
he  would  return  with  a  thoufand  Indians  and  let  them 
loofe  upon  the  frontiers  of  Canada  to  commit  the  like  bar* 
barities  there.  This  the  French  governor  mud  know  to 
be  a  gafconade. 

The  forces  after  this  went  up  what  is  called  the  eaft- 
ern  river,  and  deftroyed  the  fettlements  there,  and  then 
returned  to  the  tranfports,  and  joined  the  men-of-war  at 
Port-royal  ;  where  it  was  agreed,  both  by  fea  and  land 
officers,  that  no  attempt  fhould  be  made.  The  men-of- 
war  returned  to  Mount  Defart  harbour,  and  Church, 
with  his  tranfports,  went  up  to  Chigneclo.  The  inhabit- 
ants all  fled,  taking  with  them  as  much  of  their  fubflance 
as  they  could  carry  away  ;  the  reil  they  left  to  the  mercy 
of  the  Englifli,  who  laid  all  wafle.  From  Chignedlo  they 
went  to  Mount  Defart  ;  the  men-of-war  being  gone  to 
Boilon,  the  tranfports  followed  ;  and,  flopping  at  Gafco- 
Bay,  Church  found  orders  lodged  there,  from  the  gov- 
ernor, to  go  up  Kennebeck  river  as  far  as  Norridgewock 
fort  ;  but  having  intelligence  that  it  was  deferted,  and 
his  men  having  undergone  much  fatigue,  he  thought  it 
befl  to  return  home. 

This  expedition  Mr.  Dudley  fuppofes,  in  his  fpeech  to 
the  alTembly,  ftruck  great  terror  into  the  Indians,  and 
drove  them  from  our  frontiers  ;  but  it  appears  from 
Church's  journal,  that  the  poor  Acadians,  who  had  been 
fo  often  ravaged  before,  were  the  principal  fufferers  now^ 
and  that  the  Indians  were  httle  or  nothing  annoyed.* 

An 

*  Mr.  Dudley  laid  himfelf  open  to  cenfure.     The  profeffed  defign  was  the  reduc- 
tion of  Poi-t-royal.     When  it  was  known  that  this  never  was  the  real  defign,  it  wa* 


1 7^4-1 


MASSACHUSETTS.  135 


An  exploit  of  Caleb  Lyman,  of  Northampton,  defervcs 
to  be  recorded.  Hearing  of  a  fmall  party  of  Indians  at 
Cohafs,  far  up  Connedicut  river,  he  went  out  with  only 
five  friend  Indians,  and,  after  nine  or  ten  days*  travel, 
came  upon  the  enemy  Indians  in  the  night,  killed  feveu 
©ut  of  nine,  and  the  other  two  efcaped,  but  were  wounded. 

This  may  be  placed  among  the  favourable  years  ;  but 
the  frontiers  were  not  without  annoyance.  In  April,  an 
Indian  fcout  killed  Edward  Taylor,  at  Lamprey  river,  and 
carried  his  wife  and  child  to  Canada  ;  major  Hilton  with 
twenty  men  purfuing  without  overtaking  them.  They 
lay  in  wait  to  take  colonel  Waldron  at  Cochecho,  but 
milled  him,  carrying  off  one  of  his  fervants  in  his  (lead.* 
July  31.  About  four  hundred  French  and  Indians  fell 
upon  Lancaller,  and  alTaultcd  fix  garrifon-houfes  at  the 
fame  time,  which  made  a  brave  defence.  1  hey  burned 
many  other  dwelling-houfes  and  the  meeting-houfe.  An 
alarm  was  foon  fpread,  and  three  hundred  men  were  in 
the  town  before  night,  who  engaged  the  enemy  with  forne 
lofs  on  both  fides.  The  beginning  of  Auguil,  a  party  of 
the  enemy,  lying  in  wait,  fired  upon  a  fmall  fcout  going 
from  Northampton  to  Weftfield,  killed  one  man  and  took 
two  prifoners  5  but  more  of  our  forces  being  behind^ 
they  came  up,  retook  the  two  men  and  killed  two  of  the 
Indians.  Soon  after,  they  killed  lieutenant  Wyler  and 
feveral  others  at  Groton,  and  at  a  plantation  called  Nafli- 
cway. 

Almfbury,  Haverhill  and  York,  in  MalTachufetts,  and 
Exeter,  Dover,  and  Oyiler  river,  in  New-Hampfhire,  luf- 
fered  more  or  lefs  this  fuinmer  by  the  enemy. 

The 

not  an  cafy  th-ngtopcrfuade  the  people  thr.t  want  of  orders  from  tlie  q'.ieen  wa^trc 
true  caui'e.  A  cortrelpondencc  between  the  friends  ol"  the  governor  and  the  French  in 
Acadie  was  fufpeii^cd,  and  it  wasfaid  the  place  muft  be  prei'ervcd  for  the  fakeof  trade, 
in  the  profits  of  which  the  governor  was  to  have  his  fhare.  "  W^hcn  Church  went  with 
his  fcTccs  to  Port-royal  hecouldcafilyhavetakcnthefort,ovdoneanything;in  the  world, 
but  the  reafon  which  he  has  often  given  for  his  not  doing  it  'u,  becaufc  you  abfolatelr 
forbad  him,  you  peremptoiily  forbad  him.  The  caufe  you  afirgned  was,  becaufc 
the  matter  had  been  laid  before  the  queen,  and  the  queen  liad  fent  over  no  orders  for 

it,  and  though  the  queeil  had  fent  no  orders  we  fend  with  a  pretence  to  take  it. 

But  the  ftory  grows  now  too  black  a  ftory  for  mc  to  meddle  svith  it The  exp'-di- 

tion  baffled The  fort  never  fo  much  as  demanded An  eternal  gravcftone  lairf 

on  our  buried  captives A  ncfl:  of  hornets  provoked  to  fly  out  upon  us A 

fname  call  upon  us  that  will  niver  be  forgotten 1  dare  not,  I  cannot  meddle  wiJik 

thefe  myfteries." Cotton  AUthet'i  Uticr  U  Co-v.  Dudley,  "Jin.  £0,  1707, 

*  Thia  ftory  was  a  fid-02. 


i9S  THE     HISTORY     OF  [Chap.  It 

The  licentious  pra<5lice,  indulged  among  the  feamen^ 
of  making  depredations  upon  foreign  nations  in  the  Eall 
and  Weft  Indies  was  not  wholly  fupprefied.  John  Quelch 
(who  had  been  mafter  of  the  brigantine  Charles,  and  had 
committed  many  piratical  ads  upon  the  coafl  of  India) 
came  with  feyeral  of  his  crew  and  landed,  fome  in  one 
part" of  New  England,  fome  in  another.  Quelch  and  fix 
more  were  condemned  at  Bofton  and  executed.  Some 
were  admitted  to  be  witnefTes  for  the  king,  fome  repriev- 
ed, and  fome  pardoned.  The  governor,  upon  this  occa- 
fion,  found  old  prejudices  againft  him  reviving.  Reports 
were  fpread  of  large  fums  of  money  falling  into  the  hands 
of  the  governor  and  of  his  fon,  the  queen's  advocate^ 
which,  however  groundlefs,  eafily  obtained  credit.* 

Mr.  Dudley's  principles  in  government  were  too  high 
for  Maffachufetts  people.  He  found  it  very  difficult  to 
maintain  what  appeared  to  him  to  be  the  jull  prerogative 
of  the  crown,  and  at  the  fame  time  to  recover  and  preferve 
the  efteem  of  the  country.  The  government  had  been 
fo  popular  under  the  old  charter,  that  the  exercife  of  the 
powers  referved  to  the  crown  by  the  new  charter  was  fub> 
mitted  to  with  reluctance.  Sir  William  Phips  was  under 
the  influence  of  fome  of  his  council  and  fome  of  the  min- 
lilers  of  note,  and  fufFered  remains  of  cuftoms  under  the 
old  form  hardly  confiftent  with  the  new.  Mr.  Stoughton, 
expecting  every  day  to  be  fuperfeded,  avoided  all  occa- 
fions  of  controverfy.  Lord  Bellamont,  indeed,  in  fome 
inflances,  alTumed  more  than  he  had  right  to.  His  quaU 
ity,  and  the  high  efteem  at  firft  conceived  of  him,  prevent* 
ed  any  controverfies  during  his  very  fliort  adminiftration* 
Mr.  Dudley  fet  ouj;  with  refolution  to  maintain  his  author- 
ity. The  people  were  more  jealous  of  him  than  they 
would  have  been  of  any  other  perfon.    His  negativing  Rvc 

of 

*  I  h:ive  taken  fo  many  fadls  and  remarks,  in  my  firft  volume,  from  a  manufcript 
hiftory  of  Mr.  William  Hubbard,  one  of  the  minifters  of  Ipfwich,  that  I  may  not 
omit  taking  notice  of  his  death,  Sept.  14,  1 704,  at  the  age  of  eighty-three  years  ;  and 
giving  him  the  chara6ler  he  defcrved,  of  a  man  of  learning,  of  a  candid  and  benev- 
olent mind,  accompanied,  as  it  generally  is,  with  a  good  degree  of  catholicifm  ; 
which,  I  think,  was  not  accounted  the  moft  valuable  part  of  his  chara61er  in  the  age 
in  which  he  lived.  Among  his  other  grandchildren,  Nathaniel  Hubbard,efquire,fhonc 
with  peculiar  luilre,  inherited  his  grandfather's  virtues,  efpecially  that  amiable  fpirit 
of  benevolence.  He  was  of  the  council,  and  one  of  the  juilkes  of  the  fuperior  court, 
too  late  in  life  for  kis  country  to  reap  any  long  benefit, 


fW 


1705.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  137 

'  of  the  council,  the  firfl  eledion,  was  an  upopular  flroke. 
The  next  year  (1704)  the  two  houfes  chofe  again  two  of 
the  negatived  perfons,  Mr.  Cooke  and  Mr.  Sargent,  and 
the  governor  again  refufed  to  approve  of  them.     They 
were  fuch  favourites  of  the  houle,   that  the   fpeaker,  the 
houfe  being  prefent,  addrelTed  his  excellency  and  prayed 
him  to  re-confider  his  negative  and  to  approve  of  the  choice. 
This  was  out   of  charader,   and  the  houfe  difhonourcd 
themfelves,  and  had   the  mortification   of  being  denied. 
This  year  neither  of  the  perfons  were  chofen  of  the  coun- 
cil, but  one  of  them,  Mr.  Oakes,  being  chofen  fpeaker  of 
the  houfe,  upon  the  governor's  being  acquainted  there- 
with, he  fignified  to  the  houfe  that  he  difapproved  of  their 
choice,  and  direded  them  to  proceed  to  the  choice  of  an- 
other, which  they  refufed  to  do.     It  had  been  always  the 
pradice  for  the  governor  to  give  diredions  to   the  two 
houfes  to  proceed  to  the  choice  of  counfellors ;  but  the 
difpute  about  the  fpeaker  prevented  it  at    this  time,  the 
council  inferted  themfelves,  and  the  queftion  being  put, 
whether  it  was  in  the  governor's  power,   by  virtue  of 
the  charter,  to  refufe  the  eledion  of  a  fpeaker  and  dired: 
the  choice  of  another,  they  determined  it  w'as  not,    and 
immediately  joined  the  houfe  in   eleding    counfellors. 
The  next  day  the  governor  declared,  that  he  looked  upon 
it  to  be  her  majefly's  prerogative  to  allow  or  difallow  the 
choice  of  a  fpeaker,  but  he  would  not  delay  the  affembly 
by  difputes,  when  the  affairs  of  the  war  were  fo  preffmg, 
faving  to  her  majefly  her  jufl.  rights  at  all  times. 

The  governor  had  it  in  fpecial  command  to  recom- 
mend three  things  to  the  aifembly  ;  the  re-building  the 
fort  at  Pemaquid  ;  the  contributing  to  a  fort  at  Pifcata- 
qua  ;  and  the  eflablifhing  honourable  falaries  for  the  gov- 
ernor, lieutenant  governor  and  judges  of  the  courts. 
He  had  been  preffmg  thefe  things  from  his  firfl  arrival, 
but  could  obtain  neither  of  them  ;  and  as  to  falaries,  they 
not  only  refufed  fixing  a  falary,  but  allowed  him  only 
500I.  per  annum,  viz.  three  hundred  of  it  in  the  fpring 
and  two  hundred  in  the  fall.  To  the  lieutenant  governor 
they  gave  200I.  annually,  as  lieutenant  governor  and 
captain  of  the  caftle  ;  and  although  it  was  more  than  any 
Vol.  II.  K  lieutenant 


138  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  11. 

lieutenant  governor  has  received  fince,  yet  he  found  it 
infufficient  to  fupport  him,  and  this  year,  by  the  way  of  Lif- 
bon,  v/Qut  back  to  England  and  never  returned  to  the 
province.  A  meflage  from  the  houfe  this  year  to  the 
governor,  though  not  very  elegant,  jQiews  the  fenfe  they 
had  of  thefe  matters. 

*'  May  it  pleafe  your  excelleneyy 

"  IN  anfwer  ta  thole  parts  of  your  exceilency's  fpeech 
at  the  beginning  of  the  feffion,  referring  to  her  majefty's 
diredions  for  the  building  a  fort  at  Pemaquid,  contribut- 
ing to  the  charge  of  a  fort  at  Pifcataqua,  and  fettling  of 
falaries,  we  cmve  leave  to  oier, 

"  Imprimis,  as  to  the  building  a  fort  at  Pemaquid,  we 
are  humbly  of  opinion,  that  her  majefty  hath  received 
niifreprefentations  concerning  the  necelTity  and  ufefulnefs 
of  a  fort  there  ;  wherefore  this  houfe^in  their  hu'mble  ad- 
drefs  to  her  majefly,  dated  th©  27th  of  March^  17035  ^i^^ 
iince  twice  repeated,  did  among  other  things  lay  before 
her  majefty  our  reafons  why  we  could  not  comply  with 
her  expedations  in  that  affair  ;  as 

"  Firil,  the  Httle  benefit  faid  fort  was  to  us,  not  being, 
as  we  could  difcern,  any  bridle  to  the  enemy  or  barrier  to 
our  frontiers,  being  out  of  the  ufual  road  of  the  Indians, 
and  one  hundred  miles  dillant  from  any  Englifli  plantation  % 
and  feemed  only  to  make  ai-  anchorage  for  a  few  fifhing 
boats  that  accidentally  put  In  there  ^  but  the  expenfc  there- 
on was  very  great,  not  lefs  than  twenty  thoufand  pounds*. 

"  Secondly,  the  charge  of  the  faid  fort  will  be  fuch  that 
we  cannot  fee  how  the  province  can  poffibly  fullain  it,  hav* 
ing  already  laid  aut  feveral  large  fums  of  money  in  raifmg 
new  fortifications  at  Caftle  IHand,  &c.  which  was  fet  forth 
in  the  addrefs  and  memorial  accompanying  the  fame  \  but 
we  underfiiand  we  have  been  fo  unhappy  as  that  the  faid 
addrefs  and  memorial  did  not  reach  her  majefly's  hands, 
becaufe  proceeding  from  this  houfe  alone,  although  the 
addrelTmg.  her  majefly  is  a  privilege  ever  allowed  to  the 
meanefi  of  her  fubjects.  We  did  therefore,  at  our  feihon 
hi  February  lalt,  join  the  council  in  making  our  humble 
riddrefs  to  her  majefty  upon  the  altair  aforefaidy  which  we 

hope 


1705.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  139 

hope  hath  fome  time  fince  arrived,  to  her  majefty's  favour- 
able acceptance. 

"  The  fecond  article  is  the  contributing  to  the  charge 
of  Pifcataqua  fort.  The  fort  in  that  province  has  beea 
built  feveral  years  pafl,  when  it  was  not  defired  or  thought 
necelfary  that  this  province  fhould  afliil  them  therein. 
I'he  late  reforms  and  reparations  made  of  the  fame,  as  we 
have  been  infonned,  (lands  that  whole  province  about  the 
fum  of  five  hundred  pounds,  which  doth  not  amount  to 
the  quota  of  feveral  particular  towns,  within  this  province, 
towards  the  charge  of  the  war  one  year  ;  and  all  the  nav- 
igation and  trade  of  this  province,  coming  down  Pifcata- 
qua river,  have  been  charged  with  a  confidcrable  duty  to- 
wards the  fupport  of  that  fort ;  and  this  province  hath 
always  afforded  fuch  guards  as  were  needful  for  their  haul- 
ing of  mails,  timber,  &;c.  for  her  majefty's  fcrvice,  whilll  the 
principal  benefit  and  advantage  of  the  trade  hath  accrued 
to  that  province.  And  they  have  never  contributed  any 
thing  to  the  charge  of  our  forces,  forts  and  garrifons,  or 
guard  by  fea,  that  are  as  great  a  fafety  and  defence  to  them 
as  to  ourfelves  ;  but  the  pubHc  charge  of  that  government 
has  been  much  lefs  proportionably  than  the  charge  of  this; 
which  being  confidered,  we  hope  no  alTiftance  will  be  ex- 
pected from  us  towards  the  charge  of  the  faid  fort. 

"  Thirdly,  as  to  the  fetthng  fixed  falaries,  the  circum- 
flances  of  this  province  as  to  our  ability  to  fupport  the 
government  are  at  times  fo  dilierent,  that  we  fear  the  fet- 
tling of  fixed  falaries  will  be  of  no  fervice  to  her  majefly'ji 
interefl,  but  may  prove  prejudicial  to  her  majefly's  good 
fubjecls  here :  and  as  it  is  the  native  privilege  and  right 
of  EngHlh  fubjeds,  by  confent  of  parliament,  from  time 
to  time,  to  raife  and  difpofe  of  fuch  fums  of  money  as  the 
prefent  exigency  of  affairs  calls  for ;  which  privilege  we 
her  majefty's  loyal  and  dutiful  fubjecls  have  hitherto  Hv- 
cd  in  the  enjoyment  of,  fo  we  hope  and  pray  always  to 
enjoy  the  fame  under  our  moft  gracious  fovereign  and  her 
fucceffors." 

The  governor  then  propofed  the  feveral  matters  to  the 
council. 

ift.  Whether  they  advifed  to  the  building  a  fort  at  Pe- 
maquid. 

IL2  2d.  Whether 


lAo  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Cha?.  IL 

2d.  Whether  they  advifed  to  a  contribution  towards 
the  charge  of  Pifcataqua  fort. 

'ijd.  Whether  they  advifed  to  the  fettling  a  fixed  falary 
for  the  governor  and  lieutenant  governor  for  the  time 
behig. 

-  And  they  gave  a  negative  anfwer  to  each  queflion. 

It  was  a  great  difappointment  to  be  able  to  carry  nei-* 
slier  of  thefe  points,  which  the  miniflry  were  very  much 
fet  upon,  and  which  it  is  not  improbable  they  were  en- 
couraged might  be  obtained.  Had  they  been  matters  lef$ 
unpopular,  yet  Ehe  governor's  v/eight  at  this  time  would 
have  been  fcarce  fuflicient  to  have  carried  them  through. 
The  prejudices  againfl  him  were  great.  The  people  in 
general  looked  upon  him  as  an  enemy,  eveti  to  the  privi- 
leges of  the  new  charter.  Sir  Henry  Ailiurft  procured 
an  original  letter,  WTote  by  the  governor's  fon  Paul,  who- 
was  then  attorney  general,  to  Mr.  Floyd,  and  fent  it  to 
New  England,  in  which  were  thefe  expreflions  : — "  The 
government  and  college  are  difpofed  of  here  in  chim- 
ney corners  and  private  meetings,  as  confidently  as 
can  be — this  country  will  never  be  worth  living  in  for 
lawyers  and  gentlemen,  till  the  charter  is  taken  away— — 
My  father  and  I  fometjmes  talk  of  the  queen's  eflabliiliing 
a  court  of  chancery  in  this  country.  I  have  wrote  about 
it  to  Mr.  Blathwait."  Copies  were  difperfed  about  the 
province,  and  the  letter  was  foon  after  printed.  Mr.  Dud- 
ley had  no  reil  the  firfl  feven  years ;  befides  the  oppofi- 
tion  he  met  with  m  his  adminiflration,  endeavours  were 
ufing  foon  after  his  arrival  to  fupplant  him,  and  his  ene- 
mies prevailed  upon  fir  Charles  Hobby  (who  had  been 
knighted  as  fomefaid  for  fortitude  and  refolution  at  the 
tim.e  of  the  earthquake  in  Jamaica,  others  for  the  further 
confi deration  of  800L  fterling)  to  go  to  England  and  fo- 
licit  for  the  government.  He  was  recommended  to  fir 
H.  Afhurll,  v/ho  at  firfl  gave  encouragement  of  fuccefs. 
Hobby  was  a  gay  man,. a  free  fiver,  and  of  very  different 
behaviour  from  what  one  Vv'ould  have  expeded  fhould 
have  recommended  him  to  the  clergy  of  New  England  5 
and  yet,  fuch  is  the  force  of  party  prejudice,  that  it  pre- 
vails 


i7o5.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  141 

vails  over  religion  itfelf,  and  fome  of  the  mofl  pious  rain- 
iflers  ftrongly  urged  in  their  letters  that  he  might  be  ap- 
pointed their  governor  inftead  of  Dudley  ;  for  which 
Afhurfl  himfelf,  after  his  acquaintance  with  Hobby,  re- 
proves and  cenfures  them. 

The  governor  this  year  lent  Mr.  I.ivingdon,  Wiiliani 
Dudley  the  governor's  fon,  and  two  or  three  other  gen- 
tlemen, to  Canada,  for  the  exchange  of  prifoners ;  who 
brought  back  with  them  Mr.  WiUiams,  the  miniflcr,  and 
many  of  the  inhabitants  of  Deerfield,  with  other  captives. 
Vaudreuil,  the  French  governor,  fcnt  a  conimilTioner  to 
Bofton,  with  propofals  of  neutrality,  which  vverc  commu- 
nicated to  the  general  court,  who  did  not  think  proper, 
to  take  any  (teps  towards  eifefting  it.  They  wifhed  and 
hoped  infread  of  a  neutrality  for  the  reduction  of  Canada  ; 
whereas  the  employment  given  \o  the  French  flrength  in 
Europe  might  well  caufe  Vaudreuil  to  fear  the  v/ant  of 
protection,  and  difpofe  him  to  fecure  himfelf  by  a  neutral- 
ity. Dudley,  however,  kept  the  matter  in  fuipenfe  with 
Vaudreuil  for  fome  time  ;  and  to  the  policy  of  his  negoci- 
ation  it  was  owing,  that  the  people  upon  the  frontiers 
enjoyed  remarkable  tranquillity,  and  he  values  himfelf  up- 
on it  in  his  fpeech  to  the  general  court.  Charlevoix 
fays,  "  It  was  evident  Mr.  Dudley  had  no  intention  to 
agree,  that  he  was  along  time  in  treaty,  and  at  length  de- 
clared that  he  could  come  to  no  agreem.ent  without  the 
confent  of  the  other  Engliih  colonies  ;  and  thereupon 
Vaudreuil  caufed  hofiilities  to  be  renewed  againll  the 
people  of  New  England.  He  adds,  that  the  Canadians 
were  much  dilTatisfied  with  their  governor,  for  fuffering 
Mr.  Dudley's  fon*  to  remain  fome  time  at  Quebec,  under 
pretence  of  hnifliirig  the  treaty,  and  for  permitting  a 
New  England  brigantine  to  go  up  and  down  the  river."t 

Another  negociation  the  next  year  had  a  lefs  defiral)le 
eifect.  William  Rowfe  was  fent  in  a  fmall  veflel  to  Nova 
Scotia  as  a  flag  of  truce.  He  tarried  there  a  long  time, 
and  brought  back  only  feventeen  prifoners.     Being  fent 

a  fecond 

*  Afterwards  colonel  Dudley,  the  governor's  youn;reft  fou,  many  ytrais  a  niemh.r 
of  the  houfe,  fpeakcr,  and  then  of  the  council,  defcrvedly  e(tcemcd  and  conftanti/ 
employed  in  the  moft  important  fervlces  of  government. 

f  Thomas  Hinkley,  cl'tjuirc,  many  years  governor  ©f  Plymouth  colony,  d^;;^  at 
Barnflable  aged  74. 


142  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  IL 

a  fecond  time,  he  brought  no  more  than  feven.  Much 
greater  numbers  were  expelled,  confidering  the  time  fpent 
in  procuring  them.  Upon  his  laft  return,  it  was  charged 
upon  him,  that  inftead  of  employing  his  time  in  redeem- 
ing captives,  he  had  been  trading  with  the  enemy  and  fup- 
plying  them  with  ammunition  and  other  (lores  of  war. 
Rowfe,  upon  examination,  was  committed  to  prifon. 
Samuel  Vetch,  afterwards  colonel  Vetch,  and  governor  of 
Nova  Scotia  ;  John  Borland,  a  merchant  of  note  in  Bof- 
ton,  and  Roger  Lawfon,  were  all  apprehended  and  exam- 
ined, and  bound  to  anfwer  at  the  fuperior  court.  There 
was  a  general  clamour  through  the  province  ;  and  it  was 
ivhifpered  about  that  the  governor  was  as  deeply  concern- 
ed as  any  of  the  reft  ;  and  fuch  reports  againft  a  governor 
as  eafily  obtain  credit,  with  many,  without  grounds  as 
with.*  The  houfe  of  reprefentatives  took  thefirft  oppor- 
tunity of  fatisfying  themfelves.  It  was  fuggefted  there, 
that  the  fuperior  court  had  no  cognizance  of  the  offence ; 
and  that  admitting  Nova  Scotia  to  be  part  of  the  province, 
yet  it  was  not  within  the  bounds  of  any  county,  and  there 
was  no  authority  but  the  general  court  that  could  pun- 
ifh  it.  (The  carrying  the  goods  from  Bofton,  and  the 
confpiracy  there,  were  not  confidered.)  Befides,  no  per- 
fons  could  be  fuppofed  to  have  the  public  intereft  fo  much 
at  heart,  and  none  fo  like  to  fearch  to  the  bottom.  They 
thereupon  refolved,  that  the  fuperior  court  had  not  jurif- 
diftion,  and  that  a  parliamentary  inquiry  was  neceflary  ; 
and,  in  imitation  of  the  houfe  of  commons,  they  framed 
articles  of  accufation  and  impeachment  againft  the  fev- 
eral  perfons  apprehended,  for  traitcroufly  fupplying  the 
queen's  enemies,  &c.  Thefe  were  figned  by  the  fpeaker, 
and  fent  by  a  committee  to  the  council,  (June  25)  pray- 
ing "  that  fuch  proceedings,  examinations,  trials  and 
judgments  may  be  had  and  ufed  upon  and  relating  to  the 
faid  perfons  as  is  agreeable  to  law  and  juftice."  It  was 
expeded  that  the  council  fhould  proceed  as  the  houfe  of 
lords  do  upon  an  impeachment.  No  wonder  the  council 
did  not  immediately  proceed.  In  trying  a  capital  offence 
it  behoved  them  to  be  well  fatisfied  of  their  jurifdidion. 

No 

*  Tam  Jii}i  praviqtte  tenax  ([uam  nuncia  vert.     ViR. 


f7o6.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  143 

No  notice  is  taken  of  the  affair  in  the  council  books  for 
above  a  fortnight.  The  governor  fat  every  day  in  coun- 
cil, and  he  flill  continued  the  praclice  of  directing  every 
day  upon  what  bufmefs  the  council  fliould  proceed.  It 
having  been  reported  that  the  houfe,  in  their  examination 
of  the  prifoners,  inquired  how  far  the  governor  was  con- 
cerned, on  the  9th  of  July  they  palled  a  vote,  vindicating 
themfelves  from  an  afperfion  caft  uport-them,  as  having, 
in  the  examination  of  the  prilbners,  made  it  the  fird 
queftion,  whether  the  governor  was  not  concerned  with 
them  in  the  unlawful  trivde  ;  wickedly  infmuating  that 
the  houfe  had  fufpicion  thereof,  which  they  deelared  to  be 
utterly  falfe;  and  they  thanked  his  excellency  for  his  ut- 
moft  readinefs  and  forwardnefs,  upon  all  occafions,  in  de- 
te£ling  and  difcouraging  all  fuch  illegal  trade  and  traders 
For  this  the  governor  gave  them  thanks. 

Before  the  13th  of  July,  the  houfe  were  either  convinc- 
ed that  the  form  of  proceeding  \vas  irregular,  or  elfe 
that  they  could  not  fupport  the  charge  of  high  treafon, 
and  ordered  a  bill  t;o  be  brought  in  for  infiicling  pains 
and  penalties  ;  fome  moved  for  a  bill  of  attainder,  but 
the  court  being  near  rifmg,  a  mefTage  was  fent  lo  the 
governor,  defiring  that  the  prifoners  charged  might  be 
kept  in  clofe  cuflody  until  the  next  felTion,  in  order  to 
further  proceeding  againil  them. 

At  the  next  feiTion^i  few  weeks  after,  the  perfcns  charge 
ed,  with  two  or  three  other  accomplices  of  lefs  note,  were 
brought  upon  trial  before  the  whole  court  ;  the  govern- 
or's fon,  Paul  Dudley,  the  queen's  attorney,  fupporting 
the  charge.  The  prifoners  wei^e  heard  by  council  in  their 
defence.  The  court  pronounced  them  all  to  be  guilty, 
and  then  proceeded  to  determine  their  punilhment.  A 
committee  of  the  two  houfes  reported  a  fine  of  loool.  on 
Mr.  Borland  and  three  months'  imprifonment  ;  350!.  on 
RogerLawfon  and  three  months' imprifonment  ;  400I.  ou 
Samuel  Vetch  and  one  year's  imprifonment  ;  loool.  on 
William  Rowfe,  one  year's  imprifonment  and  incapacity 
of  fuftaining  any  office  of  public  truft  ;  lool.  on  John 
Philhps,  jun.  and  one  year's  imprifonment ;  and  lool.  on 
Ebenezer  Coffin.     The  houfe  accepted  this  report,  wkh 

an 


144  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  II. 

an  addition  to  Rowfe's  punifliment,  that  he  fit  an  hour 
upon  the  gallows  with  a  rope  about  his  neck :  but  the 
board  difagreed  to  and  reduced  all  the  fines  except  Rowfe's, 
and  difagreed  to  the  infamous  part  of  his  punifhment. 
After  a  conference  between  the  two  houfes,  they  fettled 
the  penalties  as  follows,  viz.  on  Vetch  a  fine  of  200I. 
Borland  11  col.  Lawfon3ooL  Rowfe  1200I.  and  incapac- 
ity ;  Phillips  loot  and  CofEn  60I.  all  to  (land  committed 
until  the  fines  and  coils  of  profecution  were  paid  ;  and 
fix  feparate  ads  palfed  the  whole  court  for  thefe  purpofes. 
By  a  claufe  in  the  charter,  the  general  court  is  empow- 
ered to  impofe  fines,  imprifonments  and  other  punifh- 
ments,  and  in  confequence  of  this  claufe  the  proceeding 
was  thought  to  be  regular  ;  but  the  queen  did  not  think 
fo,  and  thefe  acls  were  difallowed.*     The  governor  was 

.  under 

*  "  At  the  court  at  Kenfington  the  a4th  of  September,  1707,  prefent  the  queen'a 
jnoft  excellent  majefty,  his  royal  highnefs  prince  George,  lord  archbilhop  of  Can- 
terbury, lord  Chancellor,  lord  Treafurer,  lord  Privy  Seal,  lord  Steward,  earl  of  Sun- 
derland, earl  of  Berkeley,  lord  blfhop  of  London,  lord  Coningfby,  Mr.  Bertie, 
Mr.  Vice-Chamberlain,  lord  chief  juftice  Holt,  lord  chief  juftice  Trevor,  Sir  Charles 
Hedges,  Mr.  Vernon.  ., 

"  V/hereas  by  pov/ers  granted  under  the  great  feal  of  England,  to  the  governor 
cr  commander  in  chief  of  her  majelly's  province  of  Maflachufetts  Bay  in  New  En- 
glandy  in  America,  the  governor,  council  and  aflembly  of  that  province  are  authorifed 
and  empowered  to  make,  conflitute  and  ordain  laws,  ftatutes  and  ordinances  for  the 
public  peace,  welfare  and  good  government  of  the  faid  province,  which  laws,  ftatutes 
and  ordinances  are  to  be  (as  near  as  conveniently  may  be)  agreeable  to  the  laws  and 
ilatutes  of  England,  and  to  be  tranfmitted  to  her  majefty  for  her  royal  approbation 
or  difallowance  of  them.  And  whereas,  in  purfuance  of  faid  powers,  there  have 
been  paffed  in  the  faid  province,  the  7th  of  Augufl;,  fix  adte,  intitled,  viz.  An  a6t  for 
the  punlfiiment  of  Samuel  Vetch,  efquire,  for  high  mifdemeanor.  An  adl  for  the 
puniihment  of  John  Borland,  merchant,  for  high  mifdemeanor.  An  adt  for  the  pun- 
ifliment  of  Roger  Lawfon,  merchant,  for  high  mifdemeanor.  An  adl  for  the  pun^ 
ifhment  of  William  Rowfe,  mariner,  late  commander  of  the  floop  Ann,  a  flag  of 
truce  in  the  immediate  fervice  of  her  majefly's  government  of  this  province,  for  hig^i 
mifdemeanor.  An  ad  for  the  puniihment  of  John  Phillips,  jun.  for  high  mifde- 
meanor. An  aA  for  the  puniihment  of  Ebenezer  Coffin,  mariner,  for  high  mifde- 
meanor. The  faid  feveral  perfons  above-mentioned  having  been  accufed  of  trading 
with,  the  French  and  Indians  at  Nova  Scotia  ;  which  faid  feveral  a6ls  having  been 
perufed  and  well  confidered  by  the  lords  commiffioners  of  trade  and  plantations,  who 
by  their  report,  this  day  read  at  the  board,  humbly  reprefent  their  opinion,  that  the 
faid  afts  are  not  fit  for  her  majefty's  royal  approbation,  the  crimes  in  the  faid  feveral 
ads  mentioned  being  in  nowife  cognizable  before  the  general  aflembly  there,  in  re- 
gard they  have  no  power  to  proceed  againft  criminals,  fuch  proceedings  being  left  to 
the  courts  of  law  there,  in  which  they  may  beft  be  carried  on  by  the  ordinary  rules 
and  known  methods  of  juftice  :  her  majefty  taking  the  fame  into  confideration  and 
approving  of  the  faid  report,  is  gracloufly  pleafed,  with  the  advice  of  her  privy  coun- 
cil, hereby  to  declare  her  royal  difapprobatlon  and  difallowance  of  the  faid  ads  ;  and 
purfuant  to  her  majefty's  pleafure  thereupon,  the  faid  ads  are  hereby  repealed  and 
declared  void  and  of  no  effed.  And  her  majefty  is  further  pleafed  to  order,  and  it 
is  accordingly  hereby  ordered,  that  the  fines  impofed  upon  the  faid  Samuel  Vetch, 

John 


1706-] 


MASSACHUSETTS.  145 


under  a  difadvantage,  any  obflrud;ion  to  the  tv/o  houfes 
would  have  been  improved  as  an  evidence  of  the  truth  of 
the  reports  of  his  being  particcps  criniinis  ;  his  compHance 
did  not  fatisfy  the  people.  An  ill  imprcfllon  againfl  pcr- 
fons  in  authority  is  not  eafily  effaced.  Several  perlbns, 
fome  in  Bofton,  the  mod  in  London,  figned   a  petition,* 

full 

John  Borland,  Rcp;cr  Lawfon,  William  Rowf?,  Ebcnezcr  Cofnn  and  John  Pliillips, 
by  virtue  of  the  afore-mcnticned  adls,  be  rtftored  and  paid  hack  to  them,  they  firft 
giving  fufficient  furety,  not  exceeding  the  value  of  the  rcfpcAive  fines,  to  frand  a 
new  legal  trial  at  law,  if  theyi  fhould  hz  prcfecuted  within  a  year  after  their  enter- 
ing into  fuch  fecurity  ;  but  in  cafe  they  be  not  profecutcd  within  the  term  of  one 
year,  for  the  crimes  mentioned  in  the  faid  acfts,  that  the  faid  fccuritics  be  void.  And 
the  governor  or  commander  in  chief  of  her  majefty's  faid  province  of  New  England, 
and  all  others  whom  it  may  concern,  are  to  take  notice  of  this  her  rnajefly's  pLafure, 
and  yield  all  due  obedience  hereunto  accordingly.  £o'ivard  Soui/jtvell." 

The  power  of  making  laws  feems  to  be  undcrftood  by  the  lords  of  trade  to  be 
founded  upon  the  commifTion  to  the  governor.  Perhaps  a  fomi  ufed  in  allowing  or 
difallowing  aifls  of  the  royal  governments,  without  tonfidering  the  charter,  v^as  ta- 
ken up  for  Maflachufctts. 

*  "  To  the  queen's  moil  excellent  maj,'{!:y. 

•"  The  tumble  petition  of  your  majejiy's  mojl  loyal  f:bjc£isy  inhabitants  in  your  majejly  s  da- 
millions  in  America  or  trading  thereto,  Jhciveth^ 

"  That  colonel  Jofeph  Dudley,  whofe  arbitrary  and  tyrannical  proceedings  had 
expofcd  him  to  the  jufi  refentments  of  his  countrymen  before  the  liappy  revolution, 
hath  been  ncvertheleis  fo  fortunate  as  to  obtain  the  government  of  the  Maflachufetts 
colony  in  New  England. 

"  That  your  petitioners  are  certainly  informed  of  divers  unheard-of  corruptions 
and  opprefllons,  and  unjufl  and  partial  pradices  of  the  faid  Dudley,  on  which  they 
might  ground  many  complaints  againft  him  ;  but  they  are  fo  fcnfible  of  the  immi- 
nent danger  which  threatens  your  majefty's  fubjefts  in  this  and  the  neighbouring 
colonies,  through  his  mal  adminiftration,  that  they  at  this  time  beg  leave  humbly 
and  fingly  to  reprefent  to  your  majefty, 

♦'  That  tlxe  faid  Dudley  hath  countenanced  a  private  trade  and  correfpondence 
with  your  majefty's  enemies,  the  French  of  Canada  and  the  Indians  which  are  in 
their  intereft,  and  furnifliing  them  with  ammunition  and  provifions- 

"  That  the  perfons  m.anaging  the  faid  correfpondence  pretended  a  voyage  to  New- 
foundland, and  being  arcufed  of  high  treafon  by  the  general  affembly  of  New  En- 
gland, the  faid  governor,  by  his  intereft  and  power, .delayed  their  profecution  till  the 
ammunition  he  had  lurnifhcd  the  enemy  was  ufed  by  them  to  the  dcftruAion  of  yo'.r 
majefty's  good  fubjedts,  and  thai  colony  thereby  put  to  thirty  thoufand  pounds  charjre. 

"  That  many  of  the  beft  and  moft  prudent  members  of  the  lower  houfe  of  repr-?' 
fcntatives  being  tired  with  his  delays,  and  necelfitatcd  to  go  home  and  defend  th::r 
plantations  from  the  enemy,  he  prevailed  v/iththofe  that  remained,  who  were  f.-ar:c 
a  number  to  make  a  houfe,  that  the  accufation  againft  his  agents'ftiould  be  ch.\n:^i 
from  treafon  to  mifdemeanor  ;  and  they  being  convicfted,  he  laboured  to  mitiv  :c 
their  fines  ;  all  which  was  fo  apparent  to  the  people  of  New  England,  that  t:.:/ 
threatened  to  pull  down  his  houfe. 

"  That  he  had  the  confidence,  neverthelefs,  to  apply  to  the  general  affembly  for  an 
addrefs  to  your  majefty  in  his  favour  :  but  this  application  was  received  with  a  gen- 
eral murmur  and  contempt,  and  nothing  done  therein.  And  although  hi;  hath  fince 
endeavoured  to  obtain  your  majefty's  good  opinion,  by  collecting  a  number  of  names, 
of  perfons  under  his  command  and  influence,  to  give  him  a  charadtei",  your  petition- 
ers, who  apprehend  their  wives,  families  and  cftates  to  he  in  imminent  danger  under 
fuch  a  governor,  do  therefore  humbly  pray,  that  faid  Dudley  may  be  fpeedily  remov- 
ed, and  that  your  majefty  would  be  plcafed  to  give  fuch  diredlicns  thereupon  as  to 

your 


146  THE  HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  II, 

full  of  inveQ:ives  againfl  the  governor,  which  was  prefent- 
ed  to  the  queen.  Upon  information  of  this  petition,  the 
council  and  houfe  of  reprefentatives  paiTed  votes  declaring 
their  fenfe  of  the  injury  done  the  governor  by  the  perfons 
figning  this  petition  or  addrefs.*  Mr.  Higginfon,  who  is 
at  the  head  of  the  petitioners,  w^as  originally  of  New  Eng- 
land and  educated  at  Harvard  college  ;  afterwards  he  trav- 
elled to  the  Eaft  Indies,  and  upon  his  return  became  a 
merchant  in  London,  was  a  member  of  the  corporation 
for  propagating  the  gofpel  among  the  Indians  of  New 
England,  5cC.  and  had  fo  good  intereft,  that  fome  perfons 

of 

your  majefly's  great  wifclom  Ihall  feem  meet,  and  your  petitioners  as  in  duty  liound 
fnall  ever  pray. 

Nath.  Higginfon^  William  Partridge*  Steph.  Mafon,  John  Caivley,  Thorn.  Taylor, 

JB.  IVright,  Richard  Partrrdge,\  Thomas  Allen ^\  Jofeph  BiJkep,Hugh  MuJ[on,Alex. 

H-olmesy  Michael  Wilfon,   John  Bur  ridge  y   IVill.  IVharion,  John  Hinds  t,\\    Thomas 

Neivton,  John  Morton,  J.  IVright,  Francis  Clarky  Jno.  Bulfnch. 

"  Read  before* the  queen  in  conncii,  at  Kcnfmgton,  the  loth  of  June,  and  ordered 

to  be  heard,  at  Windfor,  the  aSth  of  the  fame  month,  before  her  majefty  in  council." 

Stephen  Mafon  was  appointed  one  of  the  afliflants  pr  counfellors  by  the  charter. 

*  "  Upon  reading  the  copy  of  an  addrefs  to  her  majefly  againft  his  excellency,  our 
prefent  governor,  figned  Nath.  Higginfon,  &c.  Voted,  that  we  firmly  believe  and 
are  of  opinion,  that  the  allegations  therein,  of  the  governor's  trading  or  allowing  a 
trade  with  her  majefty's  enemies  the  French  and  Indians  in  their  interefl:,  is  a  fcan- 
♦iajous  and  wicked  accufation  ;  the  contrary  being  always  apparent  to  all  her  majef- 
ty's good  fubjeAs  under  his  government,  more  especially  to  this  board,  and  in  par* 
ticular  to  the  general  officers  attending  his  excellency,  as  the  fecretary  and  commif- 
fary  general ;  his  negociations  and  letters  with  the  agents  or  meffengers  from  the 
French  governor  or  cpmmanders  of  the  neighbourhood  being,  from  time  to  time, 
laid  before  the  council  and  the  affembly  vi^hen  they  have  been  fitting,  an<i  arc  fenfil*^o 
of  his  indefatigable  care  and  protedtion  of  his  majefty's  good  fubjeds.  Paffed  unan- 
imoully."      Couitcil  records. 

"  A  vote  paffed  in  the  hotife  of  reprefentatives  and  fent  up,  being  in  the  wordt 
following — Upon  reading  the  addrefs  offered  to  her  majefty  againft  his  excellency 
our  prefent  governor,  figned  Nath.  Higginfon,  &c.  Voted,  that  we  firmly  believe 
and  ar€  of  opinion,  that  the  allegations  therein,  of  the  governor's  trading  or  allowing 
Vetch,  Borland  and  Lawfon  to  trade  with  her  majefty's  enemies  the  French  and 
the  Indians,  in  their  intereft,  is  a  fcandalous  and  wicked  accufation."     Idem, 

The  vote  of  council  was  imanimous  ;  but  Samuel  Sewall,  Isng  known  by  his  title, 
judge  Sewall,  being  in  intimate  friendfhip  with  fcmie,  who  at  that  time  had  a  very 
bad  opinion  of  the  governor,  was  either  influenced  by  them  and  perfuaded  he  had 
gone  too  far  in  giving  his  affent  to  this  vote,  or  for  fome  other  reafons,  Was  fo  diffatif- 
fied  with  his  conduit,  that  he  could  not  be  eafy  without  declaring  his  diffatisfadtion 
and  protefting  or  remonftrating  againft  hkown  conduA.  The  original  paper  which 
he  fent  to  ohe  of  thofe  friends  is  ftill  preferved. 

"  Tiiefday,  November  ^^„  I707. 

"  The' reafons  of  my  withdrawing  my  vote  from  what  was  paffed  in  council,  upon 
Saturday,  November  the  firft,  relating  to  an  addrefs  offered  to  her  majefty,  figned 
Kath.  Higginfon,  &c.  '    *'  Becaufe 

*  Late  liiutcnant  governor  of  N.  Hampjhire.  f  Son  to  lieutenant  governoir  Partridge^ 

\  Sony  it  is  fuppofedy  to  gcverv.or   Allen  of  N.   Hampjliire. 
I  Formerly  a  N.  Kampjhire  nunfeUor. 


1706.]  MASSACHUSETTS.       '         147 

of  note  by  their  letters  fignlfled  that  they  thought    the 
two  houfes  impolitic  in  the  feverity  of  their  expreflions, 
\vhich,  from  being  their  friend,  might  at  lead  caufe  him 
^o  become  cool  and  indifferent. 

Befides  this  petition,  a  pamphlet  from  New  England 
appeared  about  the  fame  time  in  London,  charging  the 
governor  with  treafonable  correfpondence,  and  it  was  ex- 
pelled that  his  enemies  would  prevail.  Mr.  Povcy  wrote 
to  him  from  London,  that  he  mufl  prepare  to  receive  the 
news  of  being  fuperfeded  ;*  but  he  was  fo  fortunate,  as 
either  to  convince  the  queen  and  her  miniflers  of  his  in- 
nocence, or  by  fome  other  means  to  lay  the  ftorm  which 
had  been  raifed  againfl  him.  The  charge  of  fupplying 
the  enemy  with  ammunition  is  incredible.  Thofe  perfons 
who  were  convicted,  had  he  been  an  accomplice,  would 
have  difcovered  him.  He  left  them  to  fuffer  fuch  punifh- 
ment  as  the  court  thought  proper  to  infli(^.  There  was 
no  certainty  that  the  a£ls  would  be  repealed,  and 
after  they  were  repealed  fome  remained  long  in  prif- 
on  ;  Rowfe  lay  there  eighteen  months,  unable  to  find 
fecurity.  The  whole  that  appeared  upon  the  trial, 
was  an  invoice  of   loom,   of  nails,  which,    at  the    re- 

quefl 

"  Bccaufemy  motion,  for  leaving  the  confideration  of  it  till  the  Monday  following, 
was  not  admitted,  and  it  was  entered  upon  and  paffed  about  noon,  in  a  very  ihort 
time,  being  a  matter  of  great  concernment  to  our  liege  lady  queen  Anne,  to  the  prov- 
ince, to  his  excellency  our  governor,  and  to  the  council  and  reprefentatives.  The 
governor's  ptrfonal  intereft  was  much  in  it,  and  therefore,  I  humbly  conceive,  the 
vote  ought  to  have  been  debated  and  framed  by  the  members  of  council,  apart  by 
themfelves,  in  the  abfence  of  the  governor. 

"  The  words Jirmly  beliei'e,  and  alivays  apparent,  were  never  pleafing  to  me  ;  and 
now  I  do  not  firmly  believe  that  the  governor  did  no  way  allow  Mr.  Borland  and 
Capt.  Vetch  their  trading  voyage  to  her  majefty's  enemies  the  French,  ^i  non  vetat 
peccare,  curp  poJfit,jubet.  Not  that  I  fufpev^l  the  governor  defigned  to  hurt  the  prov- 
ince, but  to  gratify  _fr^7/£/'w/ merchants.  And  I  readily  and  thankfully  acknowledge 
the  governor's  orders,  for  the  defence  of  the  frontiers,  to  be  truly  excellent,  both  re- 
fpcifting  the  fuitablenefs  of  the  orders  themfelves  and  the  quicknefs  of  their  difpatch  ; 
and  I  blefs  God  for  the  fuccefs  that  has  attended  them. 

"  I  have  been  acquainted  with  Mr.Nath.  Higginfon  thefe  forty  years,  and  I  cannot 
judge  the  offering  this  addrefs  to  her  majefky  to  be,  in  him,  a  fcandalous  and  wicked 
accufation,  until  1  Itnow  his  inducements  ;  and  I  fear  this  cenfure  may  be  of  ill  con- 
fequence  to  the  province  in  time  to  come,  by  difcouraging  perfons  of  worth  and  prob- 
ity to  venture  in  appearing  for  them,  though  the  nQccflity  fliould  be  never  fo  great. 

Samuel  Srwall.^* 

*  .Sir  William  Alhurft  writes — "  London,  May  lo,  1707.  As  to  Mr.  Dudley, 
though  he  may  meet  with  fome  with  you  that  will  facrifice  their  cnuntjy  and  con- 
fciences  to  his  intereft,  I  can  aflure  you  he  will  not  meet  with  ;  ny  fuch  here.  1  doubt 
not  but  in  a  little  time  he  will  be  Succeeded  by  a  more  worthy  perfon,  and  the  coun- 
try freed  from  his  oppreflions." 


148  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  IIv 

quell  of  the  governor  of  Port-royal,  Mr.  Dudley  allow- 
ed to  be  fhipped.  This  was  foundation  enough,  though 
in  no  degree  criminal,  to  give  rife  to  all  the  calumny.  It 
is  not  improbable,  from  the  remonftrance  of  Mr.  Sewall^ 
who  was  a  perfon  of  great  integrity,  that  connivance  might 
be  ihevv^n  of  fome  fupplies  of  merchandize,  and  that  thi^ 
indulgence  might  be  abufed  to  the  fupply  of  powder,  Ihot, 
&c.  contrary  to  the  governor's  mind.  It  was  the  general 
opinion,  that,  without  thefe  fuppHes,  the  French  could 
not  have  proceeded  in  their  expedition  againft  Newfound, 
land,  where  the  harbours  this  year  were  much  fpoiled, 
and  great  lofs  and  damage  were  fuftained,  not  by  the  Eu- 
ropeans only,  but  by  the  New  Englanders,  who  had  then 
large  commerce  there.* 

That  I  might  finifh  what  relates  to  this  profecution, 
which  was  a  fubjed  of  converfation  for  many  years  after, 
I  have  been  led  a  year  or  two  forv/ard.  I  meet  with  no 
remarkable  devaftations  by  the  enemy  in  1705,  but,  in 
April,  1706,  they  renewed  their  inroads  and  murdered 
eight  or  ten  people  in  one  houfe  at  Oyfler  river.  There 
was  a  garrifon  houfe  near,  where  the  women  of  the  neigh- 
bourhood had  retreated,  their  hufbands  being  abroad  at 
their  labour,  or  abfent  upon  other  occafions.  This  houfe 
being  attacked,  the  women  put  on  their  hufbands'  hats 
and  jackets,  and  let  their  hair  loofe,  to  make  the  appear- 
ance of  men  ;  and  firing  brifkly  from  the  flankarts,  faved 
the  houfe  and  caufed  the  enemy  to  retreat. 

Colonel  Schuyler  gave  intelligence  of  two  hundred  and 
feventy  men  having  marched  from  the  frontiers  of  Cana- 
da, 

*  There  were  fome  who  fuppofed  this  affair  to  be  brought,  by  the  governor's  in- 
fluence, before  the  general  court,  to  prevent  its  being  carried  into  the  common  law 
courts,  where  the  trial  would  have  been  public,  and  where  he  could  not  have  fet  lim- 
its to  the  inquiry.  If  this  was  the  cafe,  it  fliews  that  he  was  no  contemptible  poli- 
tician, for  they  who  were  the  moll  difaffeded  to  him  in  the  general  court  were  the 
moil  zealous  for  taking  cognizance  of  jt. 

"  The  whole  affair  of  thofe  grateful  merchants  will  by  degrees  be  brought  to 
light,  yea,  it  is  already  fo,  and  the  communications  between  Roxbury  and  the  prifoa 
are  difcovercd,  will  be  publifhed  on  the  houfe-top,  and  fome  fear  it  will  be  found 
minor  fiiit  ipfa  infamia  viro.  A  trial  of  that  nature  by  the  general  affembly  is  a  thing 
which  you  had  always  decried  with  the  greateft  abhorrence  ;  yet  you  permitted  it, 
yet  you  promoted  it,  yet  you  managed  it  when  a  perfonal  advantage  might  come  out 
of  it.  The  people  were  enfnared,  the  country  endangered."  €.  Matter's  letter  .t9 
Dudley,  Jan.  20,  I707. 

A  fmall  fum  (600I.)  was  colledied  in  the  churches  this  year  and  fent  for  the  relief 
of  iuch  of  the  poor  inhabitants  of  St.  Chriftophers  as  had  been  diftrcffed  by  the  enemy. 


1706.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  149 

da,  which  was  an  alarm  to  all  the  frontiers  of  New  En- 
gland ;  for  it  was  uncertain  upon  which  part  they  would 
fall.  They  made  their  firfl:  appearance  upon  Merrimack 
river,  about  Dunflable,  furprifed  and  burned  a  garrifon 
houfe  there,  in  which  twenty  foldiers  were  polled,  and 
did  other  mifchief.  Five  of  their  Indians,  probably  from 
the  fame  party,  ventured  down  as  far  as  Reading,  about 
fifteen  or  eighteen  miles  from  Boflon,  furprifed  a  poor 
woman,  who  had  eight  children  with  her  in  a  lone  cot- 
tage, killed  the  woman  and  three  of  the  children,  and 
carried  away  the  reft  ;  but  the  diftant  inhabitants  were 
alarmed  time  enough  to  overtake  them  in  their  retreat, 
and  recovered  three  of  the  children.  Chelmsford,  Sud- 
bury, Groton,  Exeter,  Dover  and  other  plantations  had 
more  or  lefs  of  their  people  killed  or  taken  ;  fome  of  the 
latter  they  murdered  before  they  could  reach  Canada, 
others  very  narrowly  efcaping.  A  poor  woman,  Rebek- 
ah  Taylor,  after  the  mifery  of  a  long  travel  to  St.  Law- 
rence river,  near  to  Montreal,  having  offended  her  Indian 
mafter,  he  took  off  his  belt  and  faftened  one  end  of  it 
round  her  neck  and  threw  the  other  over  the  limb  of  a 
tree  ;  but  the  weight  of  her  body  broke  the  limb.  He 
was  making  a  fecond  attempt,  when  the  noted  Bomazeen 
came  by  and  refcued  her.  In  their  march,  their  hunting 
failing,  they  were  kindhng,  a  fire  to  roaft  a  child  of  one 
Hannah  Parfons,  when  a  ftrange  dog,  falling  in  their  way, 
fupphed  the  child's  place.  A  Groton  foldier,  Samuel 
Butterfield,  defended  himfelf  bravely  and  killed  one  of 
their  chiefs.  This  occafioned  a  difpute  about  the  kind  of 
punilhment,  fome  being  for  burning  alive-,  others  for 
whipping  to  death.  It  was  left  to  the  dead  man's  widow 
to  determine  it.  She  told  them,  that,  if  killing  the  prif- 
oner  would  bring  her  hulband  to  life,  fhe  cared  not  what 
kind  of  death  he  fuffered,  but  if  not,  ffie  defired  to  have 
him  for  a  Have  ;  and  her  requeft  was  granted. 

It  appears  by  the  French  accounts,  that  the  Indians 
themfelves  were  tired  with  the  war,  and  with  great  diffi- 
culty were  prevailed  upon  to  continue  it.  To  encourage 
them,  a  noted  chief,  dreaded  by  the  Englifh  upon  the 
frontiers  from  the  report  of  his  cruelties,  Nefcambouit, 

was 


150  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IL 

was  about  this  time  fent  by  M.  Vaudreuil  to  France,  to 
receive  his  reward  from  the  king  himfelf.  Upon  his  ap- 
pearance at  court,  he  held  out  his  arm,  and  bragged,  that 
with  that  arm  he  had  flain  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  his 
majeily's  enemies.  The  king  was  fo  much  pleafed,  that, 
as  was  then  reported,  he  knighted  him  and  fettled  a  pcn- 
fion  of  eight  livres  per  day  for  life. 

Charlevoix  attributes  the  diflrefs  of  the  New  Engend- 
ers to  their  refufal  of  a  neutrality  :  "  The  Abenakis  con- 
tinued to  lay  New-England  defolate  ;  Mr.  Dudley  either 
being  unwilling  or  afraid  to  accept  the  neutraUty  which 
had  been  propofed  for  that  province.  He  was  much  af- 
fected with  the  cries  of  the  inhabitants,  who  were  no  long- 
er able  to  improve  their  lands,  which  were  continually 
ravaged  by  the  Indians,  and  he  thought  the  only  way  to 
put  an  end  to  this  diflrefs  was  to  extirpate  the  French 
from  Acadie." 

Dudley  depended  upon  the  French  being  extirpated 
from  Canada  as  well  as  Acadie,  otherwife  he  would  have 
been  glad  of  a  neutrahty,  if  he  could  have  had  the  queen's 
leave  to  agree  to  it.  It  was  known,  that  an  armament 
was  intended  this  year  from  England  againft  the  French, 
either  in  Canada  or  Acadie,  or  both.  Troops  were  actu- 
ally deflined  for  this  fervice,  and  general  Maccartney  was 
to  have  commanded  ;  but  the  battle  of  Almanza,  in  Spain, 
made  fuch  an  alteration  in  affairs,  that  the  troops  could 
not  be  fpared,  and  the  expedition  was  laid  afide.  MafTa- 
chufetts  would  have  been  ready  with  the  forces  expected 
from  them  ;  and  it  was  determined  early  in  the  fpring, 
that  fuch  a  number  of  men  fhould  be  raifed  as  might  be 
fufHcient  for  the  reduction  of  Acadie,  although  no  alFifl- 
ance  came  from  England.  At  leafl  the  other  parts  of 
Nova  Scotia  might  be  ravaged;  but  for  Port-royal,  it 
was  doubted  whether  it  could  be  fubdued  :  however,  the 
fortrefs  there  was  "  to  be  infulted,  if  by  a  council  of 
w^ar  upon  the  place  it  fhould  be  found  practicable." 

One  thoufand  men  it  was  refolved  fhould  be  raifed  in 
MafTachufetts,  and  propofals  were  made  to  New  Hamp- 
fhire,  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Ifland  to  join.  Connecti- 
cut declined.     The  other  two  governments  alTifled,  and 

Mr, 


i^o;.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  15! 

Mr.  Dudley,  in  his  fpeech  to  the  affembly,  acknowledges 
that  he  had  received  a  very  honourable  affiflance  from 
Rhode  Illand,  and  a  proper  force  from  New  Hamplhire. 
The  naval  force  was  barely  fufficient  for  convoy,  there 
being  only  the  Deptford  man-of-war,  captain  Stukelcy,and 
the  province  galley,  captain  Southack.  The  command  of 
the  land  forces  was  given  to  colonel  Pvlarch,  who  had  be- 
haved well  at  Cafco  fort,  and  upon  fome  other  occafions  ; 
but  had  never  been  tried  in  any  fervice  where  other  tal- 
ents, befid^s  mere  natural  bravery,  were  neceflary.  The 
fleet  failed  from  Bofton  the  13th  of  May,  and  arrived 
the  26th  at  Port-royal.  March  immediately  landed,  with 
feven  hundred  men,  on  the  harbour  fide  ;*  colonel  Ap- 
pleton,  with  three  hundred  men,  landing  on  the  other 
fide.  The  next  day,  as  March  with  his  men  were  ad- 
vancing towards  the  fort,  they  difcovered  about  two  hun- 
dred of  the  enemy,  with  Subercas,  the  governor,  at  their 
head,  near  the  top  of  a  hill.  A  fhort  Ikirmiflif  enfued, 
and  Subercas  had  his  horfe  killed  under  him  ;  but  the 
numbers  being  very  unequal,  the  French  foon  retreated, 
leaving  two  of  their  number  killed,  and  having  wounded 
three  of  the  Englifli.  On  the  29th,  Appleton  and  his 
three  hundred  men  were  attacked  by  a  body  of  Indians, 
joined  by  about  fixty  Canadians  who  had  arrived  jufl  be- 
fore to  man  a  privateer  which  lay  in  the  harbour.  They 
killed  two  of  the  EngHlh,  and  then  retreated.  All  the 
inhabitants  forfook  their  houfes  and  retired  to  the  fort, 
which  was  well  garrifoned.  They  made  a  continual  fire, 
with  cannon  and  mortars,  upon  the  Englifh  camp  ;  but 
w^anted  fkilful  engineers  ;  very  few  of  their  Ihells  falling 
fo  as  to  be  any  annoyance.  The  Indians,  upon  every 
quarter  Ikulking  about,  lliot  down  every  man  who  ven- 
tured without  the  camp.  It  is  evident  that  our  forces 
were  very  diffident  of  fuccefs,  from  their  firft  landing  ; 
and  the  army  would  in  a  great  meafure  have  faved  their 
reputation,  if,  in  conformity  to  the  vote  of  the  court  for 
engaging  in  the  expedition,  they  had  at  a  council  of  war 

determined 

*  Charlevoix  fays,  they  had  twenty-four  veffels,  the  largeft  of  fifty  ^uns  ;  and 
that  they  landed  fifteen  hundred  mec  on  the  fide  where  the  fort  was,  and  dvc  hua- 
4red  ou  the  other  fide. 

f  Un  combat  vif.     CbarUxsh, 


152  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Cha^.  H. 

determined  not  to  attack  the  fort,  and  proceeded  to  rav- 
age the  country.  Some  intelligence,  which  they  had  re* 
ceived  of  the  difpofition  of  great  part  of  the  garrifon  to 
revolt,  feems  to  have  encouraged  them  more  than  any 
hopes  they  had  of  being  able  to  reduce  the  place  by  a 
regular  fiege  or  fudden  attack.  The  i3Lh  of  May,  at  a 
council  of  Vv-ar,  it  was  agreed,  "  that  the  enemy's  well 
difciplined  garrifon  in  a  ilrong  fort, .  was  more  than  a 
match  for  our  raw,  undifciplined  army."  They  open- 
ed their  trenches.,  notwithflanding,  and  in  three  or  four 
davs  they  had  made  fome  breaches,  and  determined  upon 
a  general  alTault  ;  but,  advancing  towards  the  fort  and 
finding  no  deferters  come  over,  they  altered  their  minds, 
and  the  6th  or  7  th  of  June  the  whole  army  were  re-em- 
barked. Colonel  Redknap,  the  engineer,  and  colonel 
Appleton  went  to  Boflon  for  further  orders  ;  the  reft  of 
the  army  to  Cafco-Bay.*  A  great  clamour  v/as  raifed 
at  Boilon  againft  March  and  Wainwright,  and  letters 
were  fent  them  from  thence,  fome  anonymous,  vilifying 
them  as  cowards  and  deferving  the  gallows.  They  charg- 
ed Appleton  with  being  the  firil  for  decamping,  but  own 
it  v/ould  have  been  to  no  good  purpofe  to  have  remained, 
as  there  v/as  no  profpect  of  carrying  the  fort.  Captain 
Stukeley,  of  the  Deptford,  gave  an  account  of  the  ftrength 
of  the  place,  and  added  that  he  hoped  the  fighting  men  at 
Boilon,  who  had  wrote  fo  many  fcurrilous,  vilifying  let- 
ters,  without  names,  would  be  fatisfied  that  regular,  well 
fortiiied  and  well  defended  forts  are  not  to  be  taken  by 
raw  men  ;  and  he  was  very  certain,  that  fifteen  hundred 
of  the  beft  of  them  would  come  back  again  as  the  army 
had  done. 

Mr.  Dudley,  notwithflanding  the  diffidence  exprefTed, 
thought  of  nothing  fhort  of  the  redudion  of  Port-royal 
from  the  beginning  ;  and  after  fo  great  expenfe  in  raifmg 
fuch  an  armed  force,  and  fo  little  diminution  of  it,  he  was 

loath 

*  "  The  ignorance,  Idlenefs  and  flothfulnefs  of  fome  of  our  officers,  malce  things 
go  on  not  fo  fmooth  as  dcfired,  and  by  the  difobedience  of  private  foldiers  we  loft 
two  men  this  day  in  our  very  fight,  fcalped  and  mangled  by  the  Indians.  Thefe  an^h, 
fome  other  difficulties  caufed  the  refult  of  a  council  of  war,  this  day  affembled,  whi.oh 
I  herewith  fend.  The  commander  in  chief  will  make  a  general  ravage  of  the  coun- 
try and  fea  coaft,  which  will  be  all  we  ftiall  do  at  this  time."  William  Dudley  if 
governor  Dudley,  ilji  May^  I7C>7. 


1707.]  Massachusetts.  153 

^  loath  to  give  over  the  defign,  and  fent  immediate  orders 
'   for  the  forces  to  remain  where  they  were,  whilil  he  con- 
fidered  of  further  meafures.     March  was  beloved  by  the 
foldiers  ;  befides,  his  courage  was  not  fufpeded,  although 
his  capacity  for  a  general  was  called  in  queftion.     It  was 
not,  therefore,  thought  proper  to  recal   him  ;  to  appoint 
a  general  officer  over  him  would    be  as  exceptionable. 
An  expedient  was  pitched  upon,  fuggeded  perhaps  by  the 
praftice  of  the  Dutch.     Three  gentlemen  of  the  council  ^ 
were  to  be  fent  to  the  army,  with  as  full  powers  to  fuper-  * 
intend  and  direct  the  proceedings  as  the  governor  himfelf 
would  have  had  if  prefent  in  perfon^     Colonel  Hutchin- 
^fon,  colonel  Townfend   and  Mr.   Leverett  were  pitched 
upon  for  this  purpofe.     They   embarked  the   middle  of- 
July  in  captain  Gerrilh,  \vith  about  one  hundred  recruits 
and^  feveral  deferters,  who  had  left  the  army  at  Cafco.* 
^tlpon   their  arrival  they  found  parties  formed  ;   among 
officers  and  men  no  fubordination  ;  a  coldnefs  in  the  offi- 
cers, and  an  averfion  in  the  privates  to  a  return  to  the 
ground  they  had  left.    But,  it  feems,  the  governor  had  made 
a  point  of  it,  that  at  all  events  the  army  fhould  go  back.f 
nl  find  a  roiind  robin  among  colonel   Hutchinibh*s  pa- 
pers, figned  by  a  great  number,  peremptorily  refufmg  to  ^ 
go  to  Port-royal  ;  but  the  ringleaders  being   difcovered* 
and  fecured,  whilil  their  fentence  was  under  confideration, 
the  refl:  humbled  themfelves  and  fubmitted,  and  the  (hips 
of  war  and  tranfports  failed.     They  (lopped  at  Paffima- 
quadi    about  the  7th   of  Auguft.     March's  fpirits  were 
broke  and  his  health  affetled,  fo  that  when  the  dlfpofition 
was  making  for  landing  the  army,  he  declared  himfelf  in- 
capable of  ading,  and  the  command  was  given  to  Wain- 

wright, 

*  They  were  not  chofen  by  'the  afTembly  ;  but  to  teep  the  power,  as  far  as  he 
could,  in  his  own  hands,  and  at  the  fame  time  obtain  a  grant  for  or  acqiuefcence  in 
the  expenfe,  the  governor,  in  this  and  other  itiftances,  pitched  upcn  fuch  pcrfons  as 
he  kntw  would  be  acceptable.  Hutchinfon  and  Townfend  were  popular  men,  and 
Leverett  had  been  fpeaker  of  the  houfe. 

f  We  have  fo  Ijttle  profpedl  of  any  fervice  from  the  marine,  after  we  have  taken 
the  ground,  that,  for  the  keeping  it,  we  muft  have  dependence  upon  our  other  force, 
^  being  only  feven  hundred  and  forty-three  officers  and  foldiers,  Uck,  and  well  ;  and 
they  are  fo  extremely  difpirited,  that  we  cannot  look  upon  them  equal  to  three  hun- 
dred efFeiflive  men.    However,  we  have  your  excellency's  commands,  which  we  yield 
^an  abfolute  obedience  to,  and  fliall  proceed." 

Cohntl  HuHhirfon':  Utter  to iovfinir  PuM.-y,  Capo^  ittb  July,  I707. 

Vol.  IL  L^ 


154  THE   mSTORY  OF  [Chap.  IL 

•UTight,  the  next  officer.  The  loth  of  Auguft  they  crofT-  -^^ 
ed  over  to  Port-royal  where  they  landed,  but  on  the  op- 
pofite  fide  to  the  fort,  and  in  every  refped  in  a  much 
worfe  condition  than  before.  The  nights  were  growing 
cold,  the  men  fickenhig,  and  the  army  in  general  incapa-  . 
hie  of  fuftaining  the  fatigues  of  a  fiege.  Wainwright's 
letter  to  the  eommi/Tioners,  Auguil  14,  lliews  the  (late 
they  were  in  :  '^  Our  not  recovering  the  intended  ground 
on  the  oppofite  fide  is^  a  mighty  advantage  to  the  enemy, 
in  that  they  have  opportunity,  and  are  improving  it,  for 
cafting  up  trenches  in  the  very  place  where  we  defigned 
to  land  and  draw  up  our  fmall  forces.  Yefterday  the 
French  5  about  eight  of  the  clock  forenoon,  on  the  fort  ^ 
point,  with  a  fmaii  party  of  St.  John's  Indians,  began  to 
fire  on  our  river  guards  and  fo  continued  u,ntil  about  three 
afternoon  ;  then  appeared  about  one  hundred  Indians 
and  French  upon  the  fame  ground,  who  kept  continually 
firing  at  us  until  dark.  Several  were  Ihot  through  their 
clothes,  and  one  Indian  through  the  thigh.  About  four 
in  the  afternoon,  I  fuffered  a  number  of  men,  about  forty 
or  fifty,  to  go  down  to  the  bank  of  the  river,  to  cut  thatch 
to  cover  their  tems.  All  returned  well,  except  nine  of 
captain  Dimmock's  men,  who  were  led  away  by  one 
Mansfield,  a  mad  fellow,  to  the  next  plantation  to  get 
cabbages  in  a  garden,  without  the  leave  and  againft  the 
V/ill  of  his  officer.  They  were  no  fooner  at  their  plunder, 
but  they  were  furrounded  by  at  leaft  one  hundred  French 
r.nd  Indians,  who  in  a  few  minutes  killed  every  one  of  v 
them,  their  bodies  being  mangled  in  a  frightful  manner.  ^ 
Our  people  buried  them,  and  fired  twice  upon  the  enemy  ; 
on  which  they  were  feen  to  run  towards  Our  out-guards 
next  the  woods,  which  we  immediately  flrengthened.  In-  ^ 
deed  the  French  have  reduced  us  to  the  fame  flate  to 
which  w^e  reduced  them,  at  our  lafl  being  at  Port-royal  ; 
furrounded  with  enemies,  and  judging  it  unfafe  to  proceed  , 
on  any  fervice  without  a  company  of  at  leafl;  one  hundred 
men.  I  fhal!  now  give  you  a  fhort  account  of  the  flate  of 
our  people,  truly,  as  deHvered  me  by  do^or  Ellis.  There 
is  a  confiderable  number  of  them  vifited  with  violent  flux- 
es,  and  although  we  have  things  proper  to  give  them,  yet 

^■-  dare^ 


^%    ^^^^^^  ^ 


4  A^ 

dare  riot  do  it ;    wfe^rs  taken  with  mighty  fwellings  iqi^ 
their  throats  ;  ©th^rs  filled  with  terror  at  the  confideratioii  ^ 

;'  of  a  fatal  event  of  the  expedition,  concluding  that  in  a 

'■  ihort  time  there  wilJ  no|:  be  wel}  enough  to  carry  off  the 

fick. 
%  '    ^'  I  am  diflreffed  to  know  which  way  to  keep  the  Indians    v 

t^      fteady  to  the  fervice.     They  proteft  they  will  draw  ofJ^    t! 
;  whatever  becomes  of  .thenj.     It  is  truly  aftonifhing  to  be- 
hold the  miferable  pollure  and  temper  that  n^oft  of  the       ' 
army  are  in,  befides  the  fmallnefs  of  our  number,  to  be 
attacked  by  the  enemy,  which  \ve  ^xpei^  £very  moment.    ♦ 
^^'  I  am  much  difordercd  in  my  health  by  a  great  cold. 

^      1  fhall  not  ufe  it  as  an  argument  to  be  drawn  off  myfelf, 

but,  as  you  are  maflers  of  the  affair,  lay  before  you  the    • 
true  ffate  of  the  army,  which  indeed  is  very  deplorable. 
I  fiiould  much  rejoice  to  fee  fome  of  you  here,  that  you      ^ 
mig^ht  be  proper  judges  of  it. 

^'  If  we  had  the  tranfports  with  us,it  would  be  impoffible^ 
without  a  miracle,  to  recover  the  ground  on  the  other 

^ '  fide,  and  i  believe  the  French  have  additional  ftrengtl;i    v 
£very  day.     In  fine,  mofh  of  the  forces  are  in  a  diftreSfed 
ftate,  fome  in  body  and  fome  in  mind,  and  the  longer  they 
are  kept  here  on  the  cold  ground  the  longer  it  will  grow    ^ 
^ipon  them,  and,  I  fear,  the  further  we  proceed  the  yorfe  ^ 
the  event.     God  help  us." 

*  iCaptai-n  Stukeley  had  given  encouragement,  that  he 

5vould  lead  on  an  hundred  of  his  own  -men  ;  but  the  bad     < 
flate  of  affairs  caufed  him  to  change  his  mind,  and  he  had    '^i 
•drawn  them  off  before  the  date  of  this  letter. 
"*         The  army  continued  aftore  jiiity  -the  20th,  'vvhen  they,    ^, 
^   -rcvembarked.     The  enemy  then  attacked  them.     Our  aog^^  ^ 
counts  ifay,  that  we  killed  and  wounded  many  of  the  ene-  J^ 
iivy,  and  -finally  put  them  to  flight.     The  French  fay,  tha^t    .^ 
-t)oth  retreated  by  turns.     Each  feem  to  have  been  glad  tp'  ^ 
•be  rid  of  the  other,     i^bout  fixteen  ^vere  killed  in  the 
whole  expedition,  and  as  many  wounded.     The  French, 
fmding  fo  few  dead  bodies,  fuppofed  \ve  thr^evv  them  into 
the  fea.  j^ 

m  When  the-forces  rret^Fned,  Mr.  Dudley  .put  the  bed     ^ 

fiVqe  Hjpon  their  ill  fuccefs.     ^n  his  -fpeech  to  the  allembly 


If 


«*  ^5      #   ^TllE  HIStcmY   OF     -^  "PC^iAFjt 

he- fays,  ''  Though  we  have  not  obtained  all  that  we  aefir- 
ed  againll;  tjie  enemy,,  yet  we  are  to  acl^nowledge  the  fat,      ^ 
^        your  of  God  in  preferving'our  forces  in  the  expedition^ 4^* 
aiid  profpering  them  fo  ftif  as  the  deftrucliori  of  the  FrencK*^ 
'  fSftlements  and  eftates.  In  and  about  Port-royal,  to  a  gre^*-^ 
.  ^   JF^^f  ?  whigh  niufl  need^  di^;-efs  the  enemy  to  a  veryiiU 
^  ^       great  degree.*^^^  •  _^       ^_  '•  ^^    ? 

ikj^  court-marpal  was  judged  neceflary^  and  orderedybuflJ* 
^  ^v^r  met*     The  act  of  the  provlhce  for  conftituting 
^TS'rrs  martia!  made  fo  many  officers  requifite,  that  it  was 
found  impraclicable  to  hold  one.*     This  muft  be  owing 
itOi'the  great  nuni!r)er  of  peribns  charged,  the  remainder 
"being  infuiUcient  to^lry  them^ 

Whilil:  the  forces  were  employed  againfl  the  French, 
the  Indians,  kept  haraiTingoiir' frontiers.  Oyfter  river^ 
Exeter,  Kingiloh  and  Dover  in  New  Hampiliire  govern- 
ment, and  Berwick,  York,  Wells,  Winter  harbour,  Caf* 
CO,  and  even  the  inland  town  of  Marlborough,  in  Maifachu- 
fetts,  faftained  lof|.  The  winter  following  paffed  without 
•  ^  inolefLation.f"^  Early  ijifthe.  fpnng,  Mr.  Littlefield,  the  ' 
lieutenant  of  Wells^,,traveiling  to  York,  was  taken  and 
carried  to*Canada.  J'c^Teveral  months  after,  the  enemy 
feemed  to  have  farfakem  the  frontiers.  It  afterwards  ap-' 
V  peared  that  they  were  colleding  their  forces  in  Canada 
ior  fome  important  ftroke. 

Schuyler  had  fuch  influence  over  the  French  Mohawks,- 

who  kept  a  conftant  trade  with  Albany,'that  they  inclined 

•'       ^Q^aaiiore  general  peace  with  the  Englifh  than  merely 

^  #»'^thof%^f^  ^^w  York.     The  French  difcovered  their  indif-* 

J^^  '^ference,  and,  to  keep  them  engaged,  a  grand  council  was 

^  'jfc-^alled  at  Montreal  the  beginning  of  this  year,  and  an  ex-    ** 

,  \   pedition  was  agreed  upon,  in  which  were  to  be  employed 

V  *lt    the  principal  Indians  6f  every  tribe  in  Canada,  the  Abena- 

kis  Indians,  and  one  hundred  Medi  French  Canadians,  and 

a  number  of  volunteers,  feveral  df  whom  were  officers  in 

'v        the  French  troops.     They  were  to  make  in  the  whole 

lburv,hundred  men.    .^  '■  ,^<  Dc 

Sf  .*!fGovenior's  fpeecli.  y 

♦  f  Noyeml>er'^z7,  1707,  died  JoIv.-i  Winthrop,  efquire,  goverftor  of  Conne(Siicut-. 

und  was  buried  at  Bofton,  December  4th.     The  bones  of  John  Winthrop,  the  firft 
>  jjovepnor  of  INIaffachufetts,  his  fon  and  grandfon,  two  governors  of  Conue<5ticut,    . 
'Veft  i#the  fame  tomb  in  the  firft  or  oldeft  burying  ground.  " 


i7oS.]  MA^sAcTiU^SETlrS.  ^  ^5? 

^De  Chaillons,  at^cf  Hertel  de  Rouville  (he  whofcicked  . 
Deerfield)  cominiindeJ  the  French,  and  La  Peniere  the 
Indians.    To  givc^the  lefs  alarm  to  the  P^nglilh,  the  PVicnch 
party,'  with  the  Algonquin  and  St.  Francois  and  Hurom  ■ 
Indians,  marched  by  the  way  of  the  river  St.  Francois :  L:i 
Perriere  and  the  French  Mohawks  went  by  lake  Cham- 
plain  :  they  were^to  rendezvous  at  lake.^Nikifjpiqijej  and 
there  the  Norridgewock,  Penobfcot  and  other  eaitern  in^Al 
dhms  were  to  join  them.     They  all  began  their  march  thuV 
1 6th  of  July,  but  the  liurons  gave  out  and  returned^bc- 
*  fore  they  arrived  at  St.  Francois  river.     One  ortli^m  had    ^ 

^  killed  his  companion  by  .accident,  which  they  thouglit'an 

'«^      *  ill  omen,  and  that  the  exp-^dition  would  prdVe  unfortunate. 

The  Mohawks  alfo  pretended,  that  fome  of  ^thejr  number  ^ 
were  taken  fick  of  an  ini^eclious  difteiTiper,  wfnch  wouki  ^ 
be  communicated  to  the  rerts'Vnd  they  returned  Vau- 
dreuil,  when  he  heard  thefe  accounts,  fent^orders  t6  his 
French  officers,  that,  .although  the  Algotiqnin  aind  S1. 
Francois  Indians  fhould  leave  tliem  alfo,  yej  they  ihouUl 
go  on,  and  fall  upon  fome  of  .our  fcattered.fettlenfents. 
^  When  the  Indians  are  tired  of  murdering^oor  hclplefi^ 
^  women  and  chjiidren,  VaudreuTi  employs  his  French  offi- 

''  cers  to  do  it.^  Thofe  Indians,  idwever,  did*  not^eave^ 
them,  and,  bemg  about  two  hunclred  in  all^  they  marcljetl 
between  four  and  five  hundred  «niles  through  th^^woods 
to  Nikipifique,  where  theyjfoun^  none  of  i^he  eaftern  In- 
dians. This  was  a  happy  dirappulutiuent  fjr  the  En-^liih. 
Had  the  whole  propofed  nuiiTiber  rendezvoufed  there, 
Newbury,  or  perhaps  Ponfinp^ih,  miglft  have  been  fur- 
^  prifed  and  deflro^eJ  ;'but  the  army  being  thu>  reduced, 
p.  Haverhill,  a  fmall  but  coiiip.ifl  village  was  p"t(^ied  upon. 

**      Intelligence  had  been  carriecj.  to  Bolton  that  aA  atmy  of 
eight  hundred  men  was-,  intended  for  feme  part  of  ihe 
frontiers,  but  it  was  uncertain  which.     Guards  were  it:i\t^ 
toFIaverhill  as  well  another  places ;  but  they  wxre  U31U3  in 
»*  th^^e  moil  expoied'parts  of  the  town, and  the  ^nemy  avoided 

'^         them  or  paffed  ondifcovered,  a'nd  the  29th  of  A'uguit^  about 
break  of  day,  furpriffd  the  body  of  the  town  adjoining 
I       ^"     to  Merrimack  riVer,  where  w^re  twenty  or  thirty  houfes  ' 
together,  fevcral  of  which  they  burned,  and  attempted  to 

burn 


^ 


158  **^%Hl^Isf  5r^^   of  [Chap.  U,      ^ 

♦feurrf'  tlie  meeting-houlfe,  but  failed.     The  reft  of  thft 
t    houfes  they  ranfacked  and  plundered*     Mr.  Rolfe,  the 
^inifter,  Wainwright,  the  captain  of  the  town,  and  thirty 
'^dr  forty  more,  the  French  fay  above  otie  hundred,  were  ,^ 
killed,   and  many  taken  prifoners.     Mr.   Rolfe's   maic^ 
jumped  out  of  bed  upon  the  alarm,  and  rati  with  his  tw5  , 
daughters  of  fix  or  eight  years  old  into  the  cellar,  and' 
'  '^^  covered  tljem  with  two  large  tubs,  which  the  Indians  neg- 
lected to  turti  over,  and  they   were  both   preferved.* 
Three  very  good  officers  were  at  that  time  in  the  town,  ma- 
*.  jor  Turner,!  captain  Price,  and  captain  Gardner,  all  of  Sa-» 
iem,  but  moft  of  their  men  were  pofted  at  a  diftance,  and 
before  any  fufficient  number  could  be  colle£ted  the  mifchief 
was  done.     The  enemy,  however,  was  purfued,  ovettaken 
and  attacked  jufl  as  they  were  entering  the  woods.     The 
French  reported  when  they  got  back  that  they  faced  about, 
and  that  our  people,  being  aflonifhed,  were  all  killed  OT 
taken,  except  ten  or  twelve,  who  efcaped.     The  truth  is^ 
that  there  was  a  brufh  which  lafted  about  an  hour,   and 
that  the  enemy  then  took  to  the  woods,  except  nine  who 
were  left  dead,  among  whom  was  Rouville's  brother,  and 
another  officer.     Many  of  the  prifoners  were  alfo  recov* 
ered.     The  governor,  in  his  fpeech  to  the  affembly,  fays,    *  ' 
*'  We  might  have  done  more  againft  them  if  we  had  fol- 
lowed their  tracks." 

The  return  of  the  French  Mohawks  might  be  owing  to 
Schuyler's  negociations  with  them,  which,  it  may  be  faid, 
he  would  have  had  no  opportunity  for,  if  it  had  not  been 
for  the  neutrality  between  them  and  Albany  ;  btit,  on 
the  other  hand,  not  only  thofe  Indians,  at  other  timesy  ^ 
but  even  the  Penobfcots  and  Norridge,wocks  were  enabled, 
by  this  neutrality,  to  make  their  inroads  upon  us.  The  ^^ 
governor  of  Port-royal,  in  a  letter  to  the  count  de  Pont- 
chartrain,  fays,  "  That  the  Michmacks  were  quite  naked, 
and  the  KennebeckansJ  and  Penobfcots  would  have  been 
fo  too,  if  they  had  not  carried  on  a  trade  with  the  Indians  of 
Hudfon's  river,  or  rather,  by  their  means,   with  the  Eli- 

glifh, 

*  One  was  afterwards  wife  to  the  late  colonel  Hatch,  of  Dorchefter,  and  is  lately 
ieceafed;  the  other  ftill  living,  the  wife  of  the  Re-.-.  Mr.  Checkley,  fen.  of   Bofton. 

f  Afterwards  colonel  Turner,  a  principal  merchant  of  Salem,  and  many  year*- a 
member  of  the  council. 

I  Mo+ridgewoclis. 


i7o8.]  MASSACHUSE^TTS.  159 

glifh,  who  allowed  a  crown  a  pound  for  beaver,  and  fold 
their  goods  very  reafonably.'*  Charlevoix  jullly  remarks 
upon  it,  "  Thus  our  own  enemies  relieved  cur  mod  faith- 
ful allies  when  they  were  in  necefTity,  and  whilll  they 
were  every  day  hazarding  their  lives  in  our  fervice/* 
The  Maflachufetts  general  court  alfo,  this  year,  in  an  ad- 
drefs  to  the  queen,  fay,  "  A  letter  from  M.  Vaudreuil, 
governor  of  Canada,  to  the  late  governor  of  Poit-royai, 
was  fometime  fmce  happily  intercepted,  and  came  to  our 
governor's  hands  ;  wherein  he  writes  thus,  namely,  that 
he  endeavours  to  keep  all  quiet  on  the  fide  of  Orange  or 
Albany^  having  command  from  the  king  his  mailer  not 
to  have  any  quarrel  with  your  majefly's  fubjetls  on  that 
fide,  or  with  the  Mohawks,  which  he  hath  ftridly  obferv- 
ed.  And  they  are  in  a  profound  peace,  having  met  with 
little  or  no  lofs  on  the  land  fide,  either  in  men  or  ellaies, 
this  w^r." 

The  enemy  were  fatisfied  with  their  fuccefs  at  Haver- 
hill for  this  feafon,  and,  except  now  and  then  a  llraggling 
Indian,  none  of  them  appeared  again  *upon  the  frontiers 
this  fummer. 

The  party  againfl  the  governor  Hill  purfued  their 
fcheraes  in  England  for  his  removal.  Afliurll  engaged 
a  committee  of  the  kirk  of  Scotland,  who  came  up  to 
London  to  fettle  fome  affairs  with  the  queen's  council,  to 
ufe  their  interefl  that  Dudley  might  be  removed  and  a 
new  governor  appointed  ;  and  he  was  very  fanguine  that 
this  would  do  the  bufinefs,  and  that  Hobby  would  be  ap- 
pointed, though  not  fuch  a  perfon  as  he  could  wiili ;  but 
t/je  earth,  he  fays,  7nuji  help  the  woman  :  which  too  often 
means  no  more  than  ivc  mu/}  do  evil  that  good  may  come  of 
it.  In  the  province,  the  governor's  interell  was  fl:rength. 
ening.  Some  of  the  old  fenators,  who  had  been  difaf- 
feded  to  him,  were  left  out  of  the  council.  Oakes, 
whom  he  had  negatived  as  fpeaker,  and  one  other  mem- 
ber for  Bofl;on,^loft  their  eledtion,  and  John  Clark  ai^u 
Thomas  Hutchinfon,  two  young  gentlemen  of  the  tovAiij 
who  were  under  no  prejudice  againil  him,  came  into  the 
houfe  in  their  flead  ;  and  although  this  year  Mr.  Cooke 
was  again  chcfen  one  of  the  council,  it  was  the  lafl  effort. 

'Ihe 


i5o^  THE   HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  IL 

The  governor  perfifted  in  negativing  him,  and  at  the  fame 
time  negatived  Nathaniel  Paine,  of  Briftol  ;  but  he  had 
fo  accuftonied  them  to  negatives,  that  they  gave  lefs  of-, 
fence  than  they  virould  have  done  after  long  difufe. 

The  principal  fubjed  of  the  affembly's  addrefs,  which 
we  have  jufl  before  mentioned,  to  the  queen,  was  the 
reduction  of  Canada  and  Acadie  by  an  armament  from 
England,  to  be  alTifted  by  forces  raifed  in  the  colonies. 
Vetch,  who  the  laft  year  was  charged  as  a  traitor,  this 
year  appeared  before  the  queen  and  her  minifters  folicit- 
ing  in  behalf  of  the  colonies  ;  being  able  to  give  a  full 
information  of  the  condition  of  the  French  in  America.* 

Early  in  the  fpring,  Mr.  Dudley  was  advifed,  by  letters 
from  the  earl  of  Sunderland,  that  the  queen  had  deter- 
mined upon  an  expedition,  and  Vetch,  made  a  colonel,, 
came  over  with  inflruftions  to  make  the  neceflary  prepa- 
rations. The  plan  was  extenfive.  The  French  were  to 
be  fubdued,  not  only  in  Canada  and  Acadie,  but  in  New- 
foundland alfo.  A  fquadron  of  Ihips  were  to  be  at  Bof- 
ton  by  the  middle  of  May.  Five  regiments  of  regular 
troops  v/ere  to  be  fent  from  England,  to  be  joined  by 
twelve  hundred  men,  to  be  raifed  in  Maffachufetts  and 
Rhode  liland,  and  the  governments  were  to  provide  tranf* 
ports,  flat-bottomed  boats,  pilots,  and  three  months'  pro, 
vifions  for  their  own  troops.  V^ith  this  force,  Quebec 
was  to  be  attacked  j  at  the  fame  time  fifteen  hundred 
men,  propofed  to  be  raifed  in  the  governments  fouth  of 
Rhode  Illand,  which  were  to  march  by  the  way  of  the 
lake,  were  to  attack  Montreal.  The  men  affigned  to  Maf- 
fachufetts to  r^ife  were  ready  by  the  20th  of  May  ;i^  and 
Vetch  gave  a  certifigate  under  his  hand,  that  all  the  govr 

^  ernments 

*  Auguft  aift,  this  year,  died  Ezeklel  Cheever,  venerable  "not  merely  for  his  great  age, 
94,  but  for  having  been  the  fchoolmafler  of  moft  of  the  principal  gentlemen  in  Bof-, 
ton  v/ho  were  then  upon  the  ftage.  He  is  not  the  only  mafter  who  kept  his  lamp, 
longer  lighted  than  otherwife  it  would  have  been,  by  a  fupply  of  oil  from  his  fcholars. 

John  Higgtnfon,the  firll  minifter  of  Salem,  who  came  over  with  his  father  in  1629 
at  the  ngQ  of  fourteen  or  fifteen,  lived  until  the  9th  of  December,  1708,  having  alfo 
teen  minifter  of  the  fame  church  from  the  year  1660.  His  early  days  he  fpent  in 
ConneAicut  colony,  and  in  164I  was  chaplain  to  Mr.  Fenwick  and  lady  Botcler,  at 
the  fort  at  Saybrook. 

Tuefday  the  1 4th  of  December  was  remarked  as  the  coldefl  day  ever  known  in  the 
country  from  its  firft  fettlement. 

f  The  tranfports  and  nine  hundred  troops,  raifed  by  MafTachufctts,  were  kept  ic 
pay  from  the  aoth  of  May  to  the  beginning  cf  November. 


I70Q.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  .i6r 

ernments  concerned  had  cheerfully  and  punclually  com- 
plied with  the  orders  given,  except  Pennfyivania  !*   It  was 
left  to  lord  Lovelace,  governor  of  New  York,  to  appoint 
the  general  officer  t  for  the  fifteen  hundred  men,  but  by 
his  death  the  power  devolved  upon   Mr.  Ingoldlby,  the 
lieutenant  governor  ;  andNicholfon,  who  had  been  lieuten- 
ant governor  of  New  York  under  Andros,  and  afterwards ' 
lieutanant  governor  of  Virginia  and  Maryland5being  then  in 
America,  was  pitched  upon  as  a  proper  perfon,  and  march- 
ed  with  the  forces  under  his  command  as  far  as  Wood- 
creek,  there  to  wait  until  the  arrival  of  the  fleet  at  Boilon, 
that  the  attack  on  both  places  might  be  made  at  one  time. 
The  tranfports  and  troops  lay  waiting  at  Bofton  from  May 
to  September,  every  day  expeding  the  fleet.     No  intelli- 
gence coming  from  England,  Vetch  being  fenfible  it  \vas 
too  late  to  go  to  Canada,    propofed   a  meeting,  at  New 
London,  of  the  governors  of  the  feveral  colonies,  to  con- 
fider  in  what  other  way  the  forces  railed  fliould  be  employed 
againlt  the  enemy,  that  the  expenfe  might  not  be  wholly 
loft  ;  but  Nicholfon  unexpectedly  returned  with  his  men 
from  Wood-creek,  and  he  and  Vetch  and  colonel  Moody 
met  fome  of  the  governors   at   Rhode  Ifland.     Two  or 
three  days  before  the  Gongrefs,  (Odober  i  ith)  a  fliip  ar- 
rived at  Bofton  from  England,  with  advice  that  the  forces 
intended  for  America  were  ordered  to  Portugal,  and  with 
diredions  to  confult  whether  the  forces  raifed  in  America 
might  not  be  employed  againft  Port-royal,  the  (hips  of 
war  of  which  there  were  feveral  then  at  Bofton  to  be  aid- 
ing and  afiifting.J     There  was  no  great  honour  or  profit. 
to  be  expelled  by  the  captains  of  the  men-of-war,  if  the 
expedition  fhould  fucceed,  nothing  more  being  required 
of  them  than  to  ferve  as  convoy  to  the  tranfports,  and 
cover  to  the  forces  at  their  landing  ;  therefore  two  of  the 
frigates,  whofe  ftation  was  New  York,  failed  immediately 

from 

*  Pennfyivania,  at  that  time,  principally  confifted  of  the  people  called  Quakers, 
and  we  are  to  impute  their  backwardncfs  to  a  religious  principle  or  pcriuufion,  and 
not  to  difafFedlion. 

[f  'I'he  other  governors  had  a  voice,  and  concurred  in  his  appointment.] 

\  It  is  faid  in  one  of  the  articles  of  lord  Oxford's  impeachment,  that  an  expedition 
againft  Canada,  having  been  frequently  deliberated  upon  and  maturely  confidered  in 
a  conamittee  of  council,  was  hid  afide  a?  dangerous  and  impradicable  ;  but  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  an  expedition  was  fully  determined  upon  this  year,  and  wus  laii 
alide  upon  an  unexpeded  charge  of  affairs  in  Europe. 


^m 


xsl  THE   HISTORY   0¥  [Chap.  IL 

from  Bofton  without  taking  leave  of  any  body,  and  the 
commanders  of  the  reft,  Mathews  (afterwards  admiral 
Mathews,  who  was  then  commander  of  the  ftation  Ihip  at 
Boflon)  only  excepted,  peremptorily  refufed.  As  fooa  as 
this  was  known  to  the  two  houfes,  the  court  being  fitting, 
they  defired  the  governor  to  difcharge  the  tranfports  and 
difband  the  men,  it  not  being  fafe  to  proceed  without 
convoy.  This  was  a  heavy  charge  upon  the  province, 
without  any  good  effed:.  It  was  indeed  late  in  the  year 
for  the  attempt  againfl  Port-royal,  but  then  the  profped  o£ 
furprifmg  the  enemy  was  fo  much  the  greater,  and  if  it 
had  happened  otherwife  and  the  forces  had  returned  with- 
out fubduing  the  place,  it  would  have  caufed  but  little  in- 
creafe  of  the  expenfe. 

Whilfl  Nicholfon  lay  at  Wood-creek,  the  governor  of 
Canada,  who  had  intelligtence  of  all  his  motions,  fent  out 
an  army  of  fifteen  hundred  French  and  Indians,  who  left 
Montreal  the  28th  of  July,  N.  S.  and  the  three  firfl  days 
advanced  forty  leagues  towards  the  Englifh  camp  ;  but 
upon  a  report  that  they  were  five  thoufand  ftrong,  and 
upon  the  march  to  meet  the  French,  and  there  being  dif- 
cord  at  the  fame  time  among  the  French  officers,  it  was 
thought  beft  to  return  to  their  advanced  pofts,  and  wait  ^ 
to  receive  the  Engliih  there.  Had  they  proceeded,  they  4 
were  equal  to  the  Engliih,  better  acquainted  with  the 
country,  would  have  come  unexpeded,  and  the  event 
would  at  lead  have  been  doubtful  for  us. 

Charlevoix  gives  an  inftance  of  the  treachery  of  the 
Indians  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  of  their  intention  to  de- 
■ftroy  the  whole  Englidi  army.  Speaking  of  father  Ma- 
reuilj  who  had  been  a  prifoner  at  Albany,  he  fays  ; —  \ 
''"  This  miHionary  having  bqen  exchanged  for  a  nephew 
of  the  principal  officer  at  Albany,  we  learned  from  him  all 
the  circumftances  of  that  affair,  and  to  what  New  France 
owed  her  deliverance  from  the  greateft  danger  to  which 
fhe  had  been  at  any  time  expofed  from  that  quarter.'* 
Then  having  mentioned  a  grand  council  of  the  Indians, 
held  at  Onondago,  where  all  their  general  meetings 
upon  important  matters  were  held,  he  goes  on  ;  "  The 
Onondago,  one  of  the  old  men  of  that  nation,  who  was 

thp 


^   1709.]  MAS ^.ACHU SETTS.  163    ^^ 

the  fpeaker,  alked  whether  it  was  out  of  their  minds  that 

they  were  lituated  between  two  potent  people,  either  of  * 

'^Tiwhich  were  capable  of  totally  extirpating  them  ;  and  that 
it  would  be  the  intereil  of  either  to  do  it,  as  foon  as  they 
fhould  have  no  further  occafion  for  them,  it  beliovcd 
them  therefore  to  be  very  careful  that  they  did  not  lofe  ^         ^ 

^  their  importance,  which  they  would  do,   unlefs  each   of  J 

•  thofe  people  were  prevented  from   deilroying  the   other.  ^* 
This  harangue  made  great  impreflion  upon  the  alLmbly, 

and  it  was  refolved,  upon  this  occafion,   to  continue   the 

political  condud  which  they  had  hitherto  oKerved.     Ac- 

w  cordingly,  the  Iroquois,  when  they  had  joined  the  En- 

gliih  army,  and  found,  as  they  imagined,  that  it  would     ^^    , 
be  ftrong  enough  to  take  Montreal,  employed  their  whole    *f  <i 
attention  in  contriving  the  de(tru6lion  of  it  ;  and  this  was  -^ 
the  way  they  w^ent  to  work — The  army  being  encamped 
-    Upon  the  banks  of  a  fmall  river,*  the  Indians,  who  fpent         ^^ 
mod  of  their  time  in  hunting,  threw  the  fkins  of  all  the^   .^  t^ 
creatures  which  they  flead  into  the  river  a  little  abov^>^     ^ 
the  camp,  which  foon  corrupted  the  water.     The  Englifh         |^ 
never  fufped:ed  this  treachery  and  continued  to  drink  the  ■*  ^m 
water  ;  but  it  caufed  fuch  a  mortality  among  them,  that     g^ 
^  father  de  Mareuil  and  the  two  officers  who  went  to  fetch     ^  •yC 
*   him  from  Albany  to  Canada,  judged  by  the  graves  that  ^ 

■'    there  mud  have  been  at  leaft  a  thoufand  buried  there."    .^Jf    . 
Nicholfon  certainly  decamped  fooner  than  w^as  exped:-v   ^ 
ed,  which  caufed  fome  difTatisfaclion.     The  army  was  in 
a  bad  flate.     I  have  a  letter  dated  New  York,  November      4 
4th,   1709,  which  fays,  that  many  of  the  foldiers  who 
were  at  the  lake  died  as  if  they  .had  been  poifoned. 

Although  the  French  were  in  conftant  expectation  of 
being  attacked  themfelves,   yet  it  did  not  take  them  off  ^ 

from  employing  fome  of  their  flrength  this  fummer  -^ 
againft  the  New  England  frontiers.  Iil^  April,  a  man  waS* 
taken  prifoner  at  Deerfield.  In  May,  feveral  men  were 
furprifed  and  taken  as  they  were  paffmg  to  a  fa w  mill  in 
Exeter  ;  and  in  June,  one  of  the  Rouvilles,  with  one 
hundred  and   eighty  French  and  Indians,  made  another  * 

♦  attempt  upon  Deerfield,  to  deftroy  or  carry  away  prrifon-^ 


"Wood-creek. 


ri^ 


i;64  '  THE  HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  IL 

>  ers  the  poor  people,  who  but  a  little  while  before  had  re- 
turned from  their  captivity;  but  the  enemy  was  difcovered 
at  a  diilance  and  beat  off,  the  inhabitants  bravely  defending 
themfelves.  The  town  of  Brookfield,  in  the  weft,  and 
Wells,  in  the  eaft,  foon  after  loft  fome  of  their  people  by 
fmall  parties  of  Indians.*  ^  4 

Nicholfon  went  to  England  in  the  fall,  to  folicit  a  force  | 
againft  Canada  the  next  year,  and  an  expedition  feems 
to  have  been  again  refolved  upon.     Advice  was  received 
in  New  England,  that  in  July  lord  Shannon,  with  a  lifeet  ^ 
deftined  for  that  fervice,  lay  under  orders  for  failing,  but  ^^ 
that  it  was  feared  the  wefterly  winds  would  detain  him  "^ 
until  it  w^as  too  late.     Port-royat,  which  did  not  require 
fo  great  force,  and  which  might  be  attempted  late  in  the 
year,  was  afterwards  made  the  only  objed.     The  Dragon 
and  Falmouth,  with  a  bomb-ftiip  and. a  tender,^'  and  twp' 
or   three    tranfports,  left    England   in  the    fpring,    and 
Nicholfon  was  on  board  one  of,  them.     They  arrived  at 
'  Bofton,  July  the  15th,  and  feem  to  have  laiiiAvaiting  thei^|5 
^  for  orders,  or  until  it  fhould  be  made  certain  whether 
they  were  to  be  joined  by  any^  further  force  from  En- 
gland.!    On  the  18th  of  September  a  fle^t  failed  from    | 
NantaHvet  for  Port-royal,  confifting  of  three  fourth  rates, 
viz.  the  Dragon,  commodore  Martin ;  the  Cl^efter,|  Mat- 
thews ;t  the  Falmouth,  Riddle  ;  two  fifth  rates,  the  Loe- 
ftaffe,  Gordon,  and  the  Feverftiam,  Pafton,  together  with 
the  Star  bomb,  Rochfort,  and  the  Province-galley,  South- 
ack,  with  fourteen  tranfports  in  the  pay  of  MafTachtifetts, 
five  of  Conne6licut,  two  of  New  Hamplhire  and  three  of 
Rhode  Ifland.    Thefe,  with  the  tender  and  tranfports  from^ 

England, 

*  Feb.  24th,  1709,  Jofcph  Hammond,  of  the  council,  died  at  Kittery.  "       ^ 

f  Thefe  ftiips  being  feen  in  the  bay,  and  no  certainty  of  any  fleet  intended  f?oni 
England,  the  ufual  fignalJor  an  alarm  was  given  at  the  Caftle,  and  the  militia  in 
Bofton  was  kept  under  a^ms  until  evening,  when  news  came  that  they  were  Engliih 
ihips. 

The  like  happened  upon  the  arrival  of  a  fleet  of  fmall  merchant  yeffels  from  Sal- 
tertudas  a  year  or  tv/o  after,  but  the  confternation  was  greater  and  more  exten^ve. 
'Ihe  number  of  fhips  fecn  oil  Plymouth  was  reported  to  be  very  great,  and  fome  of 
them,  it  being  war  time,  were  fitted  with  mizen-top-gallarttfails  arid  fpreetfail-top- 
falls,  and  other  unufual  fails  for  merchant-men,  and  no  doubt  was  made  of  their  be-, 
ing  capital  French  mefl-of-vvrar.  The  country  were  coming  in,  when  one  of  the^ 
fmall  vefTels  arrived  and  informed  of  the  rell.  tf' 

t  "^'lic  CheHer  failed  a  fliort  time  befoVe  tlie  rtfl  as  a  cruifer,  and  joined  theih  o» 
the  paflage.  ,.  *      , 


*V#. 


^. 


tyio.]  MASaAGHU  SETTS.  *  165 

'  England,  made  tftirty-fix  fail.  There  was  a  regiment  6f  "  ^ 
marines,  commanded  by  colonel  Redding,  and  four  regi- 

I5  ments  raifed  in  New  England,  two  commanded  by  fir 

'  Charles  Hobby    and    colonel    l\iiler  of    Mailachufett^ 

one  by  colonel  Whiting  of  Connedicut,  and  one  by  colo-  '^'*'\  ♦ 

nel  Walton  of  New  Hampfliire.     Nicholfon  was  general 

and  Vetch  adjutant  jgenelaL    One  tranfport,  captain  Taye, 

ran    afliore  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  and  was  lolt,  and 

*<twenty-fix  men  were  drowned  ;  the  reit  of  the  fleet  arriv- 

4)(^d^fafe  at  Port-royal  the  24th  of  September.     The  forces     ' 

>i^ere'  landed   without   any    oppofition.      Subercafe;    the 

governor,  had  only  two  hundred  and  fixty  men,  and  mofi: 

of  them  he  was  afraid  to  truft  out  of  the  fort,  left  they 

flioiil^  defert  to  the  EngliOi.     As  the  army  was  marching 

up  to 'the  fort,  feveral  men  were  killed  by  the  inhabitants, 

who  fired  from  their  houfes  and  from  behind  their  fences, 

and  made  their  efcape  ;  and  for  three  or  four  days,  whilft,.     ^    ^ 

j^the  neceiliiry  preparations  were  making  by  the  Englifii,   ..^ 

*^he  French  threw  (hells  and  fliot  from  the  fort,  and  tha 
bomb-fliip,  on  the  other  hand,  plied  the  French  with  her  o^- 
Ihells.  '  It  was   commonly  faid,  after   the  return  of '.the 
forces  to  Boflon,  that  early  intimation  was  given  to  the^ 
Englifh  that  they  would  meet  with  no  great  difficulty,  a  . ..  .^  >^ 
decent  pretence  for  a  fur  render  was  all  that  was  defired.    '^    '  •^^. 
On  the  29th,  the  governor  fent  out  a  flag  of  truce,  pray- ;'       '  ^ 
ihg  leave  for  fome  of  his  ladies,  who  wer6  afraid  of  tln^  ^      ' 
bombs,  to  be  fheltered  in  the  Engliih  camp.     The  officer.,    ^  ^  „ 
not  obferving  the  rules  of  war,  was  put  under  arreft,  anU.  ^ 

an  EngHfh  officer  fent  to  the  fort  to  acquaint  the  governor  ^ 

"udth  the  reafons  of  it.     The  firfl  of  Oclober,  the  two  en-  5 

gmeers,  Forbes  and  Redknap,  had  three  batteries  open,  ' 

two  mortars  and  twenty-four  cohorn  mortars  ready,  with—  '  ' . 
in  one  hundred  yards  of  .the  fort,  and  began  their  firing  T  %, 
the  French  firing  their  fhot,  and  throwing  fliells  at  the  ^ 

fame  tinie.     The  fame  day,   colonel  Tailer  and  captain 
Abercromble  were  fent,  with  a  fummons  to  furrender, '-. 
and  in  confequence  thereof  a  ceilation  of  arms  was  agreqilL    -•  ^ 
upon,  and  the  terms  of  the  capitulation  were  foon  fettled,  ^ 

^  and^e  next  day  the  following  articles  figned.      ^    '  -it      *a^  -^ 
•^"  '' Articles m  J        ^ 


t66  THE  mSTORYIOF^  ^ 

'     t  *^     ♦ 

*'  Articles  of  capitulation  agreed  upon  for  the  furrender  efthe  ^ 

fort  at  Port-royal^  ^c,  betwixt  Francis  Nicbolfon;  efquirfy 
f  general  and  commander  in  chief  of  all  the  forces  of  her  ^ 
t  •  ^^^  ■'  facred  majefly  Anne^  queen  of  Great  Britain^   hfc.  and 
^A       *   '  monfieur  Subercafe^  governor ^Is'c,  for  bis  mofi  ChriJHan 

^rnaj^'  .  .  m 

-^^    ^- \,   THAT  the  garrifon  fh all  march  out  with  their  arms 

and  baggage,  drums  beating  and  colours  flying. 


1i 


*'^ 


^       ..r,  2.    That  there  fhall  be  a  lufficient  number  of  fhips  and' 


jjl  i^     provifions   to  tranfport  the  faid  garrifon  to   Rochel  or  • 
^       Rochfort,  by  the  fhorteft  paflage,  when  they  ihall  be  fur- 
^&^;  r^nifl^ed  with  pafTports  for  their  return, 
d         <     3.    That  I  may  take  out  fix  guns  and  two  mt)rtars5^'fuch^ 
■  ^as  I  Ihall  think  fit. 

4.   That  the  officers  ihall  carry  out  all  their  cffeds,  of 
what  fort  foeyer.,  except  they  do  agree  to  the  felling  them  ; 
**  '^     'the  payment  of  which  to  be  upon  good  faith. 
t    Jjjr       5.    That  the  inhabitants,  within  cannon-ihot  of  Port •%  | 
jj^^^y^^5  ^^^^  remain  upon  their  eflates,  with  their  com,'  * 
\       %  cattle  and  furniture  during  two  years,  in  cafe  they  are  not 
^   ''■'        defirous  to  go  before,  they  taking  the  oaths  of  allegiance 

and  fidelity  to  her  facred  majefty  of  Great  Britain. 
j^^l       6.   l^iat  a  veifel  be  provided  for  the  privateers  t)elong- 
''ftg  to  the  iHands  in  America^  for  their  tranfportation 
thither. 

7..   That  thofe  who  are  defirous  to  go  for  Placattia  in 
Newfoundland,  fliall  have  leave  by  the  neareft  paflage. 
3.   That  the  Canadians,  or  thofe  that  are  defirous  to  go 
%^  "Sphere,  may,  for  during  the  fpace  of  one  year. 
p  9.    That  eiFeds,  ornaments  and  utenfils  of  the  chapel 

I  #     and  hofpital  fhall  be  deliverd  to  the  alrnoner. 


v^ 


^  ^#  ^^'   ^  pi"oniife  to  deliver  the  fort  of  Port-royal  into  tlic 

W         Bands  of  Francis NicholfoUjefquire,  for  the  queen  of  Great 

^Britain,  within  three  days  after  the  ratification  of  this 

■  prefent  treaty,  w-ith  all  the  eifeds  belonging  to  the  king, 

,as  guns,  mortars,  bombs,,  ball,  powder  and  all  other  fmall 

ferms; 

II.   I  will  difcover,  upon  my  faitb^  all  the  mines,  fu- 

^gaifes  and  cafemates. 

<^  ^^      12.   All  the  articles  of  this  prefent  treaty  fhall  be  exe- 

Q^te^  upon  good  fafth,  without  difficiilty,  and  figned  by 

^  '  .  "  ^each 


tyio.]  MASS'UCHUSETTS.  167     ^ 

each  other  at  her  majelly  of  Great  Britain's  camp  before     '*^j 
Port-royal  fort,  this  fecond  day  of  Odober,  in  the  ninth 
year  of  her  majefty's  reign,  ilnnoque  Domini  1710.  < 

Francis  Kicholfon,  Subercase. 

IvIemor-andum.  The  general  declared,  tliat  within 
cannon-fhot  of  Port-royal,  in  the  fifth  article  abovefaid,is 
\.o  be  underftood  three  Englifli  miles  round  the  fort,  to  be. 
Annapolis-royal,  and  the  inhabitants  within  three  miles  to 
have  the  benefit  of  that  article.  Which  perfons,  male 
and  female,  comprehended  in  the  faid  article,  accordiug 
to  a  lift  of  their  names  given  in  to  the  general  by  M.  Allen, 
amounts  to  four  hundred  and  eighty-one  perfons/'  h 

The  Englifli  loft  fourteen  or  fifteen  men  in  the  expedition, 
befides  the  tvi^enty-fix  drowned  when  the  tranfport  wasi 
loft.  The  fort  had  been  neglected  and  was  in  a  very  bad 
ftate.  Subercafe  told  the  general  "  he  was  very  forry  for 
the  king,  his  mafter,  in  lofmg  fuch  a  ftrong  fort  and  the 
territories  adjoining.**  This  was  the  compliment  to  Nich- 
olfon,  but  il  was  in  no  condition  to  ftand  a  fiege.  Char- 
levoix fays,  Subercafe's  character  fuffered  a  great  (liock. 
He  mentions  feveral  adions  w^^ich  our  accounts  take 
HO  notice  of — "  The  troops  being  landed,  and  nothing  to 
oppofe  their  march,  went  on  towards  the  fort ;  but  when 
they  came  within  reach  oi  the  cannon,  the  governor  cauf- 
ed  io  fmart  a  firing  as  put  them  to  a  ftand,  killed  a  great 
many  of  their  men,  &c.**  Again — "  The  eighth,  N.  S. 
M.  Subercafe,  having  obferved  the  fpot  where  the  enemy 
were  about  to  txtOi  their  batteries,  made  fo  lucky  a  fir^ , 
that  Mr.  Nicholfon,  after  having  loft  a  great  many  men, 
was  obliged  to  retreat." 

The  general  having  left  a  fufficient  garrifon  under  the 
command  of  colonel  Vetch,  v/ho  was  deftined,  in  cafe  of 
fucc-efs,  to  the  government  of  the  country,  returned  with 
the  fleet  and  army  to  Bofton,  arriving  there  the  26th  of 
Odober. 

Whilft  the  forces  were  at  Port- royal,  it  waB  thought 
proper, at  a  council  of  w^ar,to  fend  Caftine,  whomi  fuppofc 
was  in  the  fort,  and  major  Livingftone,to  Canada,  througii 
the  country,  with  letters  to  M.  Vaudreuil,  acquainting 
him  that  the  country  of  Acadie  was  fubdued,  and  that  all 


<*< 


^ 


J63  ;  triE-  HISTORY  OF  [CHAf-.  It. 

the  inhabitants,  except  fuch  as  were  within  cannon-fhot 
of  the  fort,  were  prifoners  at  difcretion  ;  and  as  the  coun- 
cil had  been  informed  that  he  had  often  fent  out  his  bar- 
barous Indians  to  murder  the  poor  innocent  women  and 
children  upon  the  frontiers  of  New  England,  if  he  con- 
tinued that  practice  they  would  caufe  the  fame  execution 
upon  the  people  of  Acadia  or  Nova  Scotia,  now  abfolute- 
ly  in  their  power  ;*  but  they  abhorred  fuch  barbarities, 
and  hoped  he  would  give  them  no  further  occafion  to 
copy  after  him,  but  rather  would  releafe  and  fend  home 
fuch  prifoners  as  had  beeti  taken  by  the  Indians.  After 
a  mod  fatiguing,  hazardous  journey,!  having  three 
Indians  for  their  guides,  they  arrived  at  Quebec.  The 
governor  fent  his  anfwer  to  the  meffage  by  two  parti- 
%'^  zans,  Rouville  and  Dupuis,  by  land  through  Albany,  that 

H  they  might  be  acquainted  with  the  country  and  more  fit 

^j         to  be  employed  in  making  war  upon  any  future  occafioti.| 
The  fum  of  the  anfwer  was,  that  Nicholfon  had  been  fo 
^  well  taught  the  laws  of  war  as  to  know  that  they  did  not 

y;  admit  of  reprifals  upon  fuch  inhabitants  as  had  furrender- 
ITf  e.d  upon  an  exprefs  promife  of  being  well  treated.-  That 
rit  he,  Vaudreuil,  never  knew  the  French  charged  with  inhu- 
manity,  and  he  was  not  afraid  to  appeal  to  the  Englifli 
prifoners,  within  his  government,  againft  fuch  a  charge  ; 
li*  "^  they  had  often  been  redeemed  from  the  Indians  at  great 
Htj^  expenfe^ 

M^,  *  This  wonld  have  heen  rather  a  harder  cafe  upon  the  poor  jAcadians  than  any 

*^  they  have  ever  been  obliged  to  fubmit  to. 

^    Ajf   v^  1 1  have  Livingilonc's  journal.    He  v.'ent  about  the  middle  of  0(5lober  from  Port- 

V         '^  royal  to  Penobfcot,  where  he  was  kindly  entertained  by  Caftine,  at  his  own  houfe ; 

•-^^  "  •  and  fr«m  thciice  went  up  the  river  in  canoes^  until  they  came  to  an  ifland  where 

'  Z**^  *    was  a  great  bbdy  of  Indians,  men,  \vomen  and  children.     Here  an  Indian,  being  in 

'    *  a  rage  becaufe  fome  Englifh  prifoners  had  run  away  with  his  canoe,  feized  Livihg- 

"^f^  llone  by  the  throat,  and  would  have  difpatched  him  with  a  hatchet,  if  Ciftine  had 

not  thrown  himfelf  between  them  and  refcued  him.     The  Indians  would  not  fuffer 

them  to  proceed  for  feveral  days.     At  length,  November  4th,  they  fet  out  in  their 

canoes,  and  ttie   next  day   the  canoe   the   major  was  in   overfet,  and  one  of  the 

Indian  guides  was  drowned.     Soon  after,  the  water  beginning  to  freeze,  the  ice  fo 

jfs    jj'  TV(  Ihattered  their  tender  velTeiS  and  made  the  pafling  fo  difficult,  that  they  were  oblig- 

'*'  ^ed  to  betake  themfelves  to  the  land  and  to  travel  by  their  compafs,  through  a  coun* 

?^try  fo  thick  with  fpruce,  cedar  and  pine  wood  and  underwood,  as  to  be  fcarcc 


k 


f**  ji  paffable,  andthe  greateft  part  of  the  way  broken  and  mountainous  land.  They 
JK^  *  \vere  above  a  fortnight  without  the  fight  of  the  fun,  the  weather  being  ftormy  ot 
foggy  the  whole  time.  They  had  fpent  their  provifions  fix  days  before  they  came 
^  A^  "■  to  any  French  fettlement,  and  lived  wholly  upon  mofs,  leaves  and  dried  berries. 
i  J^  ;  At  length,  tlie  i6th  of  December,  they  arrived  at  Quebec. 
Mt:^    "t  tCh:irlew,x. 


% 


J7IO.]  lilASSACHUSETTS.  i6g 

€xpenfe,  and  out  of  pure  charity.  Indeed,  the  Indians 
themfc'lves  ordinarily  did  not  treat  them  ill  ;  but  let  that 
be  as  it  would,  the  French  were  not  accountable  for  the 
behaviour  of  the  Indians :  it  was  not  his  fault  that  this 
Unfor lunate  war  was  not  over  a  long  time  ago,  and  all  the 
miferies  which  had  been  the'confequence  mufl  be  attrib- 
uted to  thofe  who  had  refufed  the  neutrality  betv;cen 
ihe  two  colonies.  He  was  very  ready  to  agree  to 
the  exchange  of  prifoners,  but  he  had  not  the  command 
of  thofe  which  were  in  the  hands  of  his  Indian  allies.  As 
for  the  menace,  of  delivering  up  the  Acadians  to  the  In- 
dians of  Ne>v  England  if  the  Indians  of  New  France  fhould 
refufe  to  deliver  the  Englifh  prifoners,  it  was  contrary  to 
all  the  rules  of  juflice  and  humanity,  and  if  it  fhould  be 
carried  into  execution  he  fhould  be  obliged  to  do  as  much 
to  all  the  Englifli  he  had  in  his  power.  This  vras  all  the 
cffeci:  of  Livingflone's  mod  fatiguing,  hazardous  journey. 
The  affair  of  the  agency  in  England  has,  often  occafion- 
cd  a  divifion  and  contention  in  the  general  court.  They 
who  have  ferved  the  province  well  and  done  every  thing 
in  their  power,  have  not  done  enough.  If  our  rights 
and  claims  do  not  appear  in  the  fame  light  to  thofe  v/ho 
judge  of  them  in  England,  as  they  do  to  ourfelves,  we 
are  too  apt  to  attribute  it  to  the  want  of  fkill  or  fidelity 
in  thofe  who  appear  for  us.  At  this  time,  a  change  ia 
the  agency  was  agreed  upon  from  a  different  caufe.  The 
change  of  the  minidry  in  England  was  as  alarming  to 
New  England  as  to  any  part  of  her  riajefty's  dominions. 
Mr.  Phips  was  deeply  engaged  in  the  new  meafures. 
There  could  not  then  have  been  any  apprehenfion  of  his 
removing  to  Ireland  ;  but  a  whig  people  would  not  be 
fatisfied  with  a  tory  agent.  Sir  H.  Affiurll  never  had  any 
great  powers,  and  he  was  now  declining  in  age  and  health. 
The  party  that  ufed  to  fupport  him  fet  up  his  brother, 
fir  WiUiam  Affiurft,  a  gentleman  of  fuperior  chara6ler 
and  real  worth.  Mr.  Dudley  did  every  thing  in  his  pow- 
er to  prevent  the  choice,  but  when  he  could  not  prevail 
made  a  merit  of  accepting  it.  An  addrels  to  the  queen 
was  fent  to  fir  William,  but  he  refufed  the  agency ;  h« 
was  well  acquainted  with  the  flights  put  upon  his  brother. 
Vol.  it.  M  and 


r'-ja  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap;  ft 

and  the  little  or  no  reward  given  hiin  for  fo  long  ferviceSe 
When  he  excufed  himfelf,  he  recommended  a  New  En- 
pland  young  gentleman,  then  in  London,  Jeremiah  Dum- 
mer,*  who  alio  procured  from  th€  principal  merchants  in 
London,  tradmg  to  New  England,  letters  in  his  favour. 
He  waxS  not  at  that  time  acceptable  to  Mr.  Dudley,  and  in 
a  meffage  to  the  alTembly  he  advifed  ihem  to  choofe  Henry 
Newman,!  a  New  England  man,  then  in  London  alfo,  a 
perion  of  great  p-robity,  who  had  lived  fome  yeai^  in  the 
duke  of  Somjerfet's  family,  and  who  afterwards  was  fecre- 
tary  to  the  fociety  for  promoting  Chriftian  knowledge  ; 
but  the  choice  fell  upon  Mr.  Dummer  and  the  governor 
did  not  think  proper  to  negative  him. 

Mr.  Dudley  found  means  to  remove  the  prejudice  of 
fir  \¥illram  Aihurfl.  From  this  time,  all  his  letters  are  ia 
a  dliferent  (train  from  what  they  ufed  to  be,  and  he  repre- 
fents  the  times  to  be  fuch,  that  there  was  no  profped:  of 
a  better  governor,  and  advifes  the  people,  if  they  could  be 
tolerably  eafy,  not  to  run  the  ripK:  of  a  change.  This  was^ 
not  the  only  tim'e  when  fuch  a  word  of  advice,  to  this,  as 
well  as  other  colonies,  would  have  been  feafonable.  Mr. 
Bummer,  who  was  attaching  himfelf  to  the  new  minillry 
and  had  great  favour  Ihewn  him,  engaged  alfo  in  Mr. 
Dudley's  interefl.  Mr.  Phips,  who  at  firft:  oppofed  him, 
had  for  fome  time  been  very  friendly  to  him»     It  was  a 

rule 

*  Mr  Dummer's  grandfather,  Ricliard  Dummer,  wa^  an  afTiflant  the  year  when 
Mr.  Vane  was  governor  ;  but,  being  of  the  governor's  party,  was  left  out,  with 
others  of  the  fame  fidS  ;  and  -rved  many  years  after,  maintaining  a  fair  character 
•and  acquii-ing  a  good  eftate,  at  Newbury.  His  father  wa^  an  a6iing  juftice  of  peace 
in  Boflon.  Mr.  Dummer,  befides  the  advantage  of  bright  natural  parts,  had  been 
•■•/.M-y  well  educated.  The  college  at  Cambridge  fitted  him  for  the  Univerfity  of 
Utrecht,  whcxe  he  fpent  fome  years,  and  received  a  doctor's  degree.  After  that,  he- 
rcturnt- d  to  New  England  :  but  finding  no  profpeA  of  employment  there  that  would 
l>e  agreeable  to  him,  he  went  to  England,  where  he  arrived  a  little  before  the  change 
of  queen  Anne'sminiftry.  Contrary  to  the  expectation  of  his  countrymen  and  con-' 
ilituents,  he  devoted  himfelf  to  the  perfons  in  power,  was  employed  by  lord  Boling- 
broke  in  fome  fecret  negociations,  and  had  aifurances  of  promotion  to  a  place  of 
honour  and  profit,  but  the  death  of  the  queen  blafted  all  his  hopes.  His  letter  to  a 
noble  lord  upon  the  Canada  expedition,  and  his  defence  of  the  New  England  char- 
ters, will  tend  morfe  to  perpetuate  his  memory  in  his  country,  than  all  his  fervices  in 
tac  agency,  which  wci-e  far  from  inconfiderable.  Mr.  Dummer  conformed  to  his 
patron,  lord  BoHngbroke,  ia  religion  as  well  as  pohtics.  In  the  latter,  he  left  him, 
upon  the  change  of  time-. :  in  the  former,  he  is  faid  to  have  adhered  to  him  to  the 
end  of  his  life.  He  died  in  1739.  The  tranflation  of  the  travels  of  James  Maflcy, 
wrote  to  encourage  fccpticifm  and  infidelity,  was  dedicated  to  Mr.  Dummer.  SomCj. 
who  did  not  know  they  were  onginall^'  wrote  in  French,  fuppofed  he  was  the  author»- 

I  rifr,  Newman  was  many  ytars  agsnt  for  the  proviiice  of  New  Hampfhirs,- 


^710.]  MASSACHUSJETTS..  iyi 

rule  with  him  to  gain  his  enemies,  he  was  fure  of  his 
friends.  It  requires  much  of  that  art  and  Ikill,  of  which 
he  is  faid  to  have  been  mafter,  to  render  this  rule,  for  any 
length  of  time,  fuccefsful.  He  happened  alfo,  as  we  have 
obferved,  when  he  was  in  England  to  be  known  to  and 
favoured  by  Mr.  Harley,  and  his  interefi;  there  w^as  lb  ef- 
tablifhed,  that  he  was  no  longer  in  danger,  until  the  death 
of  the  queen  caufed  an  entire  revolution,  both  as  to  men 
and  meafures.  In  the  province,  fome  reports  againi^h  him 
were  of  fo  grofs  and  criminal  a  nature,  that  although  they 
might  find  fome  ready  to  believe  them  at  firH,  yet  time 
alone  had  funk  the  credit  of  them,  and  the  remembrance 
of  lefler  matters  funk  with  it,  and  the  lad  days  of  his 
adminiftration  were  his  bell:  days. 

This  year,  the  enemy  made  their  firft  appearance,  in 
the  fpring,  at  York,  but  found  the  inhabitants  upon 
their  guard.  In  June,  colonel  Hilton,  of  Exeter,  being 
in  the  woods  with  eighteen  men,  was  ambufhed  by  a  par- 
ty, who  fired  and  killed  the  colonel  and  two  of  his  com- 
pany, and  took  two  prifoners,  the  reft  efcaping.  HiU 
ton  was  a  good  officer,  and  had  behaved  well  with  Church, 
in  1704,  and  upon  other  occafions  ;  but  at  this  time  was 
off  his  guard.  One  hundred  men  went  out  upon  the 
alarm,  but  had  no  other  fuccefs  than  to  bring  in  the 
dead  mangbd  bodies  to  a  decent  interm.ent.  A  few 
days  after,  fixty  or  feventy  French  and  Indians  appeared 
in  the  fkirts  of  the  town  of  Exeter,  but  were  alarmed  by 
the  firing  of  a  gun,  and  went  off  with  four  children  only, 
which  they  picked  up  in  the  ftreet  or  road  at  play,  to  the 
unfpeakable  diftrefs  of  their  parents  upon  receiving  the 
news.  In  their  retreat,  they  killed  one  man  and  took 
another  prifoner.  They  then  travelled  weftw^ard  and  kill- 
ed feveral  of  the  inhabitants  of  Waterbury  and  Simfbury 
in  Connedicut,  flruck  dowm  upon  Brookfield  and  Marl- 
borough, and  from  thence  to  Chelmsford,  where  major 
Tyng  was  (lain,  an  officer  refpeded  for  his  prudence  and 
courage. 

The  2d  of  Auguft,  about  fifty  Indians  came  upon  Win- 
ter harbour,  and  hovered  about  the  place  fome  time, 
until  they  had  killed  four  or  five  and  t^iken  eight  or  ten 

M2  of 


1^2  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  IL 

of  the  inhabitants.  They  infulted  the  fort,  and  found 
the  garrifon  too  many  to  be  taken  \  but  not  enough  to 
fally  out  and  attack  them.  October  the  firft,  feveral  per- 
fons,  as  they  were  going  X.Q  meeting  at  Berwick,  were 
waylaid,  one  of  them  killed,  another  had  his  horfe  Ihot. 
under  him,  the  reft  efcaping.  The  loth  of  the  fame- 
month,  Bomazeen,  with  lixty  or  feventy  more  Indians, 
appeared  at  Winter-harbour,  killed  three  or  four  and  took 
as  many  captives ;  one  of  the  latter  was  Johnfon  Harman, 
a  noted  officer  in  expeditions,  the  next  war,  againfl  th© 
enemy.  The  Indians,  after  they  had  done  the  mifchief, 
fent  a  fiag  of  truce  to  the  fort,  and  offered  to  ranfom  their 
prifoners,  if  a  veffel  fiiould  be  fent  to  Kennebeck  river  to 
receive  them. 

Our  forces  had  been  fcouring  the  v/oods  all  the  fum- 
mer,  but  the  parties  of  the  enemy  avoided  them.  To- 
wards winter,  colonel  Walton,  after  his  return  from  Port- 
royal,  with  one  hundred  and  feventy  men  ranged  the 
ealtern  country,  and  killed  a  Norridgewock  chief  and  fix 
or  eight  others^  He  made  a  fecond  march  to  Winnepifi- 
aukee  without  any  fuccefs  \  but  in  the  mean  time,  the 
Indians  he  was  hunting  after  were  feeking  for  th^ir  own 
bloody  game,  more  or  lefs  of  which  they  met  with  at 
Cocheco,  York,  Weils,  &c.'* 

After  Port-royal  was  reduced,  Nicholfon  went  to  En- 
gland to  folicit  another  expedition  againll  Canada  ;  and^ 
although  his  intention  was  known,  there  feemed  to  be  no 
expectation  that  he  would  fucceed.  The  New  England 
people  we  have  obferved  were  all  whigs,  and  fuppofed  the 
tory  miniftry  to  be  determined  upon  a  peace,  and  rather 
difpofed  to  fuffer  France  to  recover  part  of  what  flie  had 
loft,  than  to  make  further  acquifition  from  her.  And 
there  was  a  general  furprife  at  Nicholfon's  return  to  Bof- 
ton,  the  8th  of  June,  with  orders  from  the  queen  to  the 
feveral  governments  of  New  England,  to  New  York,  the 
Jerfeys  and  Fennfylvania  to  have  their  quotas  of  men  in 
readinefs  for  a  fleet  which  was  expelled  to  arrive  a  few 

days 

*  July  29,  1 710,  died  at  ErIIlol,  in  Maffachufctts,  John  Baffin,  efquire,  who  hai 
fccen  one  of  the  council. 

Feb.  9th,  1710-11,  died  colonel  John  Fofter,  one  of  the  council  from  the  charter, 
and  a  wealthy  merchant  in  the  town  of  B&llon,  of  a  moil  fair  and  wnbl«nifl»*A 
charatftcr. 


I71I.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  173 

days  after,  and  in  faift  did  arrive  the  24th  following.  Thii^ 
was  fliort  warning.  What  was  more  extraordinary,  ten 
weeks'  provifion  for  the  army  was  to  be  procured  at  Bof- 
ton.  It  was  one  reafon  given  for  this  mearure,  that  there 
might  be  no  fufpicions  in  Europe  of  the  deftination  of  thi^ 
armament.  It  might  well  be  doubted  whether  it  would 
be  poilible  to  procure  fuch  a  quantity  of  provifions  at  Bof- 
ton  in  feafon,  and  if  it  was  not,  it  would  be  impofiible  to 
proceed.  This  extraordinary  me^fure  increafed  a  jealoufy, 
began  before,  that  it  was  not  defigned  Canada  fhould  be 
taken,  and  that  the  blame  fliould  be  caft  upon  New  En- 
gland. This  jealoufy  may  have  been  as  groundlefs  as  the 
charge,  which  Walker  firfl,  and  after  him,  many  other 
authors  have  brought  againfl  New  England,  for  not  af- 
fording that  ready  afiiilance  which  was  expe<5l:ed  ;  but  h 
certainly  had  this  effed,  to  caufe,  not  only  the  govern, 
ment,  but  even  private  perfons  to  exert  themfelves  with 
more  zeal  and  vigour  than  had  been  done  upon  any  oth- 
er occafion  ;  and  the  people  fubmitted,  not  without  reluc- 
tance, it  is  true,  to  have  their  property  taken  from  them 
in  a  way  and  manner  which  I  think  the  people  of  Great 
Britain  or  Ireland,  at  this  day,  would  not  fubmit  to.  A 
general  meeting  of  all  the  governors  was  appointed  im- 
mediately after  Nicholfon's  arrival  at  New  London,  and 
they  were  fitting  when  the  ileet  arrived..  The  aflembly 
happened  to  be  fitting  at  Bodon  when  the  f.rfl  orders  came. 
The  governor,  without  delay,  recommended  to  them  a  full 
compUance  with  the  orders  he  had  received.  The  firfl 
thing  necelTary  was  money.  The  credit  of  the  treafury 
was  fo  low  in  England,  that  no  merchants  or  private  per- 
fons here  would  take  bills,  unlefs  the  drawers  would  make 
themfelves  refponfible,  and  there  was  nobody  authorifed 
to  draw  fuch  bills.  The  general  court  determined  to  if- 
fue  forty  thoufand  pounds  in  bills  of  credit,  and  to  lend 
them  to  merchants  and  others,  for  the  term  of  two  yeais. 
Thefe  perfons  with  their  bills  of  credit  purchafed  bills  of 
exchange  upon  the  treafury  in  England,  which,  it  was 
hoped,  before  the  expiration  of  the  tv.o  years,  would  be 
paid  ;  and  if  they  fliould  not,  it  would  be  in  the  power  of 
the  government  to  continue  the  loan,  but  there  was  no 

engagemeui 


174  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  IL 

engagement  to  do  it.  The  next  difficulty  to  be  removed 
was  the  extravagant  price  to  which  provifions  had  ftarted, 
upon  the  advice  of  this  extraordinary  demand.  For  this 
purpofe,  an  order  pafled  the  court,  dating  the  prices  of 
the  feveral  fpecies  of  provifions  neceffary  for  the  fervice. 
The  owners  of  the  provifions  fhut  up  their  flores,  or  re- 
moved their  provifions  in  order  to  conceal  them.  The 
demand,  which  had  raifed  the  price,  they  urged,  was  the 
common  chance  in  trade  which  every  merchant  was  juft- 
ly  entitled  to.  Another  order  foon  palfed  the  court  to 
imprefs  all  provifions,  in  whofe  polTeiTion  foever,  and  for 
this  purpofe  to  open  all  doors  and  enter.  This  effe£led  a 
general  compliance.  The  fhort  time  fpent  for  this  pur-^ 
pofe,  and  the  refufal  of  particular  perfons  to  fubmit  at 
firft,  caufed  a  charge  from  the  officers  againft  the  country 
in  general,  for  unneceiTarily  delaying  the  fleet  and  army  ; 
cind  no  notice  was  taken  of  the  zeal  of  the  government 
and  this  extraordinary  meafure  for  the  removal  of  thefe 
impediments.  The  addition  of  fo  many  mouths  had  cauf- 
ed a  fudden  rife  of  all  poultry  and  frefh  meat,  and  at  that 
feafon  of  the  year,  if  the  ufual  confumption  had  continu- 
ed, the  forces  muH  have  failed  of  neceflary  refrefhment. 
This  conlideration  induced  many  of  the  principal  gentle- 
men in  Bofton  to  deny  themfelves,  and  to  engage,  while 
the  fleet  lay  there,  to  eat  fait  provifions  and  no  other  in 
their  faijiilies.  The  foldiers  and  feamen,  fome  of  them, 
deferted,  and  were  concealed  by  the  inhabitants  who  were 
juftly  cenfured  for  doing  it ;  but  not  fo  the  country ;  for 
in  all  countries  there  are  more  or  lefs  perfons  who  for  the 
fake  of  gain  will  do  the  fame.  A  law  againft  this  offence 
was  made,  with  a  very  fevere  penalty,  and  a  more  fumma- 
ly  way  provided  for  trial  of  the  offence  than  ever  had  been 
in  any  inftance  before.  The  defertion  of  the  men  put  the 
admiral  out  of  temper,  and  he  wrote  the  governor  an  an^ 
gry  letter,  in  v^^hich  he  tells  him,  the  fervice  had  been  prej- 
udiced, rather  than  forwarded,  fmce  his  arrival  at  Bofton, 
and  demands  from  the  government  a  fupply  of  men  equal 
to  the  lofs.  This  could  be  done  in  no  other  way  than  an 
imprefs.     The  inhabitants,  it  muft  be  owned,  would  not 

havQ 


J7II.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  175 

have  fubmitted  to  it,  but  in  general  would  have  preferred 
a  prifcn  on  fhore  to  a  man-of-war  at  fea. 

Befides  the  miftake,  in  the  plan  of  this  expedition,  with 
refpedl  to  a  fpeedy  fupply  of  provifions  at  Bolton  without 
previous  notice,  there  was  another,  in  prefuming  that  flvil- 
ful  pilots  were  to  be  obtained  there.  The  bed  in  the 
country  were  iliipmaflers,  who  had  been  once  or  twice  up 
the  river  St.  Lawrence.  Thefe  were  employed  in  other 
bufmefs  upon  which  their  future  fupport  depended,  and 
■they  w^ere  averfe  to  leaving  it ;  but  the  government  im- 
prefled  them  into  the  fervice,  and  afterwards  was  charged 
with  their  defect  of  Hiiil,  which,  admitting  it  to  be  true, 
could  not  be  helped. 

The  troops  were  all  landed  upon  Noddle's  iiland,  about 
a  mile  from  the  town,  where  they  were  every  day  cxcr- 
cifed  in  a  healthy. air  ;  and  it  was  allowed,  that  men  were 
never  landed  and  re-embarked  in  better  order.  The  land 
force,  including  two  regiments  from  New^  England, 
amounted  to  near  feven  thoufand  men,  an  army  more  than 
equal  in  number  to  that  which  afterwards  reduced  C^ie- 
bee,  under  general  Wolfe  ;  akhough,  in  171 1,  it  was  not 
half  fo  ftrong  as  in  1759. 

The  fleet  which  arrived  at  Bofton  confiiled  of  fifteen 
fail  of  men-of-war  and  forty  tranfports,  and  all  faik^d 
again  the  30th  of  July.  Greater  difpatch  could  not  well 
be  expeded  from  fuch  fhort  warning.  Nicholfon  fet  out 
for  Albany  the  fame  day^  to  take  the  command  0/  the 
forces  which  were  to  marcR  by  land. 

Nothiilg  remarkable  happened  in  the  paiTage  of  the  fleet 
to  Gafpee,  where  it  arrived  Augufl  18,  and  failed  again 
the  20th,  The  next  day  and  the  day  after  proving  foggy, 
and  the  wind  beginning  to  blow  frefh  at  E.  S.  E.  the  fiiips 
brought  to,  W'ith  their  heads  to  the  fouthward,*  being  out 
of  fight  of  land  and  out  of  foundings.  This  the  admiral, 
in  his  own  account,  fays  w-as  by  the  advice  of  the  pilots, 
both  Englilh  and  Erench,  and  that  they  were  of  opinion 
the  fleet  would  drive  into  the  midfl  of  the  channel  or  river. 
The  New  England  pilots    always  denied  they  gave  fuch 

advice, 

[*  Penhallow  fays,  the  pilots  advifed  the  admiral  to  bring  to,  with  their  he.sd«  fa 
xKtfoi.thivurc,  hut  that  he  ordered  thcni  to  the  ^orth•v^-a^d.     See  JV^n  of  N.  England^ 


17^  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IL 

advice,  and  declared,  upon  their  oaths,  their  opinion  was 
not  followed  nor  regarded.  Some  of  the  principal  per- 
fons  on  board  one  of  the  fhips  which  belonged  to  New 
England,  reported,  that  upon  the  fleet's  being  ordered  to 
lie  with  their  heads  to  the  fouthward,  the  v^'hole  fhip's 
company  determined  they  muft  drive  upon  the  north 
fhore,  and  they  v/ere  confirmed  in  their  former  jealoufy, 
that  it  was  never  intended  the  fleet  fliould  arrive  at  Que- 
bec. This,  however,  is  incredible,  and  the  admiral,  who 
had  not  the  charader  of  an  abandoned  man,  v/as  incapable 
of  facrificingsthe  lives  of  fo  many  men  ;  and  it  muft  be 
prefumed  he  would  not  have  thrown  away  his  own  life, 
which  was  expofed  as  well  as  the  reft.  The  pilots  from  * 
Bofton  fuppofed  the  admiral  had  a  very  mean  opinion 
of  them,  and  laid  greater  ftrefs  upon  the  judgment  of 
the  French  pilots,  who,  through  ignorance  or  from  defign,, 
occafioned  this  wrong  meafure.  In  two  or  three  hours 
after  the  fleet  brought  to,  fome  of  the  tranfports  were 
among  the  breakers.  Eight  or  nine  fliips  were  loft  upon 
the  rocks,  about  midnight,  one  thoufand  of  the  men  that 
were  on  board  drowned,  and  about  fix  or  feVen  hundred 
faved  by  the  other  fliips.  All  the  men-of-war  efcaped  ;  ' 
the  admiral's  Ihip  is  faid  to  have  anchored,  and  the  reft 
either  ftood  oflT  or  came  to  anchor  ;  and  the  next  morn- 
ing, the  wind  fliifting  to  W.  S.  W.  the  admiral  bore  away 
for  Spanifh  river,  the  men-of-war  and  tranfports  following; 
but,  the  wind  fliifting  again  to  eaft,  they  were  eight  days 
before  they  all  arrived,  and  as  they  had  the  wind  might 
more  more  eafily  have  gone  to  Quebec.  In  a  council  of 
war  it  was  unanimoufly  refolved,  not  only  not  to  make  any 
further  trial  to  go  up  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  but  alfo  not 
to  attempt  any  thing  againft  Placentia  in  Newfoundland  ; 
the  fleet  not  being  fufliciently  victualled  for  either.  They 
failed  the  i6th  of  September,  and  the  admiral  arrived  the 
9th  of  October  at  Portfmouth,  and  the  15th  his  fluip,  the 
Edgar,  blev/  up  ;  the  caufe  not  being  known,  jealous 
minds  would  fuggeft  that  even  this  was  not  without  defign. 
The  admiral  fuppofed,  in  his  account  of  the  expedition, 
that  if  they  had  arrived  at  Quebec  and  landed  their  men, 
their  misfortune  would  have  been  ftill  greater  }  that  the 

French 


■/ 


I7II.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  177 

French  v/ould  either  have  quitted  the  place  and  carried 
all  their  provifions  with  them,  or  that  they  would  have 
defended  the  place  until  the  provifions  of  the  fleet  and 
army  were  Ipent,  and  they  mud  have  laid  down  their 
arms  ;  or  if  they  haally  furrendered,  it  was  not  to  be  ex- 
pected the  provifions  for  fo  fmall  a  garrilbn  would  have 
Jailed  any  time  for  twelve  thoufand  men,  and  French  and 
Englifh  muil  have  flarved  together.  Vaudreuil  had  made 
the  belt  preparations  he  could  for  their  reception,  having 
early  notice  of  their  coming  from  the  governor  of  Piacen- 
tia.  An  Enghfn  prifoner,  carried  in  there  from  Bofton, 
gave  an  account  of  Nicholfon's  arrival,  of  the  fleet  that 
was  to  follow,  and  of  the  forces  intended  by  way  of  the 
lake  ;  and  the  captain  of  a  privateer  faw  the  fleet  within 
fixty  leagues  of  Bofton.  This  intelligence  was  afterwards 
confirmed  by  an  Onondago  Indian,  who  came  to  Chiebec 
to  inform  of  the  great  preparations  making  at  Albany.* 

Nicholfon  had  made  but  little  progrels  in  his  march 
when  he  received  the  news  of  this  difaller,  and  if  the  fleet 
had  arrived  fafe,  he  would  have  been  too  late  to  have 
drawn  any  of  the  French  force  from  Quebec,  before  fo 
much  of  the  provifions  of  the  fleet  had  been  fpent  that  it 
Vvouicl  not  have  been  flife  to  have  remained  any  longer  ; 
and  it  is  well  he  did  not  proceed,  for  as  foon  as  Vaudreuil 
had  advice  of  fo  many  fhips  (love,  and  fo  many  dead  bod- 
ies with  red  coats  drove  upon  the  fhore,  and  that  the  river 
was  clear  of  fhips,  he  ordered  all  the  flrength  of  Canada 
towards  Montreal  and  the  lake  Champlain,  which,  if 
Nicholfon  had  palTed,  would  have  been  fufScient  to  pre- 
vent his  return. 

To  complete  the  charge  againfh  MaflTachufetts,  they  arc 
fald  to  have  reprefented  the  navigation  to  Qkiebec  to  be 
cafy  and  without  hazard,  of  which  they  were  wholly  ig- 
norant ;  for  the  French,  after  an  hundred  years'  experi- 
ence, almofl  every  year  fuffered  fliipwreck,  and  failhig 
in  the  bay  and  river  St.  Lawrence  was  fo  hazardous  that 
they  could  hardly  obtain  failors  for  a  voyage  thither.  The 
MafTachufetts  people  knew  very  well  that  Fhips  and  his 
fleet  went  up  and  down  without  difficulty,  ig  1690  ;  that 

fla^s  ■ 

*  Charlevoix, 


f7'S  THE   HISTORY    OF.  [Chap.  iL 

flags  of  truce  had  frequently  pafTed  and  re-pafled,  and  they 
iuppofed  the  French  reprefented  the  pailage  difBcult  to 
deter  other  nations,  and  experience  now  fliews  that  they 
judged  right. 

The  American  tranfports  were  all  preferved,  except  one 
vidualler,  and  the  crew  of  that  were  faved.  The  difap- 
pointment  and  lofs  were  grievous  to  New  England.  Some 
pious  minds  gave  over  all  hopes  of  reducing  Canada.  So 
many  attempts  blafled,  plainly  indicated,  as  they  conceive 
ed,  that  Providence  never  defigned  the  whole  northern 
continent  of  America  for  one  European  nation.  Upon 
the  firfl  news  in  England  of  the  difafler,  the  blame  was 
laid  upon  governor  Dudley,  and  it  was  faid  he  would  be 
removed,  but  his  conduct  foon  appeared  to  have  been 
unexceptionable.* 

Upon  the  return  of  the  MafTachufetts  troops,  they  gave 
an  account  of  the  freedom  ufed  by  the  fea  and  land  officers^ 
in  attributing  the  whole  misfortune  to  the  colonies.  The 
forces  v/ere  unreafonably  detained  at  Bofton — the  provi- 
fions  fell  ihort  of  what  was  expeded-— the  pilots  were  ig- 
norant and  not  fit  to  be  trufted.  The  general  court 
therefore  thought  that  it  was  necelTary  to  exculpate  them- 
felves,  and  that  it  would  be  prudent  to  lay  no  blame  any 
where  elfe.  The  governor,  in  his  fpeech,  06lober  17, 
fays — "  I  condole  with  you  upon  the  Ibrrowful  difafter  of 
the  fleet  and  forces  fent  hither,  by  her  majefly's  fpecial 
favour,  to  all  her  good  fubjecls  in  the  provinces  of  North 
America.  I  have  had  time  enough,  fmce  the  account 
thereof,  to  confider  the  fev/eral  articles  of  her  majefly's 
commands  to  this  government  for  the  putting  forward  the 
-expedition,  and  therein  I  cannot  charge  this  airembly  with 
negle6l  in  any  particular  ;  but  when  I  perufe  the  journal 
of  the  proceedings,  I  think  there  was  all  provifion  and 
expedition  made,  in  every  article  referring  to  foldiers,  ar- 
tificers, pilots,  tranfports  and  provifions  for  the  fervlce  of 
her  majefty's  Britifli  forces,  as  well  as  our  own  ;  which  I 
hope  you  will  fee  reafon  to  confider  and  reprefent  home 
for  our  juftification,  that  it  may  be  demxonfhrated  that  we 
were  in  Carnefl  to  do  our  duty  to  the  utmoll,  for  our  own 

benefit 

*  Letters  from  London  in  I7ii, 


I7II.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  379 

benefit  and  eflablifliment,  as  well  as  her  majefly's  honour 
and  jufl  rights." 

Three  of  the  principal  pilots  in  the  fervice  were  fcnt  to 
England,  to  be  ready  to  give  an  account  of  their  conducl, 
if  inquiry  fhould  be  made.  A  journal  of  the  proceedings 
relative  to  the  expedition  was  prepared  and  tranfmitted, 
together  with  an  addrefs*  to  the  queen.  The  inilrucHons 
to  the  agent  were  given  with  prudence  and  caution.  "  it 
chiefly  concerns  us  to  fet  forth  that  we  have  done  our  du- 
ty, by  giving  all  afhitance  in  obedience  to  her  maje(i:y*s 
royal  commands,  as  we  have  reprefented  in  our  humbb 
addrefs  herewith  tranfmitted  to  be  prefented  by  you,  and 
will  appear  by  the  journal  and  orders  accompanying  the 
fame.  We  comported  with  the  fuppfies,  in  the  large  de- 
mands made  upon  us,  to  the  utmoil  of  our  power,  beyond 
what  we  had  at  hrft  a  reafonable  profpeQ:  to  have  provid- 
ed timely,  having  fofliort  notice,  but  made  our  utmoil  ef- 
forts and  happily  got  through  the  fame,  in  which  you  are 
to  vindicate  and  jullify  the  government. 

"  It  is  not  our  province,  nor  mull  you  enter  thereinto, 
to  fault  or  impeach  others,  for  want  of  doing  their  duty, 
or  for  their  condudl  in  that  affair,  any  further  than  is  ab- 
folutely  neceffary  for  our  own  vindication.  If  there  be 
jufl  caufe  therefor,  her  majefly  in  her  princely  wifdom 
will  direcl  the  inquiry  thereinto." 

The  pilots  waited  many  months  in  England  ready  to 
anfwer  any  queftions,  but  none  were  ever  aiked,  nor  was 
any  inquiry  ever  made  into  the  caufe  of  the  failure  of  the 
expedition.  Upon  the  whole,  it  cannot  be  conceived  that 
the  admiral,  general  and  principal  perfons  employed  iu 
the  execution  of  this  plan,  purfued  any  particular  meaf- 
ures  in  order  to  defeat  and  overthrow  it ;  that  thofe  who 
projedled  it  in  England  had  not  good  reafon  to  expeft, 
from  the  infufficient  provifion  made,  that  it  mufl  fail  of 

fuccefs, 

*  In  this  addrefs  it  is  among;  ether  thinpjs  afTerted,  that  one  fifth  part  of  the  whoir 
inhabitants  of  the  province  capable  of  bearing  arms,  were  in  pay  thatfummfr.  The 
like  proportion  was  employed  two  or  three  years  fucceflively  in  jhe  late  war. 
This  would  be  thought  extraordinary  in  any  State  in  Europe. 


iSo  THE  HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  IL 

fuccefs,  and  at  bed,  were  well  content  that  it  fhould,  is 
not  fo  certain.* 

Although  the  pnncipal  objea  of  this  expedition  was  not 
obtained,  yet,  in  all  probability,  Annapolis-royal  was  faved 
by  h  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  French.  The 
garrifon  there  v/as  reduced  to  a  handful  of  men.  Between 
two  and  three  hundred  of  the  New  England  forces  were 
kept  there,  after  the  place  was  reduced,  and  four  in  five 
were  dead,  and  they  were  afraid  even  of  the  Acadians 
alone,  without  any  additional  flrength  ;  but  the  French 
court,  fenfible  of  their  miftake  in  not  giving  more  atten- 
tion to  the  prefervation  of  that  country  when  it  was  in  their 
hands,  prefled  the  governor  of  Canada  in  the  ftrongeft 
manner  to  exert  himfelf  for  the  recovery  of  it,  A  body 
of  troops  was  raifed  and  ready  to  depart  from  Canada, 
when  the  news  arrived  of  the  Enghih  fleet  and  other 
preparations  making  j  and  the  men  who  were  defigned 

againft 

*  The  account  which  C'larlevDix  gives  of  the  French  pilot  docs  not  agree  with 
Walker's.  "  There  was  on  hoard  the  admiral,  a  French  prifoner,  one  Paradis,  an 
eld  feaman,  who  was  perfcdtly  acquainted  with  the  river  St.  Lawrence  :  this  man 
cautioned  him,  when  he  was  off  the  Seven  Illands,  not  to  venture  too  near  the  land, 
ajid  he  obhged  him  to  make  frequent  tacks  and  to  keep  near  the  wind,  which  did 
not  favour  him.  At  length  the  admiral,  tired  cut,  and  perhaps  fufpeding  the  pilot 
only  defigned  to  wear  out  his  men,  refufed  to  come  to  flays,  and  bordered  fo  near  ^ 
little  ifland  called  the  Ifle-of-eggs,  that  he  and  feven  more  were  driven  afhore  by  a 
very  fudden  fquall  at  fouth-eaft,  and  ftove  to  pieces,  and  but  very  few  people  were 
faved." 

I  will  add  a  brief  account  of  the  difafcer  the  fleet  met  with,  from  a  letter  of  the 
New-England  commiiTary,  Sampfon  Sheaf — ^"  When  I  accepted  the  employment  of 
commiffary  to  the  New-England  forces  on  the  Canada  expedition,  it  was  in  hopes 
of  doing  fome  good  fervice  ;  wherein  I  defigned  to  do  my  bell,  and  hoped  witTi  my 
diligence  and  bell  underllanding  to  have  been  of  fome  ufe  ;  but  on  the  22d  of  Au- 
gull, our  fleet,  under  the  command  of  fir  Hovenden  Walker,  about  eight  or  ten  leagues 
above  the  entrance  of  Canada  river,  about  eleven  or  twelve  at  night,  met  with  a 
difmal  difailer.  Ten  or  eleven  of  the  Entllh  tranfports  run  on  the  north  fliore  and 
were  daflied  to  pieces  againft  the  rocks.  I  hear  but  of  one  veiTel  belonging  to  New 
England  met  with  any  damage.  There  is  an  eminent  providence  of  God  therein^ 
which  doubtlefs  we  ought  to  confider  ;  but  as  to  tlie  iiaftrumental  caufe,  by  whofc 
mifconducl,  remains  to  be  examined,  and  I  hope  will  be  made  evident.  The  admi- 
ral and  general  v/ere  in  great  danger,  they  faved  themfelvcs  and  their  fhips  by  an- 
choring, but  loft  feveral  anchors.  It  was  lamentable  to  hear  the  flirieks  of  the  fink- 
ing, drowning,  departing  fouls.  The  ihip  wherein  I  was  embarked,  with  very  great 
<lifficulty  weathered  the  rocks,  but  we  were  iu  no  capacity  to  fuccour  them  that 
were  in  diftrefs. 

"  Admiral  Walker,  juft  before  our  departure  from  SpaniHi  river,  fet  up  a  crofs  with 
■an^infcription,  dated  15th  of  September,  In  7iomlnc  Patris,  'k^fc  the  purport  of  which 
•was,  that  thereby  he  took  poffelfion  of  that  country  for  her  majefty. 

"  This  will  be  a  bitter  pill  for  New  England.  The  French  will  now  employ  their 
feidians  with  redoubled  rage  and  malice,  to  diilref.  aiid  deilroy  our  cxpofed  frontieiSo 
^' Axilla fslii  J^eycl,  O^S.  6^1-] II J* 


1711.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  iSi 

againd  Nova  Scotia  were  detained  at  home  to  defend 
Canada.  The  French  inhabitants  of  Acadie,  having  no- 
tice of  the  force  intended  from  Canada,  grew  infolcnt, 
and  it  was  not  fafe  for  an  Englifli  man  to  flir  out  of  the 
fort.  As  foon  as  they  heard  of  the  difappointment,  they 
became  fubmifTive  again  and  made  acknowledgment  of 
their  fauhs ;  but  at  the  fame  time  let  Vaudreuil  know 
that  the  French  king  had  no  better  fubjedls,  and  necellity 
alone  had  brought  them  to  this  fubmiliion.  Thefe  were 
the  inhabitants  round  the  fort  inchided  in  the  capitulation. 
Many  of  thofe  at  a  diftance  had  not  yet  fubmitted  to  the 
EngHfh,  and  captain  Pigeon,  an  officer  of  the  regularsj^ 
was  fent  up  the  river  to  deftroy  fo;r.e  of  the  French  houfes, 
as  well  as  to  cut  timber  for  the  repair  of  the  fort.  He 
was  furprifed  by  a  great  number  of  Indians,  who  killed 
the  fort-major,  the  engineer  and  all  the  boat's  crew,  and 
took  thirty  or  forty  of  the  garrifon  prifoners.  This  (troke 
encouraged  the  inhabitants  again  to  take  up  arms,  and 
five  hundred  of  them,  with  as  many  Indians  as  they  could 
colleci,  were  preparing  to  attack  the  fort,  expecling  an 
experienced  officer  from  Placentia  to  head  them  ;  but  the 
governor  not  being  able  to  fpare  one,  they  laid  down  their 
arms  again  and  difperfed. 

To  meet  the  French  or  Indian  enemy,  who  were  ex- 
peded  upon  our  frontiers,  colonel  Walton  was  fent  in  the 
fall  with  one  hundred  and  eighty  men  as  far  as  Penob- 
fcot,  where  he  burned  tv/o  veffels  which  were  defigned 
for  privateers  or  cruifersj  and  took  fome  prifoners. 

The  year  171 1  was  rendered  remarkable  by  a  fire  in 
the  town  of  Boflon,  which  from  that  time  until  the  year 
1760  was  called  the  great  fire.  It  was  fuppofed  to  have 
been  caufed  by  the  carelefTnefs  of  an  old  woman  in  or 
near  what  is  called  WilUams's  court  ;  all  the  houfes  on 
both  fides  of  Cornhill,  from  School-flreet  to  what  is  called 
the  flone  fhop  in  Dock-fquarc,  all  the  upper  part  of  King- 
flreet  on  the  fouth  and  north  fide,  together  with  the  town- 
houfe,  and  what  was  called  the  old  meeting  houfe  above 
it,  were  confumed  to  afhes.* 

Early 

*  Colonel  Taller  arrived  in  th^  fall  ff  Hac  year  17II  with  her  majcfiy's  commir- 
Jon  for  keutenant  governor. 


182  THE   HISTORY    OF  [Chap;  IL 

Earl)  ill  the  fpring,  the  enemy  fell  upon  us,  and  made 
ipoil  upon  Oyfter  river,  Exeter,  Kittery,  York  and  Weils. 
In  May,  a  party  of  Englifli  went  up  Merrimack  river  and 
killed  eight  Indians,  without  lofs  to  themfelves  ;  but  the 
Indians  will  not  refl  long  without  revenge.  In  June  and 
July,  they  killed  or  took  prifoners  feverai  from  Berwick, 
Kittery,  Wells,  Dover  and  Khigllon.  At  Dover,  appre- 
hending they  were  in  danger  as  they  were  fcalping  two 
children,  for  greater  difpatch  they  took  off  both  their 
heads,  leaving  the  bodies  a  doleful  fpe^lacle  to  their  un- 
happy parents.  In  the  fall,  a  great  number  of  people 
being  at  a  wedding  of  captain  Wheelwright's  daughter, 
of  Wells,  the  enemy  furprifed  feverai  of  the  company,  and 
among  the  refl  the  bridegroom,  Mr.  Plaifted,  fon  to  a 
gentleman  of  Portfmouth.  The  Indians  expedled  a  good 
ranfom  for  fuch  a  prifoner,  and,  inftead  of  carrying  him 
to  Canada,  fent  in  a  flag,  and  ofrered  upon  payment  of 
three  hundred  pounds  to  releafe  him  ;  and  the  money 
was  paid  and  the  prifoner  returned.  1  am  tired  of  relat- 
ing thefe  inroads  of  the  enemy,  many  of  which  I  have 
given  an  account  of  in  general  terms,  and  avoided  fre- 
quently enumerating  circumftances  which  excite  horror 
from  the  mere  relation.  This  was  the  lafl  adlion  of  any 
confequence.  In  the  fpring,  after  the  peace  of  Utrecht 
was  known  in  America,  the  Indians  fent  in  to  major 
Moodey  at  Cafco,  to  pray  that  there  might  be  peace  be- 
tween the  Englifn  and  them  alio,  and  propofed  a  treaty 
to  be  held  there  ;  but  the  governor  thought  it  more  for 
his  honour  to  oblige  them  to  come  to  Portfmouth,  the 
chief  town  of  one  of  his  governments,  than  to  go  to  the 
borders  of  their  ufual  refidence  ;  and  upon  the  1 3th  of 
July  they  entered  anew  into  articles  of  fubmifTion  and 
pacification,  figned  by  a  number  of  chiefs  of  their  feverai 
tribes,  wherein  they  alk  pardon  for  all  their  pad  rebel- 
lions and  violations  of  former  promifes,  and  engage  to 
demean  themfelves  for  the  future  as  very  obedient  faith- 
ful fubjeds  of  the  crown  of  Great  Britain.  An  obferva- 
tion  occurs  to  me  which  I  may  properly  enough  bring  in 
at  the  clofe  of  this  war. 

Notwithftanding 


1713.}  MASSACHUSETTS.  183 

Notwithflanding  the  inhabitants  in  the  colonies  in  gen- 
eral double  their  numbers,  from  their  natural  growtlt 
or  increafe,  in  twenty-iive  years  at  mofl,  yet  the  growth 
of  the  Maflachufetts  colony  and  New  Hampfhrie  have 
borne  no  proportion  to  the  reft;  and  in  the  year  17 13 
there  was  not  double  the  number  of  inhabitants  in  the 
Maifachuietts  province,  which  the  feveral  colonies  of 
which  it  was  formed  contained  fifty  years  before.  Dur- 
ing this  period,  there  was  no  remarkable  emigration  to 
other  colonies.  There  was  vacant  land  fufficient  to  ex- 
tend fettlements  upon,  and  as  eafy  to  be  procured  as  any 
where  elfe.  The  heavy  taxes  may  have  drove  iome  to 
other  governments,  but  the  chief  reafon  of  the  ditierence 
is  the  conlhmt  Hate  of  war  which  thofe  two  provinces 
were  in,  Maflachufetts  efpecially.  From  1675,  '^^'l^e^"^ 
PhiUp's  war  begun,  to  17*3,  five  or  fix  thouland  of  the 
youth  of  the  country  had  perifhed  by  the  eneniy,  or  by 
diftempers  contracted  in  the  fervice  ;  nine  in  ten  of  theie 
would  have  been  fathers  of  families,  and  in  the  courfe  of 
forty  years  have  multiplied  to  near  an  hundred  thouiand 
Ibuls.* 

I  cannot  avoid  a  reflection  alfo  upon  the  heavy  burdens: 
which  the  province  fubjeded  itfelf  to  during  this  war^  I 
fuppofe  beyond  thofe  of  any  other  ten  years  from  the  firlt 
fettlement.  The  Cafl:le  and  other  fortifications  at  Bofloii^ 
the  fcveral  forts  in  the  ealtcrn  country,  the  various  ex- 
penfive  expeditions  adually  profecuted,  and  the  prepara- 
tions made  far  others,  added  to  the  conitant  defence  of 
the  extenfive  frontiers  and  to  the  fupport  of  the  civil  gov- 
ernment without  any  relief  or  compenfatlon  from  the 
crown,  certainly  muft  have  occafioned  fuch  an  annual 
burden  as  was  not  felt  by  any  other  fubjeds  of  Great 
Britain  ;  and  the  merit  of  the  people  of  that  day  ought 
not  to  be  forgot. 

I'he  fettlement  of  the  line  of  jurifdidlQn  between  the 
province  and  the  colony  of  Connedicut  v.hich  was  accom.- 

pliihed 

*  The  r^ime  obfervation  may  be  made  from  1722  to  1762,.  '^The  inhabitants  have 
not  doubled  their  number.  I'he  lots  of  two  or  three  thov.laiid  youn^  men,  at  and. 
after  the  fiegc  of  Louifbourg,  will  j?;o  a  great  way  towards  accounting  for  the  defi- 
ciency. It  IS  probable  there  would  have  been  two  hundred  thoufand  Ibuls  more 
than  there  arc  at  this  time  in  Nev»-  England,  if  the  French  had  been  driven  frcr- 
Canada  an  hundred  years  ago. 


i84  THE    HISTORY   OP  [Cha?.  IL 

pllfhed  in  the  year  1713,  after  ineffe<5lual  attempts  for 
leveral  years  before,  deferves  particular  notice.  In  1636 
the  firlt  fettlers  upon  Connedicut  river  removed  from 
MafTachufetts  and  took  poifeflion  of  the  country  upon  and 
near  the  river  on  both  fides,  from  Springfield  as  low  a$ 
Vv^'eathersfield,  incliifive  of  both,  and  managed  their  af^ 
fairs  by  virtue  of  authority  from  the  general  court  of  Maffa- 
chufetts.  In  1638  the  inhabitants  of  Springfield,  which 
included  what  was  afterwards  called  Suffield,  below  on 
one  fide  of  the  river,  and  Enfield  on  the  other  fide,  hav- 
ing no  doubt  that  they  were  within  the  limits  of  the  Maf- 
fachufetts  patent,  petitioned  the  general  court  that  they 
might  be  feparated  from  the  other  tovms  below,  and  be 
received  and  continued  as  part  of  the  colony,  which  was 
o;ranted,  and  jurifdidion  exercifed  accordingly.  In  1642, 
by  order  of  the  general  court,  two  mathematicians,  as 
they  are  called  in  the  records,  Nathan  Woodward  and 
Solomon  Baffery,  run  a  line  v/eft,  as  they  fuppofed,  from 
a  ftation  three  miles  north  of  Charles  river,  until  they  came 
to  Windfor  upon  Conncdicut  river,  where  it  flruck 
the  houfe  of  EiiTell  who  kept  the  ferry.  The  people  who 
had  fettled  upon  Connecticut  river  had  no  better  title  to 
land  or  jurifdidion  than  poffeiTion,  the  grant  made  them 
by  the  Maffachufetts  general  court  being  a  mere  nullity* 
In  1630,  the  earl  of  Warwick  had  obtained  from  the 
council  of  Plymouth  a  patent  of  the  lands  upon  a  ftraight 
line  near  the  fea  Ihore  towards  the  fouth-weft:,  wefi:-and-by- 
fouth,  or  weft,  from  Naraganfet  river  forty  leagues,  as  the 
coafi:  Hes  tovv-ards  Virginia,  and  all  within  that  breadth  to 
the  South  Sea,  and  yet,  in  1635,  all  the  lands  between 
Connedicut  river  and  the  Naraganfet  country  were  af- 
figned  by  thefame  council  to  the  marquis  of  Hamilton. 
Lord  Say  and  others  had  purchafed  the  earl  of  Warwick's. 
title,  and  by  their  agents  built  a  fort  at  the  mouth  of  Gon- 
nedicut  river  about  the  year  1635,  and  four  or  five  years 
after  Mr.  Fenwick  came  over  with  defign  to  take  poflef- 
fion  of  the  lands  upon  Connedicut  river  under  lord  Say, 
&c.  and  remained  in  poifefiion  of  the  mouth  of  the  river 
until  1644,  when  the  fettlers  purchafed  the  titl^  of  the 

lord?, 


t7i3.j  MASSACHUSETTS.  185 

lords,  as  it  was  called,  and  formed  thcmfelves  into,  or 
continued  the  form  they  had  alTumed^  of  a  body  politic. 

When  the  line  was  run  by  Woodward  and  Saffery, 
Fen  wick  was  to  have  joined,  as  the  Mailachufetts  com- 
miflioners  for  the  United  Colonies  afterwards  aflirmed, 
though  Connedicut  commilFioners  denied  it  ;  and  in 
J  648,  when  a  difpute  arofe  about  a  duty  required  of 
Springfield  for  the  fupport  of  the  fort  at  the  mouth  of 
the  river,  Maflachufetts  offered  to  run  the  line  anew 
if  ConneQicut  would  be  at  the  charge,  Maffachufetts 
having  been  at  the  fole  charge  before  ;  but  this  was  not 
agreed  to,  and  the  fort  being  burned  down,  and  the  con- 
troverfy  about  the  duty  at  an  end,  this  line  fcems  to  have 
been  acquiefccd  in  ;  and  in  1662,  Mr.  Winthrop  obtained 
from  king  Charles  a  charter  for  the  colonies  of  Connec- 
ticut and  New  Haven  united,  the  north  line  whereof  is 
intended  to  be  the  fame  with  the  fouth  line  of  Maffachu- 
fetts.  From  this  time  until  after  the  incorporation  of 
Maffachufetts  by  a  new  charter  in  1691,  we  hear  noth- 
ing about  bounds,  except  forae  controverfies  between 
Springfield  and  Windfor  about  their  tov/ns*  grants,  and 
letters  from  the  authority  of  each  government  relative  to 
it;  and  in  i686  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  Roxbury 
pitched  upon  a  tract  of  land  to  fettle  upon,  which  was 
bounded  on  the  fcuth  by  Woodward  and  Saffery's  line, 
and  it  was  granted  to  them  by  the  Maffachufetts  govern- 
ment, and  took  the  name  of  Woodilock.  Grants  were 
alfo  made  to  particular  perfons  of  trads  of  land  near  to 
this  line. 

After  the  new  charter,  Connefticut  made  a  more  ferious 
affair  of  what  was  called  the  Maffachufetts  encroachments, 
and  in  1700,  upon  the  appointment  of  a  committee  by 
Connecticut  with  a  general  power  to  fettle  the  bounds  be- 
tween the  two  governments,  Maffachufetts  appointed  a 
committee*  with  a  fpecial  limited  power,  viz.  to  lind  the 
fouthernmofl  line  of  the  late  colony  of  Maffachufetts 
as  anciently  run  by  Nathanael  Woodward  and  Solomoa 
Saffery,  and  to  make  report  thereof  to  the  general  court. 
This  was  not  what  Connecticut  wanted,  for  thev  fuppofed 
Vol.  II.  N  Woodward 

*  Colonel  Hwtchinfon;  Mr,  Taylor,  JVJr,  Anthrum,  and  Mr.  Prout. 


;86  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap,  il. 

Woodward  and  SaiFery's  line  to  be  erroneous  ;  however, 
they  appointed  a  committee*  to  attend  the  work,  who  re- 
ported to  their  conftituents  that  a  line  from  three  miles 
north  of  Charles-river,  or  Woodward  and  Saffery's  fta- 
tion,  would  run  fome  miles  to  the  northward  of  John  Bif- 
fell's  houfe,.  where  Woodward  and  Saffery  fuppofed  it  to 
run,  and  in  1702  Mr.  Winthrop,  the  governor  of  Con» 
nedicut,  wrote  to  governor  Dudley  and  defired  that  Maf- 
fachufetts  would  join  in  afcertaining  the  difference  of  lati- 
tude between  the  Charles-river  flation  and  BifleU's  houfe. 
There  were  other  attempts  to  bring  this  affair  to  a  con- 
clufion,  but  ineffedual,  and  in  1708,  by  a  ftate  of  the  cafe 
read  in  both  houfes,  it  appears  that  Mailachufetts  intended 
*'  to  rely  upon  the  line  formerly  run,  as  it  is  therein  fald, 
by  two  Ikilful  artiils  in  the  year  1642,  and  which  has  con- 
tinued the  dated  boundary  for  fixty-fix  years/^  They 
add,  that  Conne£i:icut  charter,  which  was  granted  in  16625 
was  bounded  by  the  fouth  line  of  Maffachufetts,  which 
was  not  then  an  imaginary  or  untried  line,  but  well 
known  to  the  gentlemanf  who  fclicited  that  charter,  who, 
if  he  had  thought  it  controvertible,  would  doubtlefs  have 
obtained  an  order  for  re£^ifying  and  adjufting  it  ;  and 
fuppofing,  which  was  not  granted,  that  there  fiiouid  be 
any  error  or  millake  in  the  line,  yet,  having  been  run  and 
ftated  fo  long  before  the  grant  of  Connecticut  charter^ 
and  held  by  poffeffion  for  fixty-fix  years,  and  towns  and 
plantations  having  been  granted  and  fettled  upon  the  fame,. 
it  was  unreafonable  now  to  draw  it  into  queftion. 

There  being  fo  little  profpe£t  of  Maffachufetts  receding 
from  a  line  of  v/hich  they  had  fo  long  been  in  poffeffion, 
Connecticut  made  their  application  to  England,  and  I  find 
by  a  letter  from  governor  Saitonftall,  of  Connedicut,  in 
1710,  that  he  Vi^as  expeding  orders  concerning  it.  If 
any  came,  probably  they  were  fuch  as  repeatedly  after- 
wards were  fent  to  New  Hampfhire,  viz.  to  fettle  the  con- 
troverfy  by  commiffioners  appointed  or  agreed  upon  by 
the  general  courts  of  each  colony.  Be  that  as  it  may,  it 
is  certain  that  Connedicut  renewed  their  application  to 

Maffachufetts, 

*  William  Pitkin,  efquire,  and  captain  William  Whiting. 

f  Mr.  Winthrop,  many, years  an  afllftant  in  MalTachufettSv    See  Vel.  I.  Chap,  i- 


1713.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  187 

MafTachufetts,  and  at  length  commiflions  pafTed  the  feals  of 
each  govrnment  with  ample  powers  to  fettle  the  contro- 
verfy.  IvIaiTachufetts  people  were  intent  upon  fecuring  the 
property  to  fuch  perfons  to  whom  they  had  granted  lands, 
and  the  jurifdidlion  of  thofe  towns  which  had  been  fettled 
by  them.  Sullield,  Enfield  and  Woodflock  were  the  only 
towns  which  could  be  affected.  Connedicut  was  alfo 
apprehen/ive  that  part  of  the  town  of  Simfl^ury,  which 
had  been  fettled  by  that  government,  might  fall  within 
Maifachufetts.  It  was  therefore  fettled  as  a  preliminary, 
that  the  towns  fhould  remain  to  the  governments  by 
which  they  had  been  fettled,  and  the  property  of  as  many 
acres  as  fhould  appear  upon  a  balance  to  have  been  gained 
by  one  government  from  the  other  fliould  be  convey- 
ed out  of  other  unimproved  lands  as  a  fatisfadion  or 
equivalent,  only,  as  there  was  about  two  miles  which 
Windfor  claimed  upon  the  town  of  Sufiield,  there  having 
been  long  contefl  between  thefe  two  towns  concerning  the 
validity  of  the  relpedive  grants,  it  was  agreed  the  two 
miles  fhould  belong  to  Connecticut  if  they  fell  withia 
their  line. 

Nothing  could  be  more  equitable,  nor  tend  more  to 
the  future  peace  and  content  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
contefted  borders. 

It  appeared  by  the  report  of  the  commlfTioners,  that 
one  hundred  and  feven  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  nine- 
ty three  acres  of  land  were  due  from  MafTachufetts,  who 
accordingly  made  a  grant  thereof  to  Connecticut.  They 
accepted  and  made  fale  of  the  fame,  and  applied  the  prod- 
uce to  the  fupport  of  Yale  college  and  other  public  ufes, 
and  the  controverted  towns  for  many  years  after  continu- 
ed without  moleftation  under  the  juriidiction  by  whick 
they  were  firfl  fettled. 

The  affairs  of  the  war  had  fo  engaged  the  attention  of 
all  perfons,  that  we  hear  little  of  party  difputes  and  dif- 
cord,  for  five  or  fix  years  pafl ;  but  as  foon  as  they  were 
delivered  from  enemies  without,  a  contention  began  with- 
in from  a  new  caufe,  the  effeds  of  which  were  felt  many 
years  together.  The  paper  bills  of  credit  were  the  caufe 
of  this  contention.     So  many  bills  had  been  iffued  for  the 

N  2  charges 


i88  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  ll 

charges  of  the  war,  particularly  the  large  fum  of  forty 
thoufand  pounds,  iffued  for  the  Canada  expedition,  that 
they  were  become  the  fole  inftrument  and  meafure  of 
commerce,  and  filver  and  gold  were  entirely  baiifhed. 
Of  two-  infiriiments,  one  in  ufe  in  a  particular  State  only, 
the  other  with  the  whole  commercial  world,  it  is  eafy  to 
determine  which  mufl  leave  that  particular  State  and 
which  remain.  The  currency  of  filver  and  gold  entirely 
ceafnig,  the  price  of  every  thing  bought  or  fold  was  no 
longer  compared  therewith,  but  with  the  paper  bills,  or 
rather  with  mere  ideal  pounds,  fhillings  and  pence.  The 
rife  of  exchange  with  England  and  all  other  countries 
was  not  attributed  to  the  true  caufe,  the  want  of  a  fixed 
flaple  medium,  but  to  the  general  bad  flate  of  the  trade. 
It  was  thought  that  increafmg  the  paper  bills  would  enliv- 
en and  reform  the  trade.  Three  parties  were  formed-, 
one  very  fmall,  v/hich  was  for  drawing  in  the  paper  bills 
and  depending  upon  a  filver  and  gold  currency.  Mr. 
Hutchinfon,  one  of  the  members  for  Boflon,  was  among 
the  mod  active  of  this  party.  Ke  was  an  enemy  all  his 
life  to  a  depreciating  currency,  upon  a  principle  very  an- 
cient, but.  too  feldoni  practiled  upon,  nil  utile  quod  non 
honejlum. 

Another  party  was  very  numerous.  Thefe  had  firojeded 
a  private  bank,  or  rather  had  taken  up  a  projed:  publifhed 
in  London  in  the  year  1684 ;  but  this  not  being  general- 
ly known  in  America,  a  merchant  in  Boflon  was  the 
reputed  father  of  it.  There  was  nothing  more  in  it  than 
ifluing  bills  of  credit,  which  all  the  members  of  the  com- 
pany promufcd  to  receive  as  money,  but  at  no  certain 
value  compared  with  filver  and  gold  ;  and  real  eflates  to 
a  fulHcient  value  were  to  be  bound  as  a  fecurity  that  the 
company  fliould  perform  their  engagements.  They  were 
foliciting  the  fanQ:ion  of  the  general  court,  and  an  aiSi:  of 
government  to  incorporate  them.  This  party  generally 
confided  of  perfons  in  difficult  or  involved  circumflances 
in  trade,  or  fuch  as  were  poifelTed  of  real  eftates,  but  had 
little  or  no  ready  money  at  command,  or  men  of  no  fub- 
fiance  at  all ;  and  we  may  well  enough  fuppofe  the  party 
to  be  very  numerous.    Some,  no  doubt,  joined  them  fropi. 

miflakeo. 


I7I4-3  MASSACHUSETTS.  1^9 

miftaken  principles,  and  an  apprehenfion  that  it  was  a 
fchenie  beneficial  to  the  pubUc,  and  fome  for  party's  fake 
and  popular  applaufe. 

Three  of  the  reprefentatives  of  Bofton,  Mr.  Cooke,  fon 
to  the  agent  we  have  fo  often  mentioned,  Mr.  Noyes,  a 
gentleman  in  great  efteem  with  the  inhabitants  in  general, 
and  Mr.  Payne,  were  the  fupporters  of  the  party.  Mr- 
Hutchinfon,  the  other,  (an  attempt  to  leave  him  out  of 
the  houfe  not  fucceeding)  was  fent  from  the  houfe  to  the 
council,  where  his  oppofition  would  be  of  lefs  confequence. 
The  governor  was  no  favourer  of  the  fcheme,  but  the 
lieutenant  governor,  a  gentleman  of  no  great  fortune,  and 
whofe  llipend  from  the  government  was  trifling,  engaged 
in  this  caufe  with  great  zeal. 

A  third  party,  though  very  oppofite  to  the  private  bank, 
yet  were  no  enemies  to  bills  of  credit.  They  were  in 
favour  of  a  loan  of  bills  from  the  government  to  any  of 
the  inhabitants  who  would  mortgage  their  e^^ates  as  a 
fecurity  for  the  re-payment  of  the  bills,  with  interefl,  in 
a  term  of  years,  the  intereft  to  be  paid  annually,  and  ap- 
plied to  the  fupport  of  governrrient.  This  v/as  an  eafy 
way  of  paying  public  charges,  which,  no  doubt,  they 
wondered  that  in  fo  many  ages  the  wifdom  of  other  gov- 
ernments had  never  difcovered.  The  principal  men  of 
the  council  were  in  favour  of  it,  and  it  being  thought  by 
the  firft  party  the  lead  of  two  evils,  they  fell  in  with  the 
fcheme,  and  after  that  the  country  was  divided  between 
the  public  and  private  bank.  The  houfe  of  reprefenta- 
tives was  near  equally  divided,  but  rather  favourers  of 
the  private  bank,  from  the  great  influence  of  the  Bofton 
members  in  the  houfe,  and  a  great  number  of  perfons  of 
the  town,  out  of  it.  The  controverfy  had  an  univerfal 
fpread,  and  divided  tov/ns,  pariflies,  and  particular 
families.* 

At  length,  after  a  long  flruggle,  the  party  for  the  public 
bank  prevailed  in  the  general  court  for  a  loan  of  fifty 

thoufand 

•  May  8,1713,  died  at  Yarmouth  John  Thachcr,  eftjuire,  one  of  the  council,  in 
his  75th  year. 

In  Vol.  I.  Chap.  iii.  it  is  faid  fir  Edmund  Andros  died  in  Virginia  ;  but  I  find 
by  letters  from  London  dated  the  24th  Feb.  171 3-14,  that  he  died  there  in  that 
w^ek. 


190  THE  HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  II. 

thoufand  pounds  in  bills  of  credit,  v/hich  were  put  into 
the  hands  of  truftees*  and  lent  for  five  years  only,  to  any 
of  the  inhabitants  at  five  per  cent,  intereft,  one  fifth  part 
of  the  principal  to  be  paid  annually.  This  lelTened  the 
number  of  the  party  for  the  private  bank,  but  it  increafed 
the  zeal,  and  raifed  a  ftrong  refentment,  in  thofe  which 
remained. 

A  velTel  which  arrived  at  Boflon  from  Ireland  the  1 5th 
of  September,  brought  the  firfl  news  of  the  death  of  the 
queen,  and  the  accellion  of  king  George  the  firft ;  and 
two  days  after  a  veifel  arrived,  from  fome  part  of  Great 
Britain,  with  the  printed  proclamation  in  the  London 
Gazette.  This  the  governor  thought  fuiEcient  warranty 
without  exprefs  orders,  for  proclaiming  the  king  in  the 
province.  The  pradice  in  the  colonies  has  not  been  uni- 
form  on  the  like  occafions.  At  New  Hampihire,  the  king 
was  proclaimed  from  the  fame  intelligence  the  2 2d  of 
September  ;t  at  Rhode  IHand,  the  29th  ;  at  New  York, 
the  I  ith  of  Odober  ;  at  New  Haven,  in  Conne^licut,  the 
14th  ;  at  Philadelphia,  the  27th  ;  no  exprefs  orders  be- 
ing received  in  any  of  thofe  places  ;  but  at  Annapolis- 
royal  it  was  delayed  until  the  2d  of  December.  The  pro- 
priety of  proceeding  v/ithout  exprefs  orders  has  been  quef- 
tioned  ;  but  the  abfurdity  of  a6ts  of  government,  in  the 
Tiame  and  by  authority  of  a  prince,  for  months  together 
after  certain  intelligence  of  their  demife,  has  generally  in- 
Huenced  the  governors  to  proceed. 

The  fecret  defigns  of  queen  Anne's  lafl  miniftry  were 
no  where  more  fufpedled,  nor  more  dreaded,  than  in  Maf- 
fachufetts  ;  and  the  firfl  of  Augufl  was  no  where  celebrat- 
ed with  greater  joy,  during  the  whole  of  the  king's  reign. 

The  Hazard  floop,  fent  exprefs  from  England  with  or- 
ders to  the  government,  was  loil  upon  Cohaffet  rocks  th^ 
1 2th  of  November  ;  the  veffel  being  flove  to  pieces,  and 
no  papers  of  any  confequence  faved.  Enough  wafhed 
afhore  to  make  certain  what  veifel  it  was,  and  one  man 

had 

*  The  truftees  were  Andrew  Belcher,  Addington  Davenport,  Thomas  Hutchin- 
fon,  Edward  Hutchinfon,  and  John  White. 

^  The  a3d  by  fpeclal  order  from  the  governor  the  king  was  proclaimed  at  Salem, 
the  civil  and  military  officers  and  principal  gentlemen,  as  well  as  great  numbers  of 
other  inhabitants,  attending.  This  was  not  the  only  inllance  of  refpe(3;  fhewn  by 
Mr.  Dudley  to  this  ancient  and  reputable  town. 


1714.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  191 

had  been  landed  and  left  at  Nantucket.  Six  months  from 
the  king's  accefiion  expired,  and  no  orders  had  arrived 
for  continuing  officers  in  their  polls.  The  authority  of 
the  governor  began  to  be  called  in  queftion.  By  the 
charter,  upon  the  death,  removal  or  abfence  of  the  gov- 
ernor and  lieutenant  governor,  and  there  being  no  perfon 
commiiTionated  as  governor  v/ithin  the  province,  in  fuch 
cafes  the  government  devolves  upon  the  council  or  the 
major  part  of  them.  The  council  deriving  their  authori- 
ty from  charter  and  not  from  a  royal  commiffion,  the  act 
of  parliament  limiting  the  continuance  in  office  to  fix 
months  after  the  death  of  a  prince,  it  was  fuppoied,  could 
not  alFe(5l  their  authority.  The  advice  of  the  mifcarriage 
of  the  firft  orders  went  the  firfl  opportunity  to  England, 
and  new  orders  were  daily  expected,  and  Ibme  were  in- 
clined to  wait  ;"  but,  on  the  4th  of  February,  the  council 
affumed  the  government,  the  lieutenant  governor,  being 
of  the  council,  joining  with  the  reil,  and  ifTued  a  procla- 
mation for  all  officers  to  continue  in  their  pofls,  kc. 

An  inftruclion  had  been  given  by  the  queen,  in  1707, 
direding  that  in  cafe  of  the  death  or  abfence  of  the  gov- 
ernor and  lieutenant  governor,  the  eldeil  counfellor  fhould 
prefide  in  the  province  ;  but  the  charter  giving  the  pow- 
ers of  government  to'  the  major  part,  this  inftruction  was 
not  regarded. 

The  adminiflration  of  the  council  was  fliort,  and  noth- 
ing of  moment  was  tranladed.  On  the  21ft  of  March, 
the  king's  proclamation  was  received,  and  the  governor 
re-alTumed  with  as  great  parade  as  if  he  had  been  firil  en- 
tering upon  the  government ;  but  he  had  reafon  to  exped 
his  rule  would  be  ffiort.  His  friends  in  the  province  were 
increafed.  Thofe  who  had  been  his  greateft  oppofers  had 
many  of  them  changed  fides  and  were  Urongly  attached 
to  him,  and  ufed  what  interefl  they  had  with  fir  Wil- 
liam Afliurft'*  and  others  that  he  might  be  continued,  and 

at 

*  "  I  am  glad  to  hear  of  the  profperlty  of  New  England,  and  that  the  governor 
engages  the  good  wifhes  of  the  people  for  his  conticuance.     I  am  of  opinion  you 
cannot  be  better  than  you  are  at  prefent ;  If  you  fhould  have  a  new  one  you  muft_ 
expeift  it  to  be  a  necefhtous  perfon.     Certainly  you  have  reafon  to  exped  more  ad-    <*' 
vantages  from  one  that  is  born  among  you  than  from  A  HxAOger  t»  yvux  cdiUUur- 
tioa." IV.  AJlurJl  to  /,  Mather i  Aug.  lo,  1714. 


19^  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IL 

at  their  requefl  Afhurft  appeared  for  him.  The  bankers 
were  the  chief  of  the  difaffeded,  and  colonel  Byfield,*  a 
gentleman  of  the  council,  father-in-law  to  the  Heutenant 
governor,  went  over  to  England  to  endeavour  to  fupplant 
him,  but  wanted  interell.  In  England  Mr.  Dudley  loft 
feis  friends  by  the  queen's  death.  Colonel  Burgefs,  who 
had  ferved  under  general  Stanhope,  was  by  his  intereft  in 
February  appointed  to  the  government,  and  his  commif* 
fions  palTed  the  feals  March  the  17th  ;  and  Afhurft  writes 
that  the  general  had  promifed  to  be  anfwerable  for  his 
"good  behaviour. 

Mr.- Dudley  met  the  aflembly  at  the  eledion  in  May, 
but  made  no  fpeech,  though  he  had  never  failed  of 
doing  it  before.  The  council  and  houfe  chofe  his  great 
?.dverfary,  Mr.  Cooke, f  whom  he  had  fo  often  negatived, 
into  the  council,  and  either  from  indifference,  or  a  fpii  it 
of  forgivenefs  before  his  political  departure,  he  now  ap-^ 
proved  of  him. 

Colonel  Burgefs  Intended  to  flay  a  fhort  time  in  Eru 
gland.  The  bank  party  were  impatient  for  the  removal 
of  Dudley,  who  did  not  favour  them,  and  whofe  fecond 
fon,  William  Dudley,  who  began  to  have  great  weight  in 
the  houfe  of  reprefentatives,  was  a  violent  oppofer.  An 
unufual  ftep  was  taken,  that  the  governor's  commiflion 
might  be  fuperfeded.  An  exemplification  of  Burgefs's 
commifTion  was  obtained,  and  that,  with  the  new  commif- 

fion 

*  Colonel  Byfield  came  from  England  a-bout  the  year  1680,  and  fettled  foon  after 
at  Briftol,  in  the  colony  of  New  Plymouth.  His  father  was  Richard  Byfield,  one 
of  the  affembly  of  divines  ;  his  mother,  fifter  to  bifhop  Juxon.  He  had  intereft  to 
obtain  a  commilTion  for  judge  of  the  admiralty  in  1703,  which  he  held  until  1715-. 
He  complained  of  being  injurioufly  reproved  by  Mr.  Dudley  in  council,  for  fome 
alleged  errors  in  judicial  proceedings,  and  was  after  that  always  in  the  oppofition. 

f  Mr.  Cooke  died  the  31ft  of  Odober  this  yeaf,  aged  78.  He  was  cfteemed  as 
a  phyfician,  but  moft  remarliable  in  hia  political  charafter,  having  been  more  than 
forty  years  together  employed  in  places  of  public  truft,  always  firm,  and  fteady  to  his 
principles.  I  am  obliged  to  Mr.  Middlecot  Coolce,  his  grandfon,  for  many  of  hi* 
papers,  which  have  been  of  great  ufe. 

The  fame  day  Thomas  Oliver,  efquire,  another  of  the  council,  died  at  Newton. 

Mr.  Addington  died  this  year  alfo  (March  19,1714-lj.)  He  had  been  fecretary 
before  the  arrival  of  the  charter,  and  had  the  character  of  great  integrity,  and  of 
being  in  every  other  refped  well  qualified  for  his  port.  After  his  death,  the  govern- 
or appointed  his  fon  Paul  Dudley  and  Addington  Davenport,  commilfioners  for 
keeping  the  great  feal  and  the  public  records  and  files,  until  his  majefty  Ihould  ap- 
point a  fecretary  for  the  province. 

Samuel  Woodward  arrived  at  Bollon,  Sept.  aad,  1 715,  with  his  majefty's  com- 
xnifllon  for  fecretary. 

Nov,  16.  Ichabci  Plailled,  ef^ulre,  another  of  the  council,  died  in  his  5 ad  year. 


1715.]  MASSACHUSETTS.   ~  193 

fion  or  warrant  to  the  lieutenant  governor  Taller,  were 
publifhed  in  Bofton  at  the  fame  time,  the  9th  of  Novem- , 
ber  ;*  and  thereupon  Tailer  took  upon  him  the  adminif- 
tration.  It  was  quefUoned  whether  this  was  regular  ;  the 
commiffions  lay  three  or  four  weeks  for  the  council  to 
confider  of ;  but  at  length  they  advifed  to  the  publication, 
I  know  of  no  other  initance  of  the  publication  of  a  gover- 
nor's commiilion  in  Maffachufetts  before  his  arrival  in 
perfon.  In  Virginia  it  muft  have  been  praclifed,  if  a  pub- 
lication has  been  judged  neceffary  ;  feveral  of  their  gover^ 
nors  having  never  been  in  the  colony.  The  houfe  of 
reprefentatives,  the  firll  day  of  their  fitting  (Nov.  23d) 
appointed  a  committee  to  confider  of  the  commilfions,  but 
no  public  exception  was  taken,  Mr.  Dudley's  friends 
were  fenfible  he  could  continue  but  a  fliort  time,  for  the 
original  commifiion  with  the  new  governor  would  remove 
all  doubt  ;  he  himfelf  was  in  advanced  life,  near  feventy, 
and  had  felt  fo  much  of  the  burden  of  governm.ent  that 
he  might  well  be  weary  of  it,  and,  like  his  friend  Mr. 
Stoughton,  wifh  to  retire. 

No  New  England  man  had  palled  through  more  fcenes 
of  bufy  life  than  Mr.  Dudley.  His  friends  intended  oth- 
erwife.  He  was  educated  for  the  miniftry,  and  if  various 
dignities  had  been  known  in  the  New  England  churches, 
poilibly  he  had  lived  and  died  a  clergyman  ;  hut  wirncut 
this,  nothing  could  be  more  dilfonant  from  his  ^enius.  He 
foon  turned  his  thoughts  to  civil  affairs  ;  was  nrii  a  dep- 
uty or  reprefentative  of  the  town  of  Roxbury,  then  an  af- 
fiflant,  then  agent  for  the  colony  in  England, where  he  laid 
a  foundation  for  a  commiffion,  foon  after  appointing  him 
prefident  of  the  council,  firll  for  Maffachufetts  only,  but, 
under  Andros,  for  all  New  England,  Upon  the  revolution, 
for  a  fliort  time  he  was  funk  in  difgrace,  but  foon  emerg- 
ed. He  appeared  firft  in  the  character  of  chief  juftice  at 
New  York,  then  returning  to  England,  became  lieutenant 
governor  of  the  Ifle  of  Wight  and  member  of  parliamert 
for  Newtown,  both  which  places  he  willingly  refigned  for 
the  chief  command  in  his  own  country.     Ambition  was 

the 

*  His  commiflTion  for  lieutenant  governor  under  Burgefs  had  been  read  in  council 
the  »4th  of  September,  and  he  then  took  the  oaths,  but  no  exemplification  of  Bur- 
gefs's  commiilion  was  then  arrived. 


194  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IL 

the  ruling  paiTion,  and  perhaps,  like  Caefar,  he  had  rather 
be  the  firft  man  in  New  England  than  the  fecond  in  Old. 
Few  men  have  been  purfued  by  their  enemies  with  great- 
er virulence,  and  few  have  been  fupported  by  their  friends 
with  greater  zeal.  We  have  feen  a  fecond  generation  in- 
herit -the  fpirit  of  their  ancefrors,  the  defcendants  on  one 
fide  preferving  an  affedion  for  his  family  and  pofterity, 
and  on  the  other,  retaining  equal  difafFection  againfl  them. 
Some  of  his  good  qualities  were  fo  confpicuous,  that  his 
enemies  could  not  avoid  acknowledging  them.  He  appli- 
ed himfelf  with  the  greateft  diligence  to  the  bufmefs  of 
his  ftation.  The  aifairs  of  the  war  and  other  parts  of  his 
adminillration  were  conducted  with  good  judgment.  In 
economy  he  excelled  both  in  public  and  private  life.  He 
fupported  the  dignity  of  a  governor  without  the  reproach 
of  parfimony,  and  yet,  from  the  moderate  emoluments  of 
his  poft,  made  an  addition  to  his  paternal  eflate.  The 
vifible  increafe  of  his  fubilance  made  fome  incredible  re- 
ports of  grofs  bribery  and  corruption  to  be  very  eafdy  re- 
ceived ;  but,  in  times  when  party  fpirit  prevails,  what  will 
not  a  governor's  enemies  believe,  however  injurious  and 
abfurd  ?  At  fuch  a  time,  he  was  charged  with  difpenfmg 
Jummum  jus  to  Leiiler,  and  incurring  an  aggravated  guilt 
of  blood,  beyond  that  of  a  common  murderer.  The  oth- 
er party,  no  doubt,  would  have  charged  the  failure  of 
juftice  upon  hini,  if  Leiiler  had  been  acquitted.  His 
cringing  to  Randolph,  when  in  his  heart  he  defpifed  him, 
was  a  fpot  in  his  character  ;  and  his  fecret  iniinuations, 
to. the  difadvantage  of  his  country,  was  a  greater;  both 
being  for  the  fake  of  recommending  himfelf  to  court  fa- 
vour. I  think  it  is  no  more  than  juftice  to  his  character, 
to  allow  that  he  had  as  n^any  virtues  as  can  confift  with 
fo  great  a  thirfl  for  honour  and  power. 

His  life  would  afford  convincing  evidence,  if  there  was  - 
any  doubt,  that  an  humble  calm  mind  enjoys  more  hap- 
pinefs  in  private  life,  than  an  ambitious,  anxious  mind  in 
the  higheit  (lation.  No  man  in  our  hiilory  had  i^txi  more 
of  the  temporum  varietates  fortunaqtie  viciffitudines^  which 
Cicero,  in  one  of  his  epiftles  to  Lucceius,  fays,  afford  a 
pleafmg  narration,  however  irkfome  to  the  man  who  has 
the  experience  of  them. 

Colonel 


1715.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  195 

Colonel  Tailer's  ftrong  attachment  to  the  bank  party 
procured  him  the  adminiftration  for  a  few  mouths ;  but 
was  the  caufe  of  his  lofing  his  commilFion  for  lieutenant 
governor  immediately  after.  It  was  fuppofed,  I  know  not 
upon  what  grounds,  that  colonel  Burgeis  would  favour  the 
fame  parry,  and  his  arrival  v/as  every  day  wilhed  for  by 
them  ;  whild  the  other  party  dreaded  it,  and  laboured  to 
prevent  it.  It  was  faid  alfo  that,  in  other  refpccls,  he 
would  by  no  means  be  agree:ible  to  the  country  ;  a  gen- 
tleman of  a  more  grave,  ferious  turn  of  mind  vvouid  be 
more  likely  to  be  happy  here  himfelf  and  to  render  the 
people  fo.  Mr.  Belcher,  afterwards  governor,  who  was 
very  oppofite  to  the  bank  party,  was  then  in  London  ;  he 
joined  with  Mr.  Dummer,  the  agent,  and  they  engaged 
fir  Wilham  Afhurfl  with  them,  and  prevailed  upon  Bur- 
gefs  for  a  thoufand  pounds  llerling,  v/hich  Bclchor  and 
Dummer  advanced  equally  between  them,  to  refign  his 
commiffion,  that  colonel  Shute  might  be  appointed  in  his 
ftead.  Colonel  Tailer's  friends  had  endeavoured  to  en- 
gage Ailiurft  in  his  favour,  but  to  no  purpofe  ;*  the  fame 
interell  obtained  ihQ  lieutenant  governor's  commiffion  for 
Mr.  William  Dummer,  a  New  England  gentleman,  who 
had  married  a  daughter  of  Mr.  Dummer,  one  of  the  com- 
miffioners  at  Plymouth,  and  was  in  fome  poil  there  him- 
felf; bi^t,  his  wife  dying,  he  had  returned  to  his  native 
country. 

Colonel  Shute's  family  were  generally  diffenters :  his 
father  an  eminent  ciiizen  in  "London  ;  his  mother,  daugh- 
ter of  Mr.  Caryl,  a  dillenting  miniiter  of  great  note.  His 
brother,  afterwards  lord  Barrington,  was  then  a  member 
of  parliament,  and  at  the  head  of  the  diifenting  intereft. 
The  colonel  began  his  education  under  Mr.  Charles  Mor- 
ton, who  about  the  year  1684  came  to  New  England  and 
was  minifter  of  Charleftown.     After  tuition  under  him, 

he 

*  "  I  have  no  defign  to  klTen  colonel  Tailer's  merit,  but  T  mud  obfervc  on  this 
article,  that  you  fccin  knoAvingly  and  induftrioufly  to  fupprefs  the  true  reafon  of  his 
popularity,  which  is  his  being  at  the  head  of  the  private  bank,  and  which  I  take  to 
be  a  new  and  ftrong  realbn  for  putting  him  out  of  his  employment  ;  and,  in  this,  1 
do  not  rely  upon  my  own  judgment,  but  upon  the  judgment  of  many  principal  gen- 
tlemen in  the  bank  of  England,  who  condemn  it  as  milchicvous  to  the  country,  uad 
calculated  to  fcrvc  private,  finiilcr  views."- 4/^''>fs  Id.  to  Mather. 


J96  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IL 

he  was  fent  to  Leyden.  He  went  after  that  into  the  ar- 
my under  king  William,  who  made  him  a  captain,  ferved 
under  the  duke  of  Marlborough,  was  a  lieutenant  colonel, 
and  wounded  in  one  of  the  principal  battles  in  Flanders. 
He  had  a  good  acquaintance,  and  was  well  efleemed  at 
court ;  had  the  character  of  a  friend  to  liberty,  and  was 
of  an  open,  generous  and  humane  difpofition.  A  gover- 
nor of  his  character  might  be  fuppofed  to  be  welcome  to 
New  England  men  ;  but  the  intereft  of  party  prevail 
over  all  other  confiderations,  and  virtue,  religion,  private 
friendfhip  and  public  good  are  all  facrificed  to  pro- 
mote it.* 

*  Feb.  14,  J715-16,  died  at  Salem  William  Browne,  efquire,  in  his  78th  year,  an 
afliftant  under  the  old  charter,  and  one  of  fir  Edmund  Andros's  council,  which  feems 
to  have  been  the  reafon  of  his  not  being  nominated  by  Mr.  Mather,  and  appointed 
by'king  William  under  the  prefent  charter.  This  negledl  naturally  procured  him 
lome  votes  at  the  firft  cle6lion  afterwards,  and  he  was  brought  into  the  council  and 
continued  many  years. 

Jan.  14th,  the  fame  year,  died  at  Salem  Eli2Mibeth  Patch, the  firft  born  female  in  the 
old  colony  of  Maffachufetts,  fo  that  fhe  muft  have  lived  86  or  87  years;  and  April 
14th  following,  died  at  Newport  Mary  Godfrey,  aged  about  77,  being  the  firft  child 
born  there.  The  longevity  of  the  firft  born  in  each  of  the  three  colonies  is  wortl% 
noting. — July  20,  1704,  died  at  Marfhfield  Peregrine  White,  aged  eighty-three 
years  and  eight  months,  the  firil  born  in  Plymouth  colony. 


The  foUotv'ing  paragraphs  fasuld  have  been  added  to  the  note  in  pag£  1 36,  'viz. The 

governor,  in  the  month  of  March  this  year,  [1704]  returning  by  water  from  his 
pther  government  of  New  Hampfhire,  before  the  brigantine  in  \vhich  he  had  taken 
his  paffage  came  up  with  Cape  Ann,  was  furprifed  with  as  violent  a  ftorm  as  had 
been  known,  and  of  as  long  continuance.  There  being  advice  brought  to  Bofton 
of  his  failing  from  Portfmouth,  and  no  further  intelligence  of  him,  it  was  generally 
apprehended  that  the  veffel  muft  have  foundered.  At  length  came  news  of  his  arrival 
in  the  harbour  of  Gloucefter,  having  been  four  days  at  anchor  on  the  back  of  the 
Cape,  cxpe»5ling  every  hour  to  perifh.  In  a  proclamation  for  a  public  thankfgiving- 
a  few  days  after,  notice  is  taken  of  his  wonderful  prefervation  from  fliipwreck. 

April  4,  1 704,  died  at  Newbury  Daniel  Pierce,  eftjuire,  of  the  council.- 


CHAP. 


1716.3  MASSACHUSEtTS.  197 


CHAP.      III. 

From  the  arrival  of  governor  S/jute,  in  1716,  to  the  arrival 
of  governor  Belcher  ^  in  1730. 

OOLONEL  Shute  arrived  at  Bodon,  Odoberr  the  4th, 
1716,  in  a  merchant-fliip,  and  was  received  with  ufual 
parade.  He  made  the  oppofers  of  the  bank  his  iirll  ac- 
quaintance, the  old  governor's  family  in  particular,  and 
took  his  lodgings  at  Mr.  Paul  Dudley's,  lie  had  receiv- 
ed very  unfavourable  imprelfions  of  the  other  party,  from 
Mr.  Belcher  and  Mr.  Dummer,  in  England,  and  was  con- 
frdered  from  his  firfl  arrival  as  an  enemy  to  the  fcheme> 
and  the  heads  of  the  party  were  the  heads  of  an  oppofition, 
during  the  whole  of  his  adminiftration.  In  his  firil  fpeech 
to  the  general  court,  November  7th,  he  puts  them  in  mind 
of  the  bad  flate  of  the  trade  of  the  province,  an  important 
article  of  any  people^s  happinefs,  owing, as  he  fuppofed, 
to  the  great  fcarcity  of  money,  and  recommends  the  con- 
fideration  of  fome  effedual  meafures  to  fupply  this  want, 
and  thereby  to  reftore  trade  to  a  flourifhing  condition. 
This  was  pointing  out  to  them  a  further  emiffion  of  gov- 
ernment's bills,  and  the  reprefentatives,  pleafed  with  fo  ea» 
fy  a  method  of  obtaining  money,  foon  determined  upon  a 
fecond  loan  of  one  hundred  thoufand  pounds  for  ten 
years,  to  be  put  into  the  hands  of  commiirioners  appoint- 
ed for  each  county  in  proportion  to  th*:r  taxes.  This 
provifion  being  made  by  the  government,  there  was  the 
lefs  pretence  for  private  perfons  or  companies  ifluing  their 
bills  ;  but  it  gave  no  relief  to  the  trade,  the  whole  cur- 
rency foon  depreciating  to  that  degree  as,  with  this  addi- 
tion, to  anfwer  the  purpofes  of  money  very  little  more 
than  if  it  had  not  been  made.  The  governor  became  {^^w- 
fible  of  it,  and  recommended  to  them  to  provide  againfl 
it,  which  they  were  not  able  to  do ;  and  many  of  them 
would  not  have  been  willing  if  they  had  been  able,  be- 
ing in  debt,  and  by  means  of  the  depreciation  difcharging 

their 


19S  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  III. 

their  debts  by  a  nominal  fum,  perhaps  of  not  more  than 
one  half  the  real  vakie  of  the  debts.  He  foon  found  the 
cfFeds  of  it  upon  his  own  falary,  which  they  refufed  to  ad- 
vance as  the  bills  funk,  and  having  recommended  this 
meafure  in  a  public  fpeech,it  became  more  difficult  after- 
wards to  refufe  repeating  it. 

The  province  had  been  at  war  with  the  eaftern.  Indians, 
except  fome  ihort  intervals,  for  about  forty  years.  The 
profpecl  of  a  long  peace  between  Great  Britain  and  France 
encouraged  us  to  hope  for  the  like  with  the  Indians,  who 
had  always  been  under  French  influence  ;  but  their  father, 
Ralle,  a  Jefuit,  was  conflantly  iniligating  them  to  infult 
and  annoy  the  new  fettlers,  who,  he  pretended,  encroach- 
ed upon  the  lands  of  the  Indians,  and  by  fupplying  them 
with  fi:rong  drink  debauched  their -morals  and  prevented 
the  progrefs  of  the  good  v,^ork  he  had  began  among  them. 
A  treaty  or  conference  was  thought  expedient  to  confirm 
them  in  their  friendfhip  with  the  Englifir,  and  if  pofTible, 
to  dra.w  them  from,  the  Roman  Catholic  to  theProteflant  re- 
ligion. Thegovernor,therefore,  the  firfl:  fummer  after  his 
arrival,  in  Auguft,  attended  by  feveral  of  the  council  both 
of  Maflachufetts  and  New  Hampfhire  and  other  gentlemen, 
met  the  Indians  at  Arowfick  iiland. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  conference,  he  delivered  them 
an  Englifli  and  an  Indian  bible,  which  he  told  them  con- 
tained the  religion  of  the  Enghfli  ;  and  at  the  fame  time 
recommended  to  them  Mr.  Baxter,  a  minifler  who  went 
down  as  a  milTionary,  and  told  them  he  would  explain  the 
bible  and  inflrud  them  in  the  principles  of  religion. 
They  were  at  no  lofs  for  an  anfwer.  ''  All  people,  they 
faid,  loved  their  own  minifters  ;  and  as  for  the  bible,  they 
defired  to  be  excufed  from  keeping  it ;  God  had  given 
them  teaching,  and  if  they  fhould  go  from  that,  they  fhould 
difpleafe  God."  They  v/ere  fixed  in  their  religion,  and  it 
would  have  been  a  lofs  of  time  to  attempt  to  move  them. 
The  reft  of  the  conference  was  upon  the  right  of  the  En- 
glifli to  fettle  in  that  part  of  the  country.  Upon  com- 
plaint made  by  the  Indians  of  encroachments  upon  their 
lands,  the  governor  produced  one  of  the  original  deeds 
which  had  been  given  by  their  fachems.  They  acknowl- 
edged 


1717^1  MASSACHUSETTS.  igg 

edged  the  lands  to  the  wefl:  of  Kennebeck  belonged  to  the 
Engliih,  but  they  were  lure  no  fale  had  ever  been  made 
of  any  lands  to  the  eaft.  The  governor  told  them,  the 
Enghfh  v/ould  not  part  with  an  inch  of  the  land  which 
belonged  to  them.  The  Indians  were  fo  offended  that 
they  rofe  immediately,  and,  without  any  ceremony,  took 
to  their  canoes  and  went  to  another  illand  where  they  had 
their  head-quarters,  leaving  behind  an  Englifh  flag  which 
the  governor  had  given  them.*  In  the  evening,  feveral 
of  them  returned  to  Arowfick  with  a  letter  from  Pv.alle  to 
the  governor,  acquainting  him  that  the  French  king  did 
not  allow,  that  in  any  treaty  he  had  given  away  the  land 
of  the  Indians  to  the  Engliih,  and  would  proted  the 
Indians  againfl  the  Englifii  encroachments.  The  gov- 
ernor let  them  know,  that  he  highly  refented  the  infolence 
of  the  Jefuit,  and  the  next  morning  ordered  the  fignal  for 

failing. 

*  Wiiviirrs.  We  are  willinr^  to  cut  on  our  laads  as  far  as  the  mil's  and  the  coaih 
to  Pemaquid. 

Governor.  Tell  them  we  defire  only  what  is  our  own,  and  that  we  will  iiave- 
We  will  not  wiong  them,  but  what  is  our  own  we  will  be  mafters  cf. 

Wiiu.     It  was  fald  at  Caico  treaty  that  no  mere  forts  fheuld  be  made. 

Goi}.  Tell  them  the  forts  arc  not  made  for  their  hurt,  and  that  I  wonder  they 
fhould  fpeak  againll  them,  when  they  uie  for  the  fetuvity  of  both,  \ve  being  all  fi:b- 
jeAs  of  king  George. 

Wiij.  We  cannot  underhand  how  our  lands  have  been  purchafed ;  what  has  ncenr 
alienated  was  by  our  gift.  [His  excellency  hereupon  ordered  that  a  deed  of  iale 
of  lands  on  Kennebeck  river,  made  by  fix  Indian  fagamores  to  Richard  "Whar- 
ton, fhould  be  opened  and  exhibited  to  them  ;  which  was  tionc,  and  partly  read  and 
interpreted  to  them.] 

Wiiv.  As  for  the  wefl:  Tide  of  Kennebeck  river  I  have  nothing  to  fay,  but  airt 
fure  nothing  has  been  fold  on  the  eaft  iide. 

Gov.  I  expecSl  their  pcfitive  anfwer  and  compliance  in  the  matter,  that  the  En- 
glifii maybe  quiet  in  the  poiTefTion  of  the  lands  they  have  purchafed. 

Wiiv.     We  don't  know  what  to  think  of  new  forts  built. 

Gov.     I  have  fpoke  to  that  already,  and  told  them  they  are  for  our  mutual  dcfencc. 

fVitv.  We  fkould  be  pleafed  with  king  George  if  there  was  never  a  fort  in  the 
eaftem  part?. 

Gw.  Tell  them  that  whereever  there  is  a  new  fettlement  1  faall  always  order  a 
fort,  if  I  think  it  proper,  and  that  it  is  for  the  fecurity  of  them  and  us  ;  and  fo  do  the 
French.  Are  any  people  under  the  fame  government  afraid  of  being  made  too  ftrof.^ 
to  keep  out  enemies  ? 

IVitv.  We  arc  a  little  uneafy  concerning  thefe  lands,  but  are  willing  the  Englifh 
ftiall  poffefs  all  they  have  excepting  forts. 

Gov.  Tell  the«i  wa  will  not  take  an  inch  of  their  land,  nor  will  we  p~rt  with  as 
inch  of  our  own. 

iFliu.     We  fhall  have  fifhing  and  fowling  where  we  will. 

Gov.  It  is  freely  confented  to,  and  they  are  alTurcd  of  it.  [Thea  the  Indians  roie 
up  at  once  and  withdrew  in  a  hafty  abrupt  manner,  without  taking  leave,  and  left 
behind  them  their  EngHIh  colours,  returning  to  the  head-qi^arters  at  Puddlclione's 
iiknd.— ^-C«^«rr*B»tf  at  Artivfiek^  1 71 7- 


£oo  THE  HISTORY  Ol?  [Chap.  IIL 

failing;  Ralle  in  his  letters  often  laments  the  unfleadi* 
nefs  of  the  Indians.  They  were  afraid  at  this  time  of  a 
new  war.  The  old  men  were  loath  to  quit  their  villages 
at  Norridgewoek  and  Penobfcot,  where  they  Hved  at  eafe, 
and  encam.p  in  the  woods,  or,  which  was  much  worfe,  de- 
pend upon  the  French,  who,  they  would  often  fay-, 
treated  them  Hke  dogs  when  there  was  no  immediate 
occafion  for  their  fervice*  This  confideration  induced 
them  to  fend  two  of  their  number  with  a  meifage  to  the 
governor,  acknowledging  that  yefterday  they  had  been 
rude  and  unmannerly,  and  earneftly  defiring  to  fee  him 
again*  He  let  them  know  he  would  fee  them  upon  no 
terms,  unlefs  they  quitted  their  pretenfions  to  the  lands 
which  belonged  to  the  Englifli.  This  the  meffengers 
promifed  fliould  be  done,  and  deftred  that  the  Engliih 
colours  which  they  had  flighted  might  be  returned  them^ 
In  the  evening,  they  came  again  to  the  conference,  and 
appointed  a  new  fpeaker  as  a  mark  of  refentment  againft 
the  former,  who,  they  faid,  had  behaved  ill"  the  day  be- 
fore, and,  without  entering  into  any  difpute  about  partic- 
ular limits  or  bounds,  declared  they  were  v/illing  the  En- 
gUfli  fliould  fettle  where  their  predeceifors  had  fettled  ;  de- 
lired  to  live  in  peace  and  to  be  fupplied  with  neceflaries 
in  a  way  of  trade ;  confeffed  that  fome  of  their  inconfid- 
erate  young  men  had  offered  injuries  to  the  Englifh,  and 
violated  the  treaty  of  Portf mouth  in  17 13*  After  renew- 
ing that  treaty,  the  conference  ended. 

The  beginning  of  an  adminiflration  in  the  colonies  is 
generally  calm  and  without  ruffle.  Several  months  paifed, 
after  colonel  Shute's  arrival,  without  open  oppofition  tp 
any  meafures.  The  town  of  Bofton  at  the  firll  election 
of  their  reprefentatives,  left  out  fuch  as  had  been  bank 
men,  and  chofe  fuch  as  were  of  the  other  party,  but  Mr. 
Cooke,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the  firft  party,  had  inter- 
eft  enough  to  obtain  a  place  in  council.  It  was  foon  after 
infmuated  that  the  governor  was  a  weak  man,  eafily  led 
away,  and  that  he  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Dudleys,  men 
of  high  principles  in  government,  and  it  behoved  the  peo- 
to  be  very  careful  of  their  liberties.  Mr.  Cooke,  who 
had  the  character  of  a  fair  and  open  enemy,  was  free  in 

expreffing 


1718.J  MASSACHUSETTS.  201 

€xpreffing  his  fentiments,  and  the  governor  was  informed 
of  fome  contemptuous  language  in  private  company,  with 
"which  he  was  fo  much  offended  as  to  procure  Mr.  Cooke's 
removal  from  the  place  of  cleik  to  the  fuperior  court. 
A  difpute  happening  about  the  fame  time  between  Mr. 
Bridger,*  furveyor  of  the  woods,  and  the  inhabitants  of 
the  province  of  Maine,  concerning  the  property  of  the 
white  pine  trees  within  that  province,  Mr.  Cooke  imme- 
diately inferted  himfelf  in  the  controverfy,  publickly  pat- 
ronized the  inhabitants,  and  in  a  memorial  to  the  houfe 
of  reprefentatives  charged  the  furveyor  with  mal-conduCl 
in  threatening  to  profecute  all  who  without  licenfe  from 
him  Ihould  cut  any  pine  trees  in  their  own  ground,  which 
Mr.  Cooke  alleged  they  had  good  right  to  do  ;  and  he 
further  charged  the  furveyor  wdth  permitting  fuch  per- 
fons  as  would  pay  him  for  it,  to  cut  down  the  trees  which 
were  faid  to  belong  to  the  king. 

The  furveyor  thereupon  preferred  his  memorial  to  the 
governor  and  council,  juftifying  himfelf  in  the  difcharge 
of  his  truft,  and  complaining  of  Mr.  Cooke,  one  of  the 
members  of  the  council,  for  oflicioufly  concerning  himlelf 
with  the  affairs  of  the  furveyor's  ofiice,  and  obilruciing 
his  meafures  for  the  fervice  of  the  crown.  Mr.  Cooke 
had  many  friends  in  the  houfe  ready  to  fupport  him,  and 
this  difpute  was  the  beginning  of  the  public  controverfy 
which  continued  until  the  end  of  colonel  Shute's  admin- 
iflration  ;  parties  w^re  formed,  new  fubjects  for  conten- 
tion from  time  to  time  v/ere  furniflied,  until  at  length  the 
governor  was  forced  to  leave  the  province. 

I  do  not  find  any  vote  of  council  upon  this  memiorial, 
but  the  governor  efpoufed  the  caufe  of  the  furveyor  ;  and  j 
to  ihew  his  refentment  againft  Mr.  Cooke,  when  the  lift 
of  counfellors  was  prefented  at  the  next  election,  dire6led 

his 

*  John  Bridger  came  to  New  England  by  way  of  New  York  in  1698,  in  the 
fame  fhip  with  lord  Bellamont.  He  was  commiffioned,  together  with  Benjamin 
Furzcr,  by  the  comaiiflioncTS  of  the  navy,  to  inquire  into  the  ftate  of  the  counti-y 
and  its  capacity  for  producing  naval  ftores,  and  they  were  to  furvey  all  the  woods, 
not  merely  for  malls,  but  for  oak  timber  for  fhip-buildiug,  for  trees  for  tar,  pitch 
and  turpentine,  and  for  land  fuitabk  for  hemp.  There  being  no  hopes  of  fuccjfs 
from  the  other  parts  of  the  commiflion,  it  was  foon  confined  to  tiie  prefcrvatioa 
of  mafls,  and,  fo  far  only,  fervsd  as  a  precedent  for  fuccecding  lurveyorg  of  iLc 
woods. 

Vol.  II.  O 


^o^-  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IIL 

his  fpeech  to  him  in  particular,  and  let  him  know  he 
would  excufe  him  from  attending  at  the  board  for  the 
enfuing  year.* 

Mr.  Cooke  foon  after  prefented  his  memorial  to  the 
council,  in  which  he  juftified  his  own  conduct,  and  charged 
Mr.  Bridger  with  "  ufing  his  utmoil  efforts  to  invade  the 
rights  and  propel  ties  of  the  people  in  the  province  of 
Maine  by  his  exorbitant  anions,  as  well  as  bafely  betray- 
ing  the  trufl  the  crown  had  invefled  him  with,  by  daily 
felhng  and  bartering  the  very  logs  and  timber  which  he 
gave  out  was  the  king's,  his  mailer,  whofe  bread  he  then 
ate."  The  council  fuffered  the  memorial  to  lay  upon 
their  table,  but  aded  nothing  upon  it.  Afterwards,  upon- 
the  appointment  of  a  commirtee  by  the  houfe,  they  joined 
a  committee  of  council  to  confuier  in  general  of  Mr* 
Bridger's  conduct.  This  committee,  in  their  report,  juf- 
tified Mr.  Cooke,  and  condemned  the  proceedings  of  the 
furveyor.  The  council  put  off  the  confideration  of  this 
report  alfo,  but  the  houfe  voted  their  acceptance  of  it,- 
The  governor,  of  courfe,  tranfmitted  to  the  board  of  trade 
an  account  of  all  thefe  proceedings,  and  very  foon  receiv- 
ed 

*  The  form  of  pracecding"  has  ahvays  been  for  a  committee  of  the  houfe  to  lay 
hefore  the  goverjior  a  lift  of  the  counfellors  eled,  upon  which  he  iignifies  his  confent 
<:«-  refulal,  and  fends  back  the  lift  by  the  fecretary,  which  is  read  in  council  atid  then' 
in  the  houfe. 

In  the  month  of  April,  17I7,  a  pirate  iltip,  the  Whidah-,  of  twenty-three  gun* 
a^id  one  hundred  and  thirty  mt-n,  Samuel  Bellamy,  commander,  ventured  upon  the 
ccafl  of  New  England'near  to  Cape  Ccd,and  after  having  taken  feveralveffels,  fevea 
a',  the  pirates  v/ere  put  on  bojrd  one  of  them,  who  foon  got  drunk  and  went  to  fleep. 
The  mafrer  of  the  veilel  which  had  been  taken  run  her  alhore  upon  the  back  of  the 
Cape,  and  the  feven  men  were  fecured.  Soon  after,  the  pirate  Paip  in  a  fiorm  was 
forced  aflaore  near  the  table  land,  and  the  whole  crew,  except  one  Englifhman  and 
one  Indian,  were  drowned.  Six  of  the  company,  imcn  trial  by  a  fptcial  court  oC 
admiralty,  were  proiiounced  gitilty  and  executed  at  Bollon,  November  15th. 

The  year  1717  %vas  remarkable  for  a  p '-cater  mortali;:y  among  aged  people  than 
had  at  any  time  been  known.  Five  of  the  council  died  within  the  rompafs  of  a 
year,  nil  of  them  well  efteemed.  John  Hawthorn  at  Salem,  May'ioth,  aged  76: 
Andrew  Belcher,  Odlober  3Tfl;,  aged  71.  Wait  Winthrop,  November  7th,  aged  76. 
riifiia  Hutchinfon,  December  loth,  aged  77  ;  and  Eliakim  Kutchinfon,  April  22, 
rfged  78.  The  lafl:  four  of  Bofton.  Henry  Bering  and  his  wife,  in  one  grave, 
and  another  inhabitant  of  Bofcon,  Robert  Winfor,  and  his  wife,  in  another,  were 
buried  the  {i\xne  evening,  all  above  70. 

The  famous  Indian  warrior,  Benjamin  Church,  who  had  efcaped  the  enemy's 
bullets  in  a  great  number  of  encounters  v*'hen  in  the  mofl  imminent  hazard,  met 
death  this  year  by  a  fall  from  his  horfe,  at  the  age  of  78. 

Mr.  Woodward,  fscretary  of  the  province,  tired  of  a  poft  of  much  labour  and 
Httle  emolument,  dilpofed  of  it  to  Jofiah  Willard,  efquire,  w^ho  obtained  the  royft.'» 
coxnmifiion,' and  arrived  at  Eoilon  from  London  December  the  1 2th. 


i7l8»]  MASSACHUSETTS;  203 

cd  an  anfwer,  cenfuring  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  for 
countenancing  and  encouraging  P.Ir.  Cooke.  This  being 
laid  before  the  houfe,  they  by  a  vote  declared  that  the  cen- 
fure  ot  the  board  of  trade  was  occafioned  "  by  fending 
home  the  papers  on  one  fide  only,  whereby  their  lordfliips 
were  informed  ex  parte.'*  The  houfe  had  avoided  any 
direcl  attack  upon  the  governor  until  this  vote,  many  of 
the  principal  members  this  year  being  well  afFecled  to 
him  ;  but  the  party  without  doors,  efpecially  in  Bofton, 
had  been  increafmg  againd  him,  and  at  the  next  eleclion 
for  that  town,  they  fent  all  new  members,*  and  a  change 
was  made  in  many  other  towns,  unfavourable  to  the  gov- 
ernor's intereft. 

The  famous  projcdlor,  captain  Coram,  in  the  year 
171 8,  was  bufy  in  a  fcheme  for  fettling  Nova  Scotia  and 
the  lands  between  Nova  Scotia  and  the  province  of  Maine, 
and  a  petition  was  preferred  by  fir  Alexander  Cairnes, 
jfames  Douglafs  and  Jolhua  Gee,  in  behalf  of  themfelves 
and  others,  praying  for  a  grant  upon  the  fea-coa(l  five 
leagues  fouth-weO:  and  five  leagues  north-ealt  of  Chi- 
budo  harbour,  where  they  propofed  to  build  a  town,  and 
to  improve  the  country  round  it  in  raifmg  hemp,  in  mak- 
ing pitch,  tar  and  turpentine ;  and  they  undertook  to  fettle 
a  certain  number  of  families  to  confill  of  tvv'o  hundred 
perfons  in  three  years,  the  red  of  his  majefly's  fubjedts 
not  to  be  prohibited  fifliing  on  the  coafls  under  regula- 
tions. To  this  petition  Mr.  Dummer,  the  Madachufetts 
agent,  objefted,  becaufe  of  the  lad  claufe,  which  laid  a 
redraint  upon  the  fiiliery.  The  lords  of  trade,  however^ 
reported  in  favour  of  it,  but  it  dopped  in  council. 

Another  petition  was  preferred  by  William  Armdrong 
and  others  who  had  been  officers  and  foldiers  in  the  ar- 
my, "  praying  for  a  grant  of  the  lands  between  Nova 
Scotia  and  the  province  of  Maine,  the  faid  tra^t  of  land 
having  been  conquered  by  the  French  in  1696  and  pof- 
feded  by  them  until  17 10,  when  it  v>'as  recovered  by  the 
Englifh,  and,  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  was  with  Nova 
Scotia  given  up  by  France  to  the  BritiOi  crown."  The 
eonqued  in  1696  was  the  taking  Pemaquid  fort,  and  hold- 
O  2  ing 

*  Slilha  Cooke,  Oliver  Noyes,  Ifaiah  Tay,  and  WiUiaaa  Ci*rk. 


204  THE    HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  IIL 

ing  pofTeffion  of  the  harbour  two  or  three  days.  This, 
however,  was  made  a  ferious  aifair,  and  the  agent,  Mr. 
Dummer,  was  feveral  times  heard  before  the  lords  of  trade. 
The  general  court  being  reflrained  from  conveying  thefe 
lands  v/ithout  confent  of  the  crown,  it  v/as  propofed,  that 
if  they  would  confent  to  refign  the  jurifdiction  between 
Kennebeck  and  Penobfcot,  the  crown  fliould  confirm  the 
property  of  the  foil  ;  but  upon  the  propofal's  being  com- 
municated to  the  court  they  inftru6ted  their  agent  to  make 
ilo  conceflions. 

^  One  Sarah  Watts,  fetting  forth  that  (he  w'as  heir  at  law 
to  Thomas  Gofie,  deputy  governor  and  one  of  the  twen- 
ty-fix patentees  of  the  old  colony,  claimed  a  twenty-fixth 
part  of  the  colony,  and  the  ilTues  and  profits  for  eighty  or 
ninety  years.  She  filed  a  bill  of  complaint  in  chancery 
agaiaft  the  province,  and  there  was  a  commifTion  of  fe- 
queftration  for  feveral  New  England  fliips  in  the  river, 
which  coit  the  owners  feveral  guineas  each,  to  the  fliarp- 
ers  who  had  urged  the  woman  to  the  fuit.  The  agent 
'was  required  to  anfwer  the  bill,  which  he  did  by  declaring 
that  if  the  complainant  could  make  it  appear  that  Thom- 
as Golfe  was  once  feized  of  a  twenty-fixth  part  of  the  col- 
ony, and  that  fhe  w^as  heir  at  law  to  him,  which  he  did 
not  believe  flie  was  able  to  do,  yet  he  verily  believed  that 
when  the  patentees,  with  others,  were  incorporated  into  a 
body  politic,  their  refpedive  rights  ceafed  and  paiTed  to 
the  corporation,  who  had  granted  the  lands  away.  The 
poor  v/onian  was  at  laft  arrelled  for  debt  and  fent  to  New- 
gate, where  fhe  perifhed. 

The  governor,  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  171 8,  had 
confented  to  aii  impofl  bill  which  laid  a  duty  not  only  up- 
on Weif-India  goods,  wines,  &c.  but  alfo  upon  Enghfh 
manufa6lures,  and  a  duty  of  tonnage  upon  Englilh  fhips. 
Before  the  fefiion  in  May,  the  nest  year,  he  had  received 
an  in(lru6lion  from  the  king  to  give  all  encouragement 
to  the  manufadures  of  Great  Britain.  The  houfe,  how- 
ever, paffed  a  bill  of  the  fame  tenor  with  that  of  laft  year,* 
and  fent  it  to  the  council  for  their  concurrence.     An 

amendment 

*  The  houfe  never  pafs  an  impofl  hill  oi-  hill  for  the  general  tax  (or  the  fuppor-f 
of  government  for  a  longer  term  than,  one  year» 


I7I9-]  MASSACHUSETTS.  205 

amendment  was  propofed,  viz.  to  leave  out  the  duty  upon 
Englifli  vcflels  and  goods,  but  the  houfe  adhered  to  their 
bill.  A  conference  enfued,  for  the  houfe  were  net  then 
fo  exa£l  as  they  have  been  fince  in  refufing  to  confer 
upon  money  bills.  This  produced  nothing  more  than  a 
propofal  from  the  houfe  to  alter  the  word  E/i^IiJh  to  Eu- 
ropean^ which,  being  trivial,  was  refufed.  It  fecms  the 
governor,  a  little  out  of  time,  had  taken  the  opinion  of 
the  council  upon  this  queflion,  whether,  confifcent  with 
his  inftrudion,  he  could  give  his  confent  to  the  bill,  which 
they  determined  he  could  not,  if  it  fliould  be  offered  to 
him.  The  houfe  then  tried  the  council  with  the  foliov.- 
ing  refolve  ;  "  The  houfe  innit  on  their  vote,  forafmuch 
as  the  royal  charter  of  this  province  gives  power  to  the 
government  to  impofe  and  levy  proportion^ible  and  rea- 
fonable  affeffments,  rates  and  taxes  upon  the  eftates  and 
perfons  of  all  tmd  every  the  proprietors  and  inhabitants 
of  the  fame,  which  this  government  has  been  in  the  free 
and  uninterrupted  exercife  of  ever  fmce  the  enjoyment  of 
the  faid  cherrter.  Sent  io  tJj^  upper  houfe  for  their  concur- 
rence." The  upper  houfe  was  a  new  name  for  the  council, 
and  defigned  as  a  fleer,  and  to  intimate  that  they  might 
confider  themfelves  in  another  capacity  than  as  a  privy 
council.*  Perhaps  if  Cromwell's  epithet  for  his  houfe  of 
lords  had  come  into  their  minds,  it  v/ould  have  been  thg 
other  houfe.  Taunts  and  language  which  tend  to  irritate 
can  upon  no  occafion  be  juftihable  from  one  branch  of 
the  legiflature  to  the  other.  Upon  an  agreement  and 
harmony  the  intereH  of  the  people  depends.  Upon  dif- 
ferent apprehenfions  of  this  intereft,  if  it  be  the  real  ob- 
jecl,  the  fevcral  branches,  by  the  perfuafive  voice  of  rea- 
fon,  will  ftrive  to  convince  each  other,  and  be  willing  to 
be  convinced  as  truth  Ihall  appear. 

The  council  thought  themfelves  unkindly  treated,  and 
by  a  meffage  defired  the  houfe  to  alter  their  vote  ;  buc 
they  refufed  to  do  it,  and  gave  their  reafons  for  the  new 
form.     "  The  houfe  have  received  new  and  unufual  treat- 
ment 

*  Whatever  the  ill  is,  the  upper  houfe  is  the  caufe  of  it,  that  being  the  true  nam« 
of  it  ;  a  grand  jury  being  peers  as  well  as  tjiey.  Mr.  Vaagh^n  in  Greft  JJi3i.s  4/ 
the  korp  of  commons. 


2o6  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IIL 

inent  from  the  board,  ill.  It  is  new  and  unufual  for  the 
council  to  give  his  excellency  their  advice  upon  a  bill,  till 
they  have  a£led  in  concert  with  the  houfe  in  concurring 
or  non-concurring.  2d.  It  is  likewife  new  and  unufual 
for  the  council  to  defire  a  free  conference  upon  a  fubjedl 
matter,  and  then,  at  the  management,  to  inform  the  houfe 
that  by  a  previous  vote  they  had  fo  far  engaged  them- 
felves  that  they  could  not  recede  from  it.  3d.  It  is  like- 
wife  a  new  and  unufual  method  for  the  honourable  board, 
after  a  melfage  to  the  houfe  defiring  feveral  amendments 
to  a  bill  of  rates  and  duties  which  were  in  a  great  meaf- 
ure  agreed  to  by  the  houfe,  immediately  to  non-concur 
the  bill.  4th.  It  is  likewife  new  and  unufual  for  the  hon- 
ourable board  to  intermeddle  fo  much  with  the  grants 
and  funds,  which  this  houfe  take  to  be  their  peculiar  prov-^ 
ince.'* 

The  houfe  having  in  this  manner  exprelfed  their  refent- 
ment  returned  to  their  old  ftyle,  and  then  the  council,  by 
meffage,  let  them  know  that  they  would  not  give  their 
concurrence  to  any  bill  laying  a  duty  upon  European 
goods,  denied  the  charge  made  againll  them  by  the  houfe, 
of  innovations,  and  intimated  that  any  further  meffages 
would  only  tend  to  increafe  the  mifunderftanding  and  re- 
tard the  affairs  of  the  government,  and  defired  the  houfe 
rather  to  join  v/ith  them  in  a  dihgent  endeavour  to  bring 
the  fefiion  to  fuch  a  conclufion  as  fhould  promote  his  maj- 
eily's  honour  and  the  intereil  of  the  province. 

Several  weeks  having  been  fpent  in  thefe  altercations, 
the  governor  thought  it  time,  to  interpofe,  and,  fending 
for  the  houfe  to  the  council  chamber,  he  made  thq  follow- 
ing mild  and  healing  fpeech  to  them.-^ 

^'  Gentlemen y 
^'  MY  deftgn  in  fending  for  you  up  at  this  time,  is  to 
let  you  know  how  concerned  I  am  at  the  unhappy  mifun- 
derilandings  that  have  been  for  many  years  between  the 
council  and  your  houfe  relating  to  the  impoft  bill,  and  to 
alfure  you  that  no  perfon  here  prefent  can  be  more  defir- 
ous  of  preferving  the  privileges  of  this  people  than  myfelf, 
fq  far  as  is  confident  with  the  late  znflrudions  I  have  re- 
ceived 


t7T9-J  MASSACHUSETTS.  107 

ceived  from  my  royal  mafler,  v^hich  have  by  his  fj^ecial 
direclicn  been  laid  before  this  court.  I  am  fully  perfiiad- 
ed,  that  to  a6t  any  way  contrary  thereto,  after  the  many 
debates  and  votes  which  have  been  upon  that  head,  would 
rather  deflroy  than  preferve  thofe  privileges  we  juilly 
prize.  Gentlemen,  I  defire  your  feriaus  confideration  of 
what  I  have  hinted,  that  fo  the  important  affairs  of  the 
province  yet  lying  before  you  may  have  a  fpeedy  and  hap- 
py conclufion." 

This  fpeech  which,  a  year  or  two  after,  when  the  prej- 
udices againd  the  governor  were  at  the  height,  would 
have  been  excepted  to  as  irregular  and  anticipating  mat- 
ters, which  it  would  have  been  time  enough  for  the  gov- 
ernor to  have  declared  his  icrSc  of  v/hen  they  came  to  be 
laid  before  him,  had  now  a  good  efied,  and  i»ie  houfe  the 
fame  day  refolved  that  a  new  impod  bill  Ihould  be  brought 
in,  and  that  the  controverted  claufe  in  the  former  bill 
/hould  be  left  out  ;  but  in  the  preamble  to  their  refolve 
they  make  a  heavy  charge  againd  the  council  for  not  con- 
curring their  former  bill. — 

"  Whereas  this  houfe  have  voted  and  palled  a  bill 
granting  to  his  majefty  feveral  rates  and  duties  ot  impofl 
and  tonnage  of  {hipping,  in  which  was  included  one  per 
cent,  on  European  merchandize,  for  which  article  or 
claufe  the  honourable  council  have  feveral  times  non-con- 
curred the  faid  bill,  notwithfranding  all  proper  endeavours 
have  been  ufcd  by  this  houfe  to  atlain  the  fame  which 
have  hitherto  proved  fruitlefs,  whereby  a  confiderabls 
part  of  the  revenue  v/hich  would  have  accrued  to  this 
province  is  for  this  prefent  feifioji  foregone,  which  alio 
tends  to  the  depriving  this  government  of  their  jud  rights, 
powers  and  privileges  granted  by  the  royal  charter  ; 
Refolved,"  &c. 

The  council  were  fond  of  peace,  and  as  foon  as  thi^ 
refolve  came  to  their  knowledge,  they  fent  a  mefiage  to 
the  houfe  defiring  they  vvould  not  print  the  reiblve  in  their 
votes,  a5  it  v/ould  have  an  ill  ede^l,  and  would  oblige  the 
council  in  their  own  vindication  to  reply,  although  they 
wifced  that  all  controverfy  between  the  two  houfes  might 

ceafe* 


so8  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  III. 

ceafe.     The  houfe  printed  it  notwithftanding,  and  the 
next  day  the  council  fent  the  following  anfwer. — 

"  The  board  are  very  much  concerned  to  find,  among 
the  votes  of  the  honourable  houfe,  a  declaration  as  if  the 
council  in  non-concurring  the  bill  of  impoil  as  it  was  firfl 
framed,  had  dene  that  whereby  a  confiderable  part  of  the 
revenue  which  would  l^ave  accrued  to  this  province  is  for 
this  prefent  feffion  foregone,  which  alfo  tends  to  the  depriv- 
ing this  government  of  their  jull  rights,  powers  and  priv- 
ileges granted  by  the  royal  charter. 

''  This  declaration  contains  or  implies  fuch  a  charge  as 
the  council  can  by  no  means  futFer  themfelves  to  lie  un- 
der, without  alTerting  and  folemnly  declaring  their  integ- 
rity ;  and  they  are  more  furprifed  at  the  imputation  of 
doing  a  thing  which  tends  to  deprive  this  government  of 
their  juft  rights,  powers  and  privileges  granted  by  the 
royal  charter,  becaufe  on  the  23d  current  the  board  fent 
down  a  meffage  to  the  honourable  houfe,  '  that  they  were 
always  ready  and  desirous  to  concur  with  the  honourable 
houfe  of  reprefentatives  in  fuch  propofals  relating  to  an 
impoH:  as  may  not  tend  to  alter  or  expofe  our  prefent 
happy  conflitution  under  the  royal  charter  ;'  fo  that  it 
was  from  a  fmcere  and  juft  regard  to  the  rights,  powers 
and  privileges  of  this  government,  granted  by  the  royal 
charter,  that  the  council  chofe  rather  to  omit  the  duty  of 
one  per  cent,  on  Englifh  goods  for  this  feffion. 

"  That  the  council  apprehended  the  duty  of  one  per 
cent,  on  Englilh  goods  affedled  the  trade  of  Great  Britain, 
and  fo  came  within  the  meaning  of  his  majefty*s  late  ad- 
ditional inflruciion,  is  certain  ;  and,  being  of  that  opinion, 
it  would  have  been  inconfiftent  for  the  board  to  concur 
the  bill  of  impod  as  it  was  fent  up.  However,  they  can 
boldly  and  truly  fay,  they  have  aded  from  a  principle  of 
duty  to  his  majefly,  love  and  fidelity  to  their  country,  and 
have  nothing  more  at  heart  than  the  jufl:,  wife  and  care- 
ful prefervation  of  thofe  invaluable  rights,  pov/ers  and 
privileges  granted  by  the  royal  charter,  which  God  long 
continue." 

This  controverfy  being  over,  the  court  was  prorogued. 

Before 


1720.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  209 

Before  the  next  feflions  in  November,  the  governor  re- 
ceived  a  reprimand  from  the  lords  juflices,  the  king  being 
abfent,  for  confenting  to  the  duty  on  Enghlli  goods,  ^c. 
by  the  impofl  ad  in  1718.  This  he  laid  before  the  court. 
The  fame  houfe,  which  had  fo  long  contended  with  the 
council  the  feffion  before  for  this  claul'e  in  the  bill,  now 
"  readily  acknowledge  the  exceptions  taken  to  it  are  jult 
and  reafonable/'  An  inftrudion  to  the  governor  to  fup- 
port  the  furveyor  of  the  woods  in  the  execution  of  his  of- 
fice, which  was  communicated  bo  the  houfe  at  the  fame 
time,  was  not  fo  favourably  received  ;  and  in  an  anfwer 
or  remonftrance  occafioned  by  the  governor's  fpeech,  they 
charge  the  furveyor  with  inflances  of  very  grofs  mal-con- 
du6t.  What  evidence  they  had  of  it  does  not  now  fully 
appear.  The  governor,  by  a  melTage,  defired  they  would 
not  print  their  remonftrance.  They  fent  a  committee  to 
acquaint  him,  they  mud  infift  upon  the  right  they  had  to 
make  it  pubhc.  He  made  a  very  great  miftake,  and  told 
the  committee  that  his  majefty  had  given  him  the  power 
of  the  prefs  and  he  would  not  fuffer  it  to  be  printed. 
This  doctrine  would  have  done  v;ell  enough  in  the  reigns 
of  the  Stuarts  :  in  the  prefent  age  it  is  juftly  exceptiona- 
ble ;  although  by  the  liberty  of  the  prefs  we  are  not  to 
underlfand  a  Hberty  of  printing  every  thing,  however 
criminal,  with  impunity.  The  houfe  had  no  opportunity 
to  take  notice  of  this  declaration.  Upon  another  occa- 
fion  they  let  him  know  they  had  not  forgot  it.  The  gov- 
ernor was  fo  difpleafed  with  the  proceedings  of  the  houfe, 
that  he  put  an  end  to  the  fefiion,  and  they  never  met 
again. 

We  are  now  arrived  to  the  memorable  year  1720.  The 
contefts  and  dilfenfions  in  the  government  rofe  to  a  greater 
height  than  they  had  done  fmce  the  rehgious  feuds  in  the 
years  1636  and  1637. 

The  public  affairs  in  general  were  in  a  very  indiftereTit 
flate.  The  Indians  upon  the  eaflern  frontiers  were  con- 
tinually infulting  and  menacing  the  Englifh  inhabitants, 
fo  that  but  little  progrefs  had  been  made  in  fettling  the 
country  fnice  the  peace  j  and  this  year  mofl  of  the  Settle- 
ments 


;eio  the   history  of  [Ckap.  III. 

ments  which  had  been  begun  were  deferted,  and  a  new 
war  was  every  day  expeded. 

The  trade  of  the  province  declined.  There  was  a  gen- 
eral cry  for  want  of  money,  and  yet  the  bills  of  credit, 
which  were  the  only  money,  were  daily  depreciating. 
The  depreciation  was  grievous  to  all  creditors,  but  par- 
ticularly diftreiTmg  to  the  clergy  and  other  falary  men,  to 
widows  and  orphans  whofe  eflates  confided  of  money  at 
interefl,  perhaps  juft  enough  to  fupport  them,  and  being 
reduced  to  one  half  the  former  value,  they  found  them- 
felves  on  a  fudden  in  a  ftate  of  poverty  and  want.  Exec- 
utors and  adminiitrators,  and  all  who  were  poifefTed  of  the 
cffeds  of  others  in  trufl,  had  a  flrong  temptation  to  retain 
them.  The  influence  a  bad  currency  has  upon  the  mor- 
als of  the  people  is  greater  than  is  generally  imagined. 
Numbers  of  fchemes,  for  private  and  pubUc  emilTions  of 
bills,  were  propofed  as  remedies,  the  only  effectual  one, 
the  utter  abohtion  of  the  bills,  was  omitted. 

By  thefe  calamities,  the  minds  of  the  people  were  pre- 
])ared  for  imprefiions  from  pamphlets,  courants,  and  other 
news-papers,  which  were  frequently  publiflied,  in  order 
to  convince  them  that  their  civil  liberties  and  privileges 
w^ere  flruck  at,  and  that  a  general  union  was  neceffary. 
Thefe  did  not  pafs  without  anfwers,  attributing  all  the  dif- 
trefs  in  pubhc  affairs  to  the  wrath  and  refentment,  the 
arts  and  fmifter  views  of  a  few  particular  perfons  ;  but 
the  voice  of  the  people  in  general  was  againfl  the  gover- 
nor. In  our  mother  country,  when  difputes  arife  between 
the  branches  of  the  legifiature  upon  their  refpeclive  rights, 
parties  are  formed  and  the  body  of  the  people  are  divid- 
ed ;  for  in  a  well-conftituted  government  it  is  of  import- 
ance to  the  people  that  the  fliare  even  of  the  popular  part 
of  the  conflitution  fhould  not  be  unduly  raifed  to  the  fup- 
preffion  of  the  monarchical  or  ariflocratical  parts.  From 
a  regard  to  the  common  interefl,  therefore,  in  a  difpute 
concerning  prerogative  and  privilege,  the  people  ordina- 
rily are  divided  in  fentiment.  The  reafon  is  obvious  why 
it  is  lefs  frequently  fo  in  a  colony.  There,  the  people  in 
general  confider  the  prerogative  as  an  interefl,  without 
them,  feparate  and  diflind  from  the  interior  intereft  of 

the 


J720.]  MASSAC?IUSETTS.  211 

the  colony.  This  takes  their  attention  from  the  iufl  pro- 
portion of  weight  due  to  each  branch  in  the  conflitution, 
and  caufes  a  bias  in  favour  of  the  popular  part.  For  the 
fame  reafon,  men  fond  of  popular  applaufe  are  more  fure 
of  fuccefs  with  lefs  degree  of  art  in  a  colony,  than  in  a 
State  not  fo  conne-fled,  and  confcquently,  men  who  with 
unbiaifed  judgments  difcern  and  have  virtue  enough  to 
purfue  the  real  interefl:  of  their  country,  are  more  likely 
to  be  reproached  and  vilified. 

The  hrft  acl  of  the  houfe  of  repref^ntatives  was  the 
choice  of  Mr.  Cooke  for  their  fpeaker.  A  committee  was 
fent  to  the  governor,  at  his  houfe,  to  acquaint  him  with 
the  choice.  They  reported,  at  their  return,  that  his  ex* 
cellency  faid,  "  It  was  very  well."  In  the  afternoon,  the 
governor  being  in  council  fent  the  fecretary  to  acquaint 
the  houfe  that  he  was  now  in  the  chair,  and  ready  to  re- 
ceive their  melTage  refpefting  the  choice  of  a  fpeaker. 
They  fent  back  an  anfwer  that  his  excellency,  upon  being 
informed  of  the  choice  in  the  morning,  had  laid  "  It  was 
very  well,"  and  they  had  recorded  his  anfwer  in  the  books 
of  the  houfe.  The  governor  replied,  that  he  would  re- 
ceive no  melfage  from  the  houfe  but  when  he  was  in  the 
chair.*  The  houfe  then  propofed  by  meiTage  to  the 
council,  to  join  wjth  them  in  the  bufmefs  of  the  day,  the 
choice  of  counfellors  ;  but  upon  the  governor's  telling 
their  committee,  who  carried  up  the  melfage,  that  no 
election  fhould  be  m.ade  until  he  was  acquainted  who  was 
chofen  fpeaker,  the  houfe  fent  a  new  committee  to  ac- 
quaint him  with  the  choice  they  had  made.  The  gover- 
nor replied  to  this  committee,  that  Mr.  Cooke  had  treated 
him  iU  as  the  king's  governor,  and  therefore,  according 
to  the  power  given  him  by  the  royal  charter,  he  negatived 
the  choice,  and  defired  they  would  proceed  to  choofe 
another  perfon.  They  fent  back  their  anfwer,  that  they 
had  chofen  a  fpeaker,  according  to  their  known  and  legal 
privileges,  and  therefore  infifted  upon  the  choice  ;  and  at 
the  fame  time  they  renewed  their  motion  to  the  council 
to  join  with  them  in  the  eledion.     The  governor  told 

the 

*  The  journal  of  the  houfe  adds,  •*  and  that  he  had  received  no  fueh  mefTags 
$rom  the  houfe,  and  given  no  fuch  anfwer  ;"  but  the  general  court's  records  take  n« 
If  tice  of  this. 


212  THE    HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  ILL 

the  committee,  thai»  he  had  received  a  mefTage  from  the 
hoiiie,  acquainting  him  with  the  choice  they  had  made  of 
a  fpeaker,  which  choice  had  been  negatived,  and  he  was 
no  fpeaker.  Upon  this,  the  houfe  fent  their  committee 
to  the  board  to  acquaint  them,  that  two  meilages  having 
been  fent  to  propofe  to  the  board  to  join  in  the  choice  of 
counfeliors  and  no  anfwer  having  been  given,  they  now 
defired  to  know  whether  the  board  w^ould  join  in  the 
eieftion  or  not. 

If  there  had  been  any  further  delay  on  the  part  of  the 
board,  it  is  very  probable  the  houfe  Vi^ould  have  proceeded 
without  them,  v»^hich  mud  have  increafed  the  perplexity. 
The  governor,  therefore,  left  the  board,  having  firft 
charged  the  fecretary  with  the  following  meffage  to  the 
houfe  : — 

"  His  excellency  orders  me  to  acquaint  you,^hQ  is  in- 
formed that  governor  Dudley  did,  in  the  time  of  his  gov- 
^nment,  difallow  of  a  fpeaker  chofen  by  the  houfe,  and 
that  his  proceedings  therein  were  approved  by  the  com- 
miffioners  of  trade  and  plantations,  and  that  he  was  there- 
upon dire6led  by  the  faid  commiilioners  to  acquaint  the 
council,  that  it  would  not  be  thought  fit  that  her  majefly's 
right  of  having  a  negative  upon  the  choice  of  a  fpeaker 
be  given  up,  which  was  refer ved  to  her  m.ajefty,  as  well 
by  the  charter  as  by  the  conllitution  of  England/' 

Notwithilanding  the  v/arm  difputes  in  the  preceding 
year  between  the  two  houfes,  only  one  new  counfellor 
was  chofen,  John  Burrill,  efquire,*  of  Lynn,  who  had  been 
many  years  fpeaker  of  the  houfe,  but  this  year  was  fent  to 
the  board,  in  the  room  of  Mr.  Iligginfon.  The  houfe  had 
been  as  fond  of  this  Mr.  Bur  rill  as  of  their  eyes.  His 
temperate  fpirit,  until  now,  had  engaged  the  v/hole  houfe 
in  his  favour,  and  from  year  to  year  procured  him  a  gen- 
eral 

■^.This  Mr.  Burri.11  bore  a  very  fair  ch2r?><5:er.  I  h:?ve  often  heard  his  contem- 
poraries applaud  him  for  his  great  integrity,  his  acquaintance  with  parliamentary 
forms,  the  dignity  and  authority  with  which  he  filled  the  chair,  the  order  and  deco- 
rum he  maintained  in  the  debates  of  the  houfe,  his  felf-denial  in  remaining  in  the 
houfe,  from  year  to  year,  when  he  might  have  been  chofen  into  the  council,  and 
faw  others,  who  called  him  their  father,  fent  there  before  him  ;  to  fay  a  great  deal 
of  him  in  one  word,  there  was  as  much  iikenefsin  his  chara6cer  to  that  of  the  right 
honourable  perfon  v.-ho  fo  many  years  filled  the  chair  in  the  houfe  of  commons  with 
fuch  applaufe,  as  well  can  be  between  fmall  and  great.  Mr.  Eurrill  died  of  the 
finall-pox  at  Lynn,  Deceraber  loth,  1 721. 


i-j^o.-]  MASSACHUSETTS.  215 

cral  vote  ;  but  this  year  the  houfe  were  willing  to  part  with 
him  for  a  gentleman  obnoxious  to  the  governor^  which 
meafure,  it  was  eafy  to  forefee,  maft  give  a  further  occa- 
fion  of  controverfy. 

Two  of  the  new  elcv^ed  counfellors  were  neratived, 
Nathanael  Byfield,  who  had  been  foliciting  in  England  for 
the  government  when  colonel  Shute  was  appointed,  and 
John  Clark,  who  was  a  perfon  of  many  valuable  qualities, 
and  obnoxious  only  for  being  fi.rongly  attached  to  Mr, 
Cooke,  and  having  been  a  great  fupportcr  of  the  caule. 

After  the  cledion,  the  governor  made  a  further  attempt 
to  bring  the  hcufe  to  a  compliance  by  the  following  fpeech. 

"  Gentlemen^ 
"  AT  the  opening  of  this  felTion  you  thought  fit  to 
make  choice  of  Eliiha  Cooke,  efquire,  for  your  fpeaker, 
and  upon  your  reporting  of  it  to  me,  I  did  declare  rny  dif- 
acceptance  of  that  election,  and  am  fn-m  in  my  opinion 
that  I  had  good  right  fo  to  do,  by  virtue  of  his  majerty's 
commiiTxon  and  the  powers  reft^rved  by  the  royal  charter  ; 
and  am  alio  confirmed  in  it,  by  what  I  find  tranfacled  by 
the  late  governor  Dudley  during  his  adminiftration,  and 
alfo  by  the  opinion  of  the  right  honourable  the  lords  of 
trade  and  plantations  in  that  matter^  1  muir  further  ob- 
ferve  to  you,  that  the  perfon  you  have  chofen  had  invaded 
the  king  my  mafter's  rights  in  the  woods  of  the  province 
of  Maine,  though  confirmed  to  his  majeify  by  an  ad  of 
the  Britifli  parliament ;  and  I  have  received  the  thanks  of 
the  right  honourable  the  lords  of  trade  and  plantations 
for  removing  him  out  of  the  counciL  lie  has  ill  treated 
me,  who  am  the  king's  governor,  and  has  been  ccn- 
fured  by  the  council  for  it,  which  (lands  upon  record  in 
the  council  books.*  How  acceptable  this  matter  will  be 
at  home,  confidering  the  warning  we  have  lately  had  from 
the  court  of  Great  Britain  upon  the  account  of  pxailing 
the  impoft  bill,  will  be  worthy  of  your  ferious  reflection. 
Thefe  things  I  thought  necelfary  to  acquaint  you  with, 
and  advife  you  to  return  to  your  houfe  and  choofe  fome 
other  perfon  fpeaker,   with  a  refervation  of  your  own 

rights, 

*  The  co\:ncil  boolcs  from  the  cliarter  were  burnt  in  the  court  houfe  In  the  year 
J  ^4  7,  and  this  cenrurc  does  not  aj^pear  any  where  but  in  this  fpeech. 


«i4  THE  HISTORY  Ot  [Chap.  lit. 

rights,  until  you  fhall  fend  to  the  court  of  Great  Britain 
for  the  explanation  of  that  part  of  your  charter,  relating 
to  the  affair  of  a  fpeaker.*' 

The  houfe^  immediately  upon  their  return  to  their 
chamber,  entered  into  a  debate  upon  this  fpeech,  and  the 
queltion  being  put,  whether,  for  the  reafons  affigned  by 
his  excellency,  the  houfe  will  proceed  to  the  choice  of  a 
new  fpeaker,  it  palled  in  the  negative,  ?iemhie  contradice?ite» 

The  governor  gave  them  no  opportunity  to  proceed  on 
any  other  bufmefs^  for  the  next  day  he  fent  for  them  up 
again,  and  after  another  ihort  fpeeeh  diilbived  the  court. 

'•^  Gentlemeii^ 

*'  OUT  of  a  tender  regard  I  have  for  the  welfare  of 
this  province^  I  fhall  give  you  the  following  advice  be- 
fore we  part ;  that  when  it  fhall  pleafe  God  we  meet 
again  in  a  general  aflembly,  which  flrall  be  as  foon  as  pof- 
fible,  you  will  not  let  this  province  fuifer  by  the  perverfe 
temper  of  a  particular  perfon,  but  that  you  will  choofe 
one  for  a  fpeaker  that  has  no  other  viev/  but  that  of  the 
public  good,  one  that  fears  God  and  honours  the  king^ 
It  is  irkfome  and  difagreeable  to  me  to  diiTolve  an  aflem- 
bly, but  as  matters  now  fland  I  am  forced  to  do  it,  or 
mull  give  up  the  king  my  mafter's  prerogative,  which 
nothing  fhall  ever  obhge  me  to  do,  who  am  the  king's 
governor.  Gentlemen,  I  do  not  think  it  for  the  honour 
of  his  majefly's  government  that  this  affembly  fhould  fit 
any  longer,  and  therefore  I  fhall  diiTolve  you."* 

Writs  were  ilTued  for  a  x\tw  affembly,  to  meet  the  13th 
df  July.  The  governor  had  no  great  reafon  to  hope  for 
a  more  favourable  houfe.  The  people  in  general  thought 
their  privileges  were  attacked.  The  charter  indeed  was 
filent  upon  this  point.  In  a  difpute  between  the  crown 
and  the  houl'e  of  commons  in  the  reign  of  king  Charles 
the  lid.  an  expedient  was  found  which  feemed  to  avoid 
the  acknowledgment  of  the  right  of  the  crown  to  refufe  a 
fpeaker  ;  but  a  provincial  law  v,/as  principally  relied  upon, 
which  declares^  "  that  the  repreientatives  affembled  in 
any  great  and  general  court  fhall  be  the  fole  judges  of  the 

eleftions 

♦  Neither  of  thefe  fpeeches  are  printed  in  the  journal  of  the  houfe.  The  char|;e9 
Tjjjon  thcij-  fpealcer  feem  to  have  been  the  reafon. 


ipo.}  MASSACntJSETTS.  -14 

elections  and  qualifications  of  their  own  members,  and 
may  from  time  to  time  fettle,  grder  and  purge  their  own 
houfe,  and  makefuch  neceifary  orders  for  the  due  regula- 
tion thereof  as  they  Ihall  fee  occafion."  Whether  the 
legifiators  had  in  contemplation  the  right  of  the  houfe  to 
choofe  a  fpeaker,  exempt  from  the  governor's  negative, 
might  well  be  quedioned,  but  it  was  urged  that  the  du;i 
regulation  of  the  houfe  might  very  well  include  thi.^ 
right. 

The  towns  in  general  fent  the  former  members.  Boftom 
difcovered  how  they  flood  affected  by  leaving  out  Mr. 
Tay,who  was  one  of  thofe  perfons  who  ferve  upon  a  pinch ^ 
when  a  favourite  cannot  be  carried  by  a  party,  to  flop  thv-, 
gap  and  prevent  an  oppofite  candidate,  and  he  came  iu 
ieveral  times  upon  fuch  occafions.  In  his  room,  the  towrv 
now  chofc  Mr.  Clark,  the  negatived  counfellor. 

The  houfe  was  willing  to  fit  and  do  bufniefs,  which  tlip 
choice  of  the  former  fpeaker  would  have  prevented.  They 
therefore  pitched  upon  a  perfon  lefs  attached  to  party, 
Timothy  Lindall,  one  of  the  reprefentatives  of  Salem,  to 
whom  no  exception  was  taken.  The  governor  in  his 
fpeech  recommended  a  peaceabk  feilion,  but  the  houfe 
could  not  forget  the  late  diffolution.  They  began  with  a 
warm  meffage  or  remonflrancejto  the  governor,  in  which 
they  tell  him — "  The  lad  aflembly  took  no  great  pleafure 
in  being  diifolved,  before  they  had  gone  through  the  ulual 
neceflary  bulinefs  ;  their  ailbrting  and  maintaining  their 
jufl  right  and  ancient  privilege  of  choofmg  their  fpeaker, 
and  not  owning  his  excellency's  power  to  negative  him, 
was  nothing  but  what  they  were  fi:ricl:ly  obliged  to  ;  and 
the  new  houfe  are  humbly  of  opinion,  that  whoever  was 
of  advice  to  his  excellency  in  the  matter,  did  not  confult 
his  majefty's  intereft,  nor  the  public  weal  and  quiet  of  the 
government,  but  oificioufly  endeavoured  to  beget  unhap- 
py mifunderftandings  between  his  excellency  and  the 
houfe,  and  break  off  that  defirable  harmony  which  every 
one  ought  to  keep  up.  We  earneftly  hope  and  defne  tht2 
province  may  never  have  an  affembly,  that  will  willingly 
forego  luch  a  valuable  privilege  as  king  William  and 
queen  Mary  of  ever-bleffed  memory  gracioufly  favoured 

the 


6iS  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  IIL 

the  province  with,  when  they  gave  their  royal  alTent  to  a 
law  direclhig  and  governing  that  affair."* 

Ail  the  iubfequent  proceedings  of  this  fliort  feffion 
fhew  how  much  the  houfe  was  out  of  temper.  'An  Indian 
war  ufed  to  be  univerfally  dreaded.  To  prevent  it,  the 
€;overjior  and  council  had  been  treating  with  three  of  the 
Penobfcot^ tribe,  who  were  fent  for  or  came  to  Boflon, 
and  the  houfe  were  defired  to  make  a  grant  for  a  prefent 
to  them,  but  by  a  vote  they  refufed  to  do  it.  Some  time 
after,  they  ordered  a  fmall  fum,  ten  pounds  only.  To  the 
controveriy  with  the  governor,  and  the  oppofition  made 
to  the  propofals  which  came  from  him,  the  war  which  foon 
after  broke  out  was  by  the  governor's  friends  attributed. 

There  had  been  no  public  notaries  in  the  province, 
except  fuch  as  derived  their  authority  from  the  archbifliop 
of  Canterbury.  The  houfe  now  firfl  obferved,  that  a  no- 
tary public  was  a  civil  oiEcer,  which  by  the  charter  was 
to  be  chofen  by  the  general  court,  and  ient  a  meflage  de- 
firing  the  council  to  join  with  the  houfe  in  the  choice  of 
fuch  an  officer  in  each  port  of  the  province.  To  all  in- 
fh'uments  w^hich  were  fent  abroad,  not  only  the  attefta- 
tion  of  the  notary  himfelf  would  be  neceflary,  but  a  cer- 
tificate vmder  the  province  feal,  to  fliev/  the  authority  to 
atteft ;  the  council  therefore  took  time  to  confider  of  the 
expediency  of  appointing  fuch  an  oi^cer,  and  referred 
the  matter  to  the  next  feffion,!  but  the  houfe  immediately 
proceeded  and  chofe  the  ofBcers  by  their  own  votes. 
The  arguments  to  prove  that  an  officer  to  be  chofen  by 
the  whole  court  could  derive  an  authority  from  the  ma- 
jority of  the  members  of  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives, 
have  not  been  preferved.J  Being 

*  In  this  controverfy  the  houfe  fecm  to  have  mifapprehended '  their  own  caufe, 
and  to  have  laid  moft  ftrefs  upon  the  weakeft  argument.  The  analogy  hetween  the 
governor  and  a  provincial  houfe  of  rcprefentatives,  and  the  king  and  the  commons 
of  Great  Britain,  they  leave  out  of  the  queftion.  By  charter,  or  commifiions,  the 
form  of  government  is  fettled,  the  governor  reprefenting  the  king's  perfon,  the 
lower  houfe  reprefenting  -the  people.  I  fee  no  arrogance,  whatever  difproportion 
there  may  he  betweeti  Britain  and  her  colonies,  in  fuppofmg  an  analogy  hetween 
the  conflitutions,  except  where  peculiar  rights  or  powers  are  otherwife  fettled  in 
the  refpevSlive  branches. 

f  As  a  pubhc  notary  in  the  feveral  ports  was  judged  to  be  a  neceffary  officer,  the 
council  afterwards  concurred  with  the  houfe,  and  a  choice  has  been  ever  fince  annu^- 
ally  made  by  the  general  court. 

:|:  They  fent  a  rnelTage  the  next  day  to  the  governor,  to  defire  him  to  approve  of 
the  choice,  but  he  gave  them  for  anfwcr,  that  as  the  council  did  not  join  he  did  not 
fee  how  they  could  be  fvvcrn. 


3r72o.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  217 

Being  offended  with  the  council,  the  houfe  fent  a  mef- 
fage,  defiring,  "  that  confidering  the  low  circumflances 
of  the  province,  no  draught  be  made  upon  the  trealury 
for  expenfes  at  times  of  public  rejoicing  *  for  the  fu- 
ture." 

It  had  been  ufual  to  make  a  grant  to  the  governor  for 
the  falary  of  half  the  year,  at  the  beginning  of  the  feffion. 
The  houfe  deferred  it  until  the  clofe,  and  then  reduced 
it  from  fix  to  five  hundred  pounds,  although  the  curren- 
cy was  depreciated.  To  the  lieutenant  governor,  they 
ufed  to  make  a  prefent  once  a  year  never  lefs  than  fifty 
pounds  ;  they  now  reduced  it  to  thirty-five.  P>Ir.  Dum- 
mer  had  fo  much  fpirit,  that  he  inclofed  the  vote  in  a 
letter  to  the  fpeaker,  acquainting  him  that  "  having  the 
honour  to  bear  the  king's  commiflion  for  lieutenant  gov- 
ernor of  the  province,  and  having  been  annually  more 
than  fifty  pounds  out  of  pocket,  in  that  fervice,  he  did 
not  think  it  for  his  honour  to  accept  of  their  grant." 

The  governor  took  no  public  notice  of  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  houfe.  On  the  23d  of  July  he  put  an  end  to 
the  fefiion. 

During  the  recefs  of  the  court  (Auguu:  7th)  a  party 
of  the  eaftern  Indians  fell  upon  Canfo,  within  the  prov- 
ince of  Nova  Scotia,  but  peopled  every  fummer  from 
Maffachufetts.  The  Indians  furprifed  the  Englifh  in 
their  beds,  and  flripped  them  of  every  thing,  telling  them 
they  came  to  carry  away  what  they  could  find  lipon  their 
own  land.  Three  or  four  of  the  Englifh  were  killed. 
Some  of  the  French  of  Cape  Breton  were  in  confederacy, 
and  came  with  their  vefTels  the  next  night,  and  carried 
off  the  plunder,  together  with  about  two  thoufand  quin- 
tals of  fifh.  The  Englifh  veffels  in  the  harbour  were 
not  attempted.  A  floop  happening  to  arrive  the  next 
day,  the  mafler  offered  his  fervice  to  go  out  and  make 
reprifals,  and  being  furniflied  with  a  number  of  men  and 
two  or  three  fm^aller  veffels  for  his  conforts,  for  want 
of  more  ample  authority,  he  took  a  commifuon  from  one 
Thomas  Richards,  a  Canfo  juftice,  and  went  after  the 
French  and  foon  brought  in  fix  or  feven  fmall  fidiing 
Vol.  II.  P  veffels, 

*  TPhe  king's  birtii-day,  aaceffion,  cwonation,  &c. 


i2iS  THE    HISTORY    Ot  [Chap.  IIL 

velfels,  having  all  of  them  more  or  lefs  of  the  Englifli 
property  aboard. 

Mr.  Henfhaw,  of  Bollon,  a  principal  merchant  at  Can- 
fo,  went  to  Loiaifboxirg  with  a  complaint  to  the  French 
governor,  who  excufed  himfelf  from  intermeddling,  the 
Indians  not  being  French  fiibjecis,  nor  under  his  control. 
The  French  prifoners  were  fent  to  /'  nnapolis-royal.  The 
lofs  fuflained  by  the  Englifli  was  eltimated  at  twenty 
thoufand  pounds  currency^ 

The  fears  of  the  people  in  the  eadern  parts  of  Mafla- 
chufctts  were  increafed  by  this  llroke  upon  Canfo.  In  a 
fliort  time  after,  the  cattle  were  deftroyed,  and  the  lives 
of  the  owners  threatened.  The  governor  was  ftill  defir- 
ous  of  preferving  peace,  and  by  the  advice  of  council  fent 
orders  to  colonel  Walton,  the  commanding  officer  of 
fuch  forces  as  upon  the  alarm  had  been  fent  there,  to  in- 
form the  Indians,  that  commiffioners  fhould  be  fent  to- 
treat  with  them-*  The  Indians  liked  the  propofal  and 
promifed.to  attend  the  treaty. 

Before  the  time  appointed,  the  general  court  met,*  and 
the  houfe  paiTed  a  refolve,  "  that  one  hundred  and  fifty 
eiTedive  men,  under  fuitable  oCicers,  be  forthwith  order- 
ed to  march  up  to  Noi  ridgewock,  and  compel  the  Indiansr 
that  lliall  be  found  there,  or  in  Gather  thofe  parts,  to 
make  full  fatisfacLion  for  the  damage  they  have  done  the 
Englifli,  by  killing  their  fwine  and  fheep  or  carrying  them' 
away,  or  fiealing  provifions,  clothing,  or  any  other  way 
wronging  them.  And  that  a  warrant  be  directed  to 
captain  John  Leighton,  high-fheriff  of  the  county  of 
York,  who  is  to  accompany  the  forces,  for  the  appre- 
hending and  fafe  bringing  Mr.  Ralle  to  Bofton,  who  is 
at  prefent  refident  at  or  near  Norridgewock  in  Kenne- 
beck  river  in  this  province  ;  and,  if  he  be  not  to  be  found,' 
that  then  the  flierifl:'  direct  and  command  the  Indians 
there,  or  in  the  parts  adjacent,  to  bring  in  and  furrender 
up  the  Jefuit  to  him  the  fheriff ;  and,  upon  their  refufal: 
to  comply  with  either  of  the  faid  demands,  that  the  com^ 
manding  officer  is  to  take  the  befl:  and  m.ofl  effedual  way 
to  apprehend  and  fecure  the  Indians  fo  refiflfmg,  and  fafe 
condud  them  to  Bofton.'*  The 

*  N«v..  ii. 


1720.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  J19 

The  governor  looked  upon  this  refolve  to  be,  111  efre<5l, 
a  declariition  of  war,  and  an  invafion  of  the  prerogative  ; 
it  neceflarily  prevented  a  treaty  he  had  agreed  to  hold 
with  the  Indians,  and  a  new  war  mufl  be  the  confequcnce 
of  fuch  a  meafure.  The  council  were  fond  of  peace,  and 
when  the  refolve  was  fent  to  them  for  concurrence,  thcv 
rejected  it.  The  houfe  were  lefs  averfe  to  war.  The 
charge  of  cari-ying  it  on,  it  was  faid,  would  be  no  burden 
to  the  province  ;  the  French  now  durft  not  join  the  In- 
dians, and  this  would  be  the  mofl  favourable  opportunity 
which  could  be  expecled  to  fubdue  or  utterly  extirpate 
them.  That  the  charge  fhould  be  no  burden  feems  to  be 
a  paradox,  but  a  wild  opinion  had  filled  the  minds  of 
great  part  of  the  people  of  the  province,  that  if  bills  of 
credit  could  be  iffued,  the  advantage  to  trade  would  be 
fo  great,  that  the  taxes  by  which,  at  diflant  periods,  they 
were  to  be  drawn  in  again,  would  not  be  felt.  Many 
fchemes  of  public  expenfe  were  projeded,  and,  among  the 
relt,  a  bridge  over  Charles-river  broader  and  much  deep- 
er than  the  Thames  at  London  or  Weflminfter. 

I  (hall  take  no  pleafure  in  relating  the  proceedings  of 
the  general  court  in  this  and  the  two  next  years.  The 
befl  excufe  I  can  make  for  the  houfe  is,  that  the  attempt 
made  to  deprive  them  of  the  exclufive  right  of  choofmcr 
their  own  fpeaker,  was  deemed  by  them  a  grievance  ;  that 
the  royal  governments  infill  upon  this  right,  and  there 
was  nothing  in  Maffachufetts  charter  which  took  it  from 
them  ;  that  this  attempt  raifed  in  their  minds  a  jealoufy 
of  a  defign  againft  their  privileges  in  general,  and,  in. 
this  flate  of  mind,  they  w^re  more  eafily  prevailed  upon 
by  their  principal  directors,  whofe  principal  views  were 
to  diftrefs  the  governor,  to  agree  to  fuch  meafures  as 
under  other  circumflances  they  mufl  have  difapproved. 
The  rule,  perhaps,  holds  flronger  with  political  bodies 
than  with  individuals,  that  when  juft  bounds  are  once 
exceeded,  the  fecond  flep  is  as  eafy  as  the  lirf]:,  and  fo 
on,  until  at  length  they  are  drawn  by  degrees  to  fuch 
cxcefTes  Tis  ^  per  fait  um^  they  would  have  been  incapa-ble  of. 

The  pubhc  records  of  the  general  court  are  always 

•pen  to  the  infpedion  of  any  of  ths  members,  but,  that 

P  2  the 


i^6\  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IIL 

the  houfe  might  have  them  under  their  more  immediate 
view  and  charge,  they  palled  a  vote,  that  the  fecretary 
fliould  make  duplicates  of  all  public  records,  and  that  one 
fet  ihould  be  lodged  in  fuch  place  as  the  houfe  fliould  ap* 
point.  The  council,  willing  to  have  duplicates  for  great- 
er fecurity,  concurred  with  an  amendment,  viz.  in  fuch 
place  as  the  general  aifeinbly  fliould  dired ;  but  this 
amendm.ent  the  houfe  rejeded. 

The  houfe,  Ending  the  council  a  bar  to  their  attempts,, 
refolved,  in  one  inflance,  to  a6l  by  themfelves.  There  was 
a  complaint  or  fuggeition,that  falfe  mufters  were  made  by 
fome  of  the  officers  in  the  pay  of  the  province.  The  houfe 
taking  the  affair  into  tonfideration,  refolved,  "that  one 
or  more  meet  perfons  be  appointed  by  this  houfe,  clerk 
of  the  check,  who  fliall,  from  time  to  time,  have  an  in- 
fpedion  into  the  forts,  garrifons  and  forces,  and  take  care 
that  every  one  have  their  complement  of  men ;  and  the 
better  to  enable  them  to  execute  the  truft  repofed  in  them,, 
that  when  and  fo  often  as  they  fhall  fee  reafon,  the  com- 
manders of  the  forts,  garrifons  and  captains  of  any  of  the 
companies,  in  the  pay  of  this  government,  fhall  call  forth 
their  men  before  them,  and  if  any  do  not  appear,  the 
commanding  officer  to'  give  the  reafon  of  fuch  abfent 
men,  and  that  no  mufler-roU  fhall  be  accepted  and  paid 
by  the  treafurer,  unlefs  approved  of  by  the  clerk  of  the 
check."  The  governor  did  not  intend  to  admit  this  offi-* 
cer,  appointed  by  the  houfe,  into  the  forts,  garrifons,  &c. 
which  by  the  charter  the  crown  had  referved  to  the  gov- 
ernor,  but  he  kept  filent. 

To  another  acl  of  the  houfe  the  council  took  exception.^ 
A  meffage  was  fent  by  the  houfe  to  the  council  to  let  them 
know  they  had  appointed  a  committee  to  prepare  a  bill  for 
levying  foldiers, . "  taking  it  to  be  their  peculiar  care.'^ 
Left  it  fhould  be  underftood  that  this  was  to  exclude  the 
council  from  concurring  or  non-concurring  fuch  bill,  or 
from  advifmg  to  the  levying  foldiers  upon  an  emergency 
in  the  recefs  of  the  court,  the  council  defired  the  houfe  to- 
withdraw  thofe  words,  "  taking  it  to  be  their  peculiar 
care,"  which  they  agreed  to. 

At  this  feffion,  the  houfe  again  withheld  one  hundred 
pounds  from  the  governor's  ufual  half  year's  falary.     He 

had 


1720.] 


MASSACHUSETTS.  -21 


had  pafled  it  over  without  notice  before,  but  now  he 
thought  it  proper  to  lay  before  them  a  royal  inftru£lion 
to  recommend  to  the  aflerably  to  eftablifh  a  fufficient 
allowance  for  him  by  a  fixed  falary.  They  fent  him  a 
reply,  "  that  they  humbly  conceived  what  was  granted 
him  was  an  honourable  allowance,  and  the  affair  of  fet- 
tling falaries  being  a  matter  of  great  weight  and  wholly 
new  to  the  houfe  and  many  of  the  members  abfent,  they 
xlid  not  think  it  proper  to  enter  upon  the  conlideration  of 
it,  but  defired  the  court  might  rife."  The  governor  com- 
plied with  their  requefl.*  At 

*  The  Maffachufetts  province  afforded  fiil)jeJl;  for  fume  part  of  t"hc  madncfs  of 
the  people  of  England  'i»  this  remarkable  year.  W'ufte  l.mds  have  an  imaginary- 
value  fet  upon  them,  fometimes  higher,  fonictimes  lower,  and  continually  afford 
fubjeifl  for  bubbles  among  ourfelves.  Mr.  Dummcr  raifed  a  bubble  from  the  eall- 
cm  lands,  but  had  not  time  for  any  very  great  fucccfs. 

"  It  remains  now  that  I  give  an  account  to  the  general  court  of  a  very  confidera- 
b!e  undertaking  which  I  fet  on  foot,  and  have  been  carrying  on  for  feveral  months 
paft,  in  hopes  to  procure  thereby  many  great  advantages  to  the  province.  I  have 
projedcd  a  fcheme  to  raile  hemp  and  flax  in  the  eaftern  fionticrs  of  the  province  0} 
Maine  for  the  fupply  of  this  kingdom.  In  .order  te  accomplilh  this  defign,  I  pro- 
pofed  that  the  lands  between  St.  Croix  and  Penobfcot  fhoukl  be  granted  to  the 
undertakers  and  their  affjgns  by  the  crown,  and  that  they  fhould  alfo  hg.ve  a  charter 
of  incorporation,  with  all  reafcnabie  privileges  and  advantages  allowed  them. 

"  I  fet  myfclf  heartily  to  work,  and,  that  I  might  lay  a  good  foundation,  I  chofe 
feventeen  managers  for  carrying  it  en,  who  are  ;jll  peribns  of  great  diftinAion,  and 
attend  diligently  upon  the  birfinefs  at  every  meeting.  My  iord  Barringtor.  is  one, 
and  colonel  Bladen  of  the  board  oi  trade  is  another,  and  alderman  Eailis,  a  commlf- 
fioner  of  the  cufloms,  is  a  third.  The  reft  are  either  men  of  note  and  figure  in  par- 
liament, as  Mr.  Young,  firll  commiffioner  for  dating  the  accounts  of  the  army,  or 
eminent  citizens,  as  fir  Juftus  Beck,  who  is  one  of  the  greatefc  merchants  in  the 
kingdom.  Being  thus  f^rong,  1  had  no  reafon  to  take  notice  cf  Coram  ar.d  friends, 
or  to  have  any  ^^prehenfions  of  what  they  were  doing  or  capable  of  ^doi'/g  agalnft 
me,  yet,  for  quictnefs'  fake,  I  fent  them  v/iord  that,  if  they  vi'ould  withdraw  their 
petition  and  give  me  no  more  trouble,  they  fhould  find  an  account  of  profit  from 
this  undertaking  beyond  what  they  could  ever  expect  if  it  v.ere  to  be  ur.dcr  their 
own  condu<5t.  Coram  immediately  lubmitted  to  my  petition,  but  when  he  after- 
wards WHS  told  that  I  had  left  out  of  my  petition  the  tra6l:  of  land  between  Ktnnc- 
beck  and  Penobfcot,  he  ran  about  in  a  mad  rage,  declaring  he  would  raiher  flarvc 
than  come  into  it,  and  that  the  whole  defign  was  only  a  trick  in  me  to  fave  that  fih<* 
country  for  the  villanous  people  of  New  England.  I  have  therefore  fince  trcatevl 
and  a^eed  with  his  partners  and  patrons  by  whofe  inter  .-ft  he  v/as  fiipported,  fo  that 
Coram  is  now  entirely  dropped,  and  I  have  no  oppofition. 

"  Neverthelefs,  it  is  the  opinion  cf  the  managers  to  reft  a  little  till  the  miniflry  h.is 
quelled  th-;  great  number  of  companies  that  are  erected  every  day  in  defiance  of  the 
late  a<5t  of  parliament,  and  are  lb  offenfive  to  the  government, that  the  bcft  fchcnie  in 
the  world  would  fuffer  Ibme  difgrace  by  appearing  at  this  time.  I  have  only  te 
add,  that  I  have  referved  twenty  thoufand  pounds  of  th.-  fubfcriptiou  for  the  ufc 
and  benefit  of  the  province,  which,  when  the  time  come?,  I  will  put  in  the  name  of 
proper  truftecs  for  that  end.'"' Dum?fnt\-  Uiter,  Sept.  1 7,  I  720. 

The  time  never  came  for  appointing  truftees  for  the  province.  The  great  bubble 
was  breaking,  whitli  no  doubt  inclined  the  managers  of  t'lis  finall  one  to  {lop  a 
llide.  'The  capital  was  to  be  one  hundred  thoufand  pounds  flerling.  Query, 
whether  there  arc  no  bubbl^i  rifinj  io  EnjlanJ,  fioui  Ui«  w*ftc  lands  of  /\nn»:iciit 
at  this  day  ? 


222  THE   HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  IIL 

At  the  opening  the  next  fefTion  (March  15th)  the  gov- 
ernor in  his  fpeech  recommended  meafures  to  preve;it  the 
depreciation  of  the  currency,  to  fupprefs  a'  trade  carried 
on  with  the  French  at  Cape  Breton,  and  to  punifh  the 
authors  of  fadious  and  feditious  papers,  to,  provide  a  pref- 
ent  for  the  Five  Nations,  and  to  enlarge  his  falar}^ 

They  refafed,  directly  or  virtually,  every  propofal.. 
To  the  firft  the  houfe  tell  him,  in  their  anfwer,  "  they  had 
palTed  a  bill  for  ilTuing  one  hundred  thoufand  pounds 
more  in  bills  of  credit.''*  This  alone  had  a  dired  ten- 
dency to  increafe  the  mifchief ;  but  they  add,  that  "  to 
prevent  their  depreciation  they  had  prohibited  the  buying, 
felling  and  bartering  filver,  at  any  higher  rates  than  fet  by 
;i6i:  oiF  parHament.''  This  certainly  could  have  no  ten- 
dency to  lelTen  it.  Such  an  a6t  can  no  more  be  executed 
than  an  a6;  to  Hop  the  ebbing  and  flowing  of  the  fea.  It 
would  probably  carry  away  and  keep  out  all  filver  and 
gold.  The  depreciation  of  their  currency  w^ould,  not^ 
withflanding,  have  been  as  vifible  by  the  rife  of  ex- 
change with  foreigi:i  countries,  and  have  been  as  fenfibly 
felt  by  every  creditor  among  themfelves.  To  his  other 
propofals  they  fay,  "  they  know  of  no  trade  carried  on 
by  any  people  of  the  province  with  Cape  Breton,  and  do 
not  think  any  law  to  prevent  a  trade  there  is  neceffary  ; 
and  for  fediidous  and  fcandalous  papers,  the  bed  way  to 
fupprefs  or  prevent  them  is,  for  the  executive  part  of  the 
government  to  bring  the  authors  to  condign  punifhment ; 
and  if  proper  meafures  had  been  taken  to  difcover  and 

punilli 

*  Fifty  thoufand  pounds  had  been  iffued  the  laft  year,  17ZO,  and  diftributed  to  the 
feveral  towijs  in  proportion  to  their  taxes,  the  hills  to  he  repaid  at  i  limited  time  ; 
and  the  goverr.or  feemed  to  approve  of  &:id  encourage  this  way  of  iiTuing  bills  at  hi$ 
iirfl:  arrival,  but  was  afterwards  convinced  of  their  mifchievous  effedls.  Having 
about  ihis  time  received  an  inilru<5lion  laying  him  under  a  reftraint  in  ifluing  bills  o^ 
credit  except  for  ncceffary  charges,  unlefs  by  inch  ac^s  or  orders  as  fliould  not  have 
cffetfl  untl'I  his  majeity's  pkafure  was  known,  he  chofe  to  found  his  obje«5tioa  f  the 
bill  upon  his  inftru6lion. 

This  inflrudion  was  not  occafioned  by  the  bad  effei5l  of  bills  upon  the  currency, 
as  later  inflrudlions  and  a6is  of  parliament  have  been,  but  by  a  complaint  from  mei> 
chants  trading  to  New  York  of  an  a6t  of  aflembly  there  for  ifluing  bills  equal  to  for- 
ty thoufand  ounces  of  plate,  which  were  all  applied  to  the  govern®r  as  a  gratuity 
over  and  above  his  flated  falary,  to  the  council  for  pretended  fervices  at  the  revolu- 
tion near  thirty  years  before,  and  to  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  for  their  fervicea. 
After  the  bills  were  in  private  hands,  to  revoke  the  acfl  would  work  injuftice,  but 
to  prevent  fucli  adts  in  any  colony  for  the  futiue,  circwkr  inilrudions  were  ci'dergi 
to  the  fcvcrd  governors. 


I72I.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  223 

punlfh  the  ;iuthors  of  a  libel,  called,  News  from  Robin/on 
Cru/oe's  ijlandy  wherein  the  members  of  the  houfe  are 
grofsly  refleded  upon,  few  or  none  would  hate  dared  af- 
terwards to  publifh  any  thing  of  that  nature  or  tendency  ; 
but  to  fufler  no  books  to  be  printed  without  iicenfe  from 
the  governor  will  be  attended  with  innumerable  inconve- 
niences and  danger.*  As  to  the  Five  Nations,  the  houfe 
do  not  know  enough  of  their  number,  nor  what  the  other 
governments  intend  to  give,  and  therefore  cannot  judge 
what  is  proper  for  them  to  do  ;  and  for  the  allowance  to 
the  governor,  they  think  it  as  much  as  the  honour  and 
fervice  of  the  government  calls  for,  and  beheve  the  inhab^ 
itants  of  the  feveral  towns  through  the  province  are  of 
the  fame  mind.'* 

There  never  had  been  an  inflance  of  any  governor's  ro- 
fufmg  or  negleding,  at  the  beginning  of  the  year,  to  ap- 
point a  faft,  in  conformity  to  the  pradice  of  the  country, 
but  the  houfe  now  endeavoured  to  anticipate  the  governor, 
and  appointed  a  committee  to  join  with  a  committee  of 
council  to  prepare  a  proclamation  for  a  public  fall.  The 
council  refufed  to  join,  <>nd  acquainted  the  houfe  they 
could  find  no  precedent ;  but  the  honfe  replied,  that  if 
fuch  days  had  not  the  fanclion  oi  the  whole  court,  peopl* 
would  not  be  liable  to  punilhment  for  working  or  playing. 
The  governor,  vv'illing  to  conform  to  the  houfe  fo  far  as 
w^ould  confifl  with  maintaining  his  right  of  iiluing  proc- 
lamations, mentioned  in  the  proclamation  which  he  foon 
after  pubhlhed,  that  the  appointment  v/as  by  advice  of 
council  and  upon  a  motion  from  the  houfe  of  reprcfenialives  ; 
but  the  houfe  refufed  to  meet  him,  and  declared  they  had 
never  made  any  fuch  motion,  and  ordered  that  no  mem- 
bers of  the  houfe  fhould  carry  any  proclamations  to  their 
towns,  for  the  prefent.  The  day  was,  however,  obfcrved 
as  ufual,  except  that  onef  of  the  reprefentatives  of  Boilon 
yvould  not  attend  the  public  worflii^,  but  opened  his  warc- 
houfe  as  upon  other  days. 

Certain  perfons  had  cut  pine  trees,  upon  that  part  of  the 
province  of  Maine  which  had  not  been  granted  by  the 

general 

*  This  was  a  juft  return  ^>  the  governor's  declaration,  tMt  the  kin^  hud  ^''-'t* 
t^riu  the  poA-er  «f  tke  preis.     * 

t  J^r.  V'iliiam  GJark. 


J224  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  III. 

genera!  court  as  private  property.  A  deputy  to  the  fur- 
veyor  of  the  woods  gave  hceiife  to  cut  the  trees,  as  belong- 
ing to  the  king.  The  houle  appointed  a  committee  to, 
join  with  a  committee  of  council,  which  joint  commit- 
tee were  to  leize  and  fecure,  for  the  province,  the  fame 
logs  which  had  been  cut  by  licenfe.  The  council  concur- 
red with  a  "  faving  to  his  majefly  all  fuch  rights  as  are 
referved  by  the  royal  charter  and  afts  of  parliament  to 
trees  for  the  royal  navy.^' 

The  houfe  defired  this  faving  might  be  withdrawn,  not 
that  they  apprehended  the  refervation  made  in  the  char- 
ter or  the  proviiion  by  ad  of  parliament  were  of  no  force, 
but  they  alleged  that  the  trees  they  defigned  to  feize  were 
cut  by  one  deputed  by  the  deputy  of  the  furveyor  of  the 
woods,  and  cut,  not  for  the  royal  navy,  but  for  other  ufes, 
and  therefore  they  did  not  come  within  reafon  of  the  ref- 
ervation or  provifion. 

Finally,  upon  the  council's  refufmg  to  join,  the  houfe 
appointed  a  committee  of  their  own  to  feize  the  logs,  and 
directed  the  attorney  general  to  profecute  thofe  who  had 
trefpaffed  and  made  fpoil  upon  the  province  lands.  After 
they  were  feized,  the  houfe  again  defired  the  councij  to 
concur  a  vote  or  order  for  fecuring  and  converting  the 
logs  to  the  benefit  of  the  province.  This,  without  any 
judicial  determination,  was  flill  more  irregular,  and  the 
council  declined  meddhng  with  them. 

As  the  time  approached  for  ifTuing  writs  for  a  new 
affembly,  the  governor  made  the  following  fpeech  to  theni 
before  their  difTolution. 

"  Gentlemc?!  of  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  ^ 

'*'  IN  my  fpeech  at  the  beginning  of  this  feffionj  I  gave 
you  the  reafons  of  my  meeting  you  at  this  time.  I  have 
fince  received  your  anfwer,  which  I  ihall  take  care  to 
tranfmit  by  the  firft  conveyance,  that  his  majeity  may  fee, 
not  only  how  his  governor  of  this  province  is  treated  and 
fupported,  but  what  fort  of  regard  is  paid  to  his  own  roy- 
al inftru6tions.  I  fliall  alfo  lay  before  the  right  honoura- 
ble the  lords  commiflioners  of  trade  and  plantations,  the 
bill  for  prohibiting  a  trade  to  Cape  Breton,  which  I  rec- 
ommended to  you  feveral  feflions,  ^nd  which  had  twice 

the 


I72I.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  225 

the  concurrence  of  his  majefty's  council,  but  was  as  often 
thrown  out  in  your  houfe,  notwithftanding  the  mellage 
that  accompanied  that  bill. 

"  I  am  very  much  furprifed  you  fliould  refufe  two  oth- 
er bills,  which  came  down  from  the  council,  the  one  to 
prevent  riots,  the  other  to  prohibit  the  making  and  pub- 
lifhing  libels  and  fcandalcus  pamphlets,  the  pafTmg  of 
which  would,  in  my  opinion,  have  tended  both  to  the 
honour  of  the  government  and  the  public  peace. 

"  But  Vw'hat  gives  me  the  greatefl  concern  is,  that  the 
proceedings  of  your  hcufe,  with  refpecl  to  the  woods  in 
the  province  of  Maine,  are  diredly  contrary  to  the  refer- 
vation  of  his  majefty's  right  in  the  royal  charter  and  an  adl; 
of  parliament,  which  v/ere  both  fet  forth  in  my  proclama- 
tion, dated  the  ift  of  November,  1720,  for  prcvtrnting  the 
deftrudion  and  fpoil  of  his  majefty's  v/oods. 

"  I  could  heartily  wifli,  that  inftead  of  obliging  me  to 
make  fuch  reprefentations  to  the  lords  of  trade  as  I  fear 
will  not  be  to  your  advantage,  you  had  a6led  with  that 
calmnefs  and  moderation,  which  becomes  the  fubjeds  of 
a  prince  who  poffelles  thofe  qualities  in  an  eminent  de- 
gree, and  which  becomes  the  repiefentatives  of  a  province, 
that,  without  any  encroachment  on  the  royal  prerogative, 
enjoys  as  many  and  as  high  privileges  as  the  greateft  ad- 
vocates for  liberty  can  defire  or  expect. 

"  I  mufl  therefore  recommend  to  you  a  loyal  and 
peaceable  behaviour,  and  to  lay  afide  thofe  mifunderfland- 
ings  and  animofitics  that  of  late  prevail  fo^  much  among 
you,  which  you  will  find  to  be  your  truefl  and  bed  in- 
terefl." 

Dodor  Noyes,  one  of  the  reprefentatives  of  Bofton, 
died  whilll  the  court  w^as  fitting  (March  i6th)  after  a 
fhort  illnefs.  He  was  very  flrongly  attached  to  the  pop- 
ular party,  and  highly  efteemed  by  them,  was  of  a  very 
humane  obliging  difpofition,  and  in  private  life  no  man 
was  more  free  from  indelicacies,  Mr.  William  Hutchin- 
fon  who  fucceeded  him  was  alfo  a  gentleman  of  a  very 
fair  character,  fenfible,  virtuous,  difcreet,  and  of  an  inde- 
pendent fortune.  He  began  his  poKtical  life  at  a  time 
when  perfons,  thus  qualified,  w^ere  wanted  for  the  fervice 

ef 


#26  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap,  III, 

£>f  their  country,  to  moderate  the  pafnons  of  thofe  wh(? 
were  lefs  temperate  and  who  had  the  lead  in  the  houie. 
In  general,  he  adhered  to  the  popular  party  alfo,  but  liv^ 
cd  but  a  Uttie  while.  Longer  experience  might  probably 
have  convinced  him,  that  he  would  have  fhewn  his  gratis 
tude  to  his  conllituents  more  by  endeavouring  to  convince 
-them  that  they  were  running  to  an  extreme,  than  by  en- 
>couraging  the  fame  extremities  himfelf. 

The  fellion  of  the  general  court  in  May,  this  year,  begarj 
as  unfavourably  as  any  former  feffion.  The  houfe  chofe 
for  their  fpeaker  John  Clarke,  efquire,  who  the  year  ber 
fore  had  be.en  negatived  by  the  governor  as  a  counfellor. 
To  prevent  a  negiitive,  as  fpeaker,  they  projected  a  new 
form  of  meifage  direiSled  to  the  governor  and  council 
jointly,  to  acquaint  them  "  that  John  Clarke,  efquire,  is 
chofen  fpeaker  of  the  houfe,  and  is  nov/  fitting  in  the 
chair."  This  was  undoubtedly  a  very  extraordinary 
contempt  of  the  governor.  Mr.  John  White,*  a  gentle- 
man of  unfpoifsd  chara6i;er,  had  been  clerk  of  the  houfe 
for  many  yeafi.  He  was  no  zealous  party  man^  but  hi$ 
mod  intimate  friends,  who  efteemed  him  and  fought 
his  company  for  the  fake  of  his  valuable  accomplifhments, 
were  ilrongly  attached  to  the  governor.  This  alone  was 
enough  to  difmifs  him,  and  Mr.  William  -Payne,  brother 
by  marriage  to  Mr.  Cooke,  and  who  had  form.erly  beeu 
-of  the  bank  party,  was  appointed  clerk  in  his  flead. 

The  governor  was  more  wroth  than  upon  any  occafion 
before.  He  came  to  council  in  -the  afternoon,  and  fent 
hnmediateiy  for  the  houfe,  no  doubt  with  an  intent  to 
diilolve  the  court.  He  had  feveral  faithful  advifers  about 
him,  and  whilft  the  houfe  w^ere  preparing  to  come  up,  he 
fent  a  meifage  to  flop  them,  and  to  let  them  know  he  ac^ 
cepted  their  choice  of  a  fpeaker.  This  was  giving  a  con- 
flrudion  to  their  meliage  which  they  did  not  intend,  and 
it  was  giving  his  confent  before  it  was  afked,  but  it  was 
to  be  preferred  to  a  diilolutian  ^  for  a  diffolution  of  the 
•court,  before  the  eledion  of  counfellors,  according  to  the 
conftrudion  the  houfe  havefometimes  put  upon  the  char- 
i:er,  would  have  been  a  diliblution  of  the  government  for 

on^ 

*  He  died  before  ihe  ywr  was  cut  (Dec.  lo)  #f  vKe  fotall-pox  by  iniocuUtie^ 


I72I.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  227 

one  year  at  lead,  becaufe  the  time  mentioned  for  the  firlt 
election  was  the  lafl  Wednefday  in  May.  The  counlcl* 
lors  named  in  the  charter  were  to  continue  until  others 
were  chofen  and  appointed  in  their  Itcad.  I  do  not  know 
of  anv  words  in  the  charter  which  v/ould  make  the  choice 
upon  another  day  invahd,  akhough  that  be  the  day  more 
particularly  deligned  for  that  bufmefs.  The  houfe  (hew, 
ed  their  refentment  againil  the  lieutenant  governor  and 
Mr.  Belcher,  who  were  both  left  out  of  the  council. 
The  reil  were  continued. 

The  next  {lep  was  the  appointing  a  committee  to  carry 
a  hfl  of  the  new  cleQed  connfellors  to  the  governor  ; 
but  the  committee  was  not  to  defire  his  approbation, 
though  this  form  had  never  been  omitted  in  anv  one  in- 
ftance.  The  governor  fent  the  lift  back  and  took  notice 
of  the  omillion.  The  houfe  thereupon  refolved,  "  that 
confidering  the  fmall-pox  was  in  Bofton,  and  they  were 
very  delirous  the  court  fhould  be  removed  to  Cambridge, 
they  would  fend  the  lift  in  the  ufual  terms,  faving  their 
right  to  aflert  their  privileges  at  a  miore  convenient  time." 
What  privileges  they  had  in  their  minds  it  is  difhcuh 
now  to  difcover.  Surely  they  couLd  not  imagine  the 
eleclion  would  have  been  valid  without  his  confent. 
The  governor  negatived  colonel  By  field,  the  reft  he  con- 
fented  to.* 

The  court  was  adjourned  to  Cambridge.  The  gover- 
nor, in  his  fpeech,  took  no  notice  of  paft  differences.  All 
was  fair  and  fmooth,  and  all  was  fair  in  the  houfe  alfo 
the  firft  fortnight  ;  but  on  the  19th  of  June,  the  gover- 
nor's fpeech  at  the  diffolution  of  the  laft  aflembly  was 
ordered  to  be  read,  and  a  committee  was,  appointed  "  to 
vindicate  the  proceedings  of  the  hgufe  from  the  infmua- 
tions  made  by  the  governor  of  their  want  of  duty  and 
loyalty  to  his  majefty."  This  committee  made  a  report, 
not  in  the  form  of  an  addrefs  or  meffage  to  the  governor, 
but  of  a  narrative' and  juftification  of  the  proceedings  of 

the 

*  An  odd  aflfair  happened  in  the  houfe,  this  fitting  of  the  court.  One'cf  the 
members  fat  down  in  j-rayer  time.  The  fpcaker,  after  prayers,  alked  him  the  rea- 
fon  of  it.  He  faid  he  could  not  join  with  them  in  calling  God  "  ot^r  Fatlitr." 
The  houfe  immediately  rcfolvtd,  "  that  Philip  Tabor  be  exptlkd  this  houie  -3  Ji*l 
>Yortby  tc  ccntir-ue  »  u-itiubcr  therco:.". 


S28  THE   HISTORY    OF  [Cha?.  IIL 

the  lail  afTembly,  and  the  houfe  accepted  it  and  ordered 
it  to  be  printed. 

To  vindicate  the  pafl  proceedings  about  the  pine  trees, 
a  full  confideration  was  now  had  of  the  feveral  ads  of 
parliament,  and  the  refervation  to  the  crown  in  the  prov- 
ince, charter.  The  houfc  did  not  deny  a  right  in  the 
crown  to  the  trees,  vvhiill  they  were  Handing  and  fit  for 
mails,  but  fuppofed  that,  as  foon  as  they  were  felled  and 
4:ut  into  lengths  fit  for  boards  or  timber  only,  the  right 
of  the  crown  ceafed,  and  the  owners  of  the  foil  recovered 
or  acquired  a  new  property  in  them.  This,  it  was  faid, 
would  render  the  provifion  made  for  the  prefervation  of 
the  trees,  which  at  bed  is  fufficient,  to  be  of  no  effed, 
nothing  being  more  eafy  than  for  the  owners  of  the  foil 
to  procure  the  trees  to  be  felled  and  cut  into  fhort  logs, 
without  polnbility  of  difcovery.  However,  they  came  to 
Jhe  following  refolution,  viz,  "  That  inafmuch  as  a  great 
number  of  pine  trees  have  been  cut  in  the  province  of 
Maine,  which,  when  fcanding,  were  fit  for  mads  for  the 
Toyal  navy,  but  are  now  cut  into  logs  of  about  twenty 
feet  in  length,  and  '  although  the  .cutting  them  Ihould  be 
allowed  to  be  an  infringement  of  his  majefly's  rights  re- 
ferved  in  the  charter,'  yet  in  the  condition  they  are  now 
in,  being  no  longer  capable  of  being  ufed  for  mads,  it  is 
iav/ful  for  and  behoves  this  government  to  caufe  fuch  logs 
to  be  feized  and  converted  to  their  own  ufe,  and  to  bring 
the  perfons  v/ho  cut  dov;^n  the  trees  to  punilhment.''  In 
confequencs,  and  for  the  purpoles  of  this  refolve,  a  com^ 
inittee  was  appointed, 

The  refervarion  in  the  charter  is  In  thefe  words- — •"  For 
the  better  providing  and  furnifliing  of  malls  for  our  royal 
navy,  we  do  hereby  referve  to  us,  our  heirs  and  fucceffors, 
all  trees  of  the  diameter  of  twenty-four  inches,  and  up- 
wards of  twelve  inches  from  the  ground,  growing  upon 
any  foil  or  tra6l  of  land  not  heretofore  granted  to  private 
perfons.  And  v/e  redrain  and  forbid  all  perfons  whatfo- 
-ever  from  felling,  cutting  or  dedroying  any  fuch  trees 
without  the  royal  licenfe  of  us,  our  heirs  and  fuccelTors 
iird  had  and  obtained,  upon  penalty  of  forfeiting  one  hun^ 
dred  pounds  derhng  unto  us,  our  heirs  and  fucccffors,  for 
every  fuch  tree/*  Jt 


^721.]         Massachusetts.  229 

It  was  fald  further  upon  this  occafion,  that  ahhough 
the  crown  referved  the  trees  and  reflrained  all  perfons 
from  ciUting  them,  which  the  neceflity  of  the  trees  for 
national  ufe  and  fervice  might  be  fufficient  to  jiiilify,  yet  it 
was  not  equitable  to  take  them  without  a  valuable  coniid- 
eration.  The  crown  had  made  an  abfolute  grant  of  the 
province  of  Maine  to  Gorges,  from  whom  Pvlallachufetts 
purchafed.  The  Maffachufetts  charter  indeed  was  de- 
clared forfeited.  Where  the  right  was  after  that,  mi^jht 
be  difputed,  but  this  was  a  hard  judgment,  and  it  was  the 
plain  intent  of  the  charter  in  general,  to  rcPccre  rights^ 
except  that  of  the  form  of  jurifdiftioii  or  adminiftration 
of  government,  to  the  former  (late. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  it  has  however  been  thought  by  fome 
judicious  perfons,  that  coTifidering  the  extreme  difficulty 
at  prefent  of  convicting  trefpaflers  of  cutting  the  king'*-? 
trees,  and  by  fuch  conviction  putting  a  frop  to  the  fpoil 
and  havoc  continually  maldng,  it  -would  be  good  policy 
to  allow  the  owners  or  proprietors  of  thefe  lands  a  fum 
for  every  tree,  felled  for  a  malt,  equal  to  vvhat  it  would 
be  worth  when  cut  into  logs  for  boards  or  timber.  This 
would  be  fcarce  a  tenth  part  of  the  value  of  the  tree  for 
a  mafb,  and  yet  would  take  a^way  the  temptation  to  cut  it 
for  logs,  and  would  encourage  the  preferving  and  culti- 
vating the  young  trees,  which  are  at  prefent  of  ieffer  di- 
menfions.  Trees  that  are  incapable  of  ever  ferving  for 
mails,  either  from  decay  or  other  defects,  although  of 
fufficient  diameter,  might  alfo  be  allowed  to  be  cut  for 
Jogs,  and  it  would  be  no  prejudice  to  the  crown.  At 
prefent,  the  trefpalTers  m.ake  no  diflin6:ion,  and  trees  are 
continually  cut  worth  twenty  pounds  liicrling  for  a  mad, 
which,  when  cut  into  logs,  are  fcarce  worth  twenty  {hil- 
lings. Very  few  trees  are  cut  for  mails  by  trefpaflers. 
The  notoriety  of  hauling,  felling  and  fliipping  mafls,  will 
render  it  very  difficult,  when  the  burden  of  proof  where 
the  mads  were  cut  fhall  lie  upon  the  pcrfon  who  claims 
the  property,  to  efcape  difcovery  and  conviction,  whereas^, 
among  the  multitude  of  logs  which  are  continually  let 
loofe  to  float  down  rivers  to  faw-miils,  the  greatcfl  part 
txf  the  trefpalTes  will  efcape  notice. 

There 


*3b  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Cha?.  tlL 

There  are  great  numbers  of  white  pines,  growing  in 
parts  of  the  country  fo  remote  from  the  fea  or  any  river 
by  which  they  can  be  floated  to  the  fea,  that  the  expenfe 
of  brino^ins:  them  thither  would  be  twenty  times  the  value 
of  a  mail:  in  England.  It  feems  unneceiTary  to  deprive  the 
inhabitafits  of  fuch  places  from  making  ufe  of  the  trees 
for  tim.ber  and  boards,  when  they  mull  infallibly  decay 
and  die  in  the  ground-,  if  they  are  to  ferve  for  no  other 
purpofe  but  maflsi, 

But  to  return.  The  houfe  negiecled  maldng  any  pro- 
vifion  for  the  fupport  of  the  governor,  or  the  other  offi- 
cers of  the  government  who  depend  upon  the  court  for 
their  falarles.  They  waited  to  fee  how  far  the  governor 
would  confent  to  their  feveral  ads  and  votes.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  two  houfes  having  chofe  the  treafurer, 
impoft  officer,  and  other  civil  officers,  the  governor  laid 
by  the  lift,  and  neither  approved  nor  difapproved.  V^Then 
the  houfe  fent  a  melTage  to  the  council,  to  inquire  wheth- 
er the  governor  had  pafTed  upon  the  lift,  he  directed  the 
committee  to  tell  the  houfe  that  he  fhould  take  his  own 
time  for  it.  This  occaftoned  a  reply  from  the  houfe,  and 
divers  meft'ages  and  anfwers  pafted  upon  the  fubjed*  At 
length  the  houfe,  by  a  vote,  determined  they  would  not 
go  into  the  confideration  of  grants  and  allow^ances  before 
his  excellency  had  pafted  upon  the  a6ls,  refolves  and  elec- 
tions of  that  feffion.  This  was  in  plain  terms  avowing 
what  the  governor  at  firft  charged  them  with  tacitly  in- 
tending. To  have  recurred  to  this  inftance  would  have 
laid  the  houfe  under  difadvantage  in  the  difpute,  fome 
years  after,  about  a  ftxed  falary.  To  compel  the  gover- 
nor to  any  particular  meafure,  by  making  his  fupport,  in 
whole  or  in  part,  depend  upon  it,  is  faid  to  be  inconfiftent 
with  that  freedom  of  judgment  in  each  branch  of  the  leg- 
iflature,  which  is  the  glory  of  the  Englifti  conftitution. 
This  was  not  all.  The  houfe  withheld  the  fupport  of  all 
the  other  falary  men,  becaufe  the  governor  w^ould  not 
comply  with  the  meafures  of  the  houfe. 

Refentment  was  ftiewn  againft  fome  of  the  governor's 
fi-iends.  The  agent  in  England,  Mr.  Dummer,  in  fome 
©f  his  letters,  had  informed  the  court  of  the  fentiments  of 

tkc 


I72I.}  MASSACHUSETTS.  ^ji 

the  miniilry  upon  the  proceedings  of  the  houfe  of  rcpre- 
fentatives,  and  of  the  general  approbation  in  England  of 
the  governor's  condud.  A  faithful  agent  would  rather 
fell  them  the  truth,  than  recommend  himfelf  to  them  by 
flattery  and  falle  reprefentations.  He  lod  the  favour 
of  the  houfe,  who,  upon  the  receipt  of  thefe  letters,  voted, 
that  it  v/as  not  for  the  interefl  of  the  province  Mr.  Dum- 
rner  fliould  be  continued  agent  any  longer,  and  therefore 
it  was  ordered  that  he  iTiould  be  dilmiiled.*  This  vote 
they  fent  to  the  council  for  concurrence,  who  defired  the 
houfe  to  inform  them  of  the  grounds  and  reafcns  of  this' 
difmiffion.  The  houfe  voted  the  n^efiage  to  be  unprece- 
dented, and  infifted  that  the  council  had  nothing  elfe  to 
do  but  to  concur  or  non-concur,  and  then  they  non-con- 
curred the  vote  ;  but  this  was  much  the  fame  with  a  dif- 
miflion,  at  lead  for  a  time  ;  for  an  agent  having  no  fixect 
falary  depends  upon  temporary  grants,  which  the  houfe 
refu fed  to  make,  after  this  vote. 

Patil  Dudley,  efquirc,  another  of  the  governor's  friends, 
had  the  misfortune  alfo  of  falling  under  the  difpleafure  of 
the  houfe.  Me  had  been  chofen,  by  a  fmall  majoritv> 
counfellor  for  Sagadehoc.  By  the  charter,  it  w^as  necefla- 
ry  for  him  to  have  been  an  hihabitant  or  proprietor  of 
that  part  of  the  province  for  w^hich  he  was  chofen.  Hr 
dwelt  in  the  old  colony  of  Maliachufetts,  It  was  fuggeft- 
ed  in  the  houfe  that  he  had  no  lands  at  Sagadehoc,  and 
they  appointed  a  committee  to  inquire  Into  this  fa61:.  IJpoit 
their  applying  to  Mr.  Dudley  for  evidence  of  his  title,  ho 
told  them  it  was  too  late,  they  fhould  have  inquired  be- 
fore 

*  Mr.  Dun-rnrr  was  publifliing  his  (Teferce  of  th^'^  charters  nhcn  this  vote  paiTeJ 
for  his  difmifTion.  "  I  think  it  now  paft  ail  doubt  that  a  bill  will  he  broujjht  intf* 
the  houfe  of  commons  at  their  next  fefiion  to  disfranchiie  the  charter  Kovcmmcnt?, 
and  therefore  I  have  printed  a  manufcript  which  has  lain  by  n>c  fome  time  in  de- 
fence of  o'ur  charters.  I  have  dedicated  it  to  my  lord  Carteret,  one  of  his  majefly'i 
principal  fccretarics  of  flate,  and  who  has  the  plantations  under  his  care,  for  which  I 
had  his  lordfliip'^s  permiflion.  It  will  come  out  to-morrow,  and  I  will  put  up  a  f^-w 
of  them  under  cover  to  vow.  for  the  ufe  of  any  nieniTiers  of  the  general  couit  wh* 
may  have  a  defire  to  fee  what  I  have  wrote  on  the  fubje6t. 

"  I  expect  no  thanks  from  the  afTejubly  for  this  fervice,  as  I  had  none  for  thf 
cotinterfeit  bills  fent  them  over  laft  fprin-^,  though  I  thought  it  an  important  fcr- 
vice.  It  is  a  hard  fate  upon  mc,  when  I  am  doing  the  province  and  the  gentlemen 
in  it  all  the  honour  and  juftice  that  is  in  my  power,  that  fome  pcrfons  in  the  lowrr 
koufe  Ihould  tike  equal  pains  to  lefTen  and  expofe  me.  I  wifh  they  do  not  preju- 
dice themfelvcs  by  it  in  the  end.     It  matters  very  littlj  whitt  bcc^m^*  »r  me- ' 


d52  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IIL 

fore  the  eledion.  Perhaps  he  was  in  ah  error.  He  went 
on  and  told  the  conimittee,  he  had  a  deed  which  he  would 
not  expofe  to  the  houfe,  but  he  would  ihew  it  to  two  or 
three  of  the  members.  Upon  this  they  fent  another  com- 
mittee, to  inform  him  it  was  expeded  he  ihould  produce 
his  deed  the  next  morning,  to  be  laid  upon  the  fpeaker's 
table.  He  replied  that  he  would  not  produce  his  deed 
before  the  houfe,  for  they  might  pofTibly  vote  it  infuffi- 
cient.  in  this  part  of  the  province  there  are  fcarce  any 
lands  which  have  not  more  than  one  ciaimer,  and  it  is 
not  improbable  foiiie  of  the  members  of  the  houfe  claim- 
ed the  lands  in  Mr.  Dudley's  deedi  The  vote  of  the 
houfe  Would  not  have  determined  his  title,  but  might  have 
undue  influence  upon  a  jury  in  a  judicial  proceeding. 

Mvk  Dudley's  anfwer  was  unfatisfadory,  and  the  houfe 
voted  that  it  was  an  affront ;  that  his  declining  to  produce 
his  deeds  gave  fufticient  grounds  to  believe  that  he  was 
no  proprietor,  and  it  was  therefore  refolved  that  his  elec- 
tion be  declared  null  and  void.  This  vote  being  fent  to 
the  council  \va$  by  them  unanimouily  non-concurred. 

No  grants  had  been  made,  and  no  officers  for  the  enfu- 
ing  year  had  been  conflituted  ;  the  houfe,  notwithftand- 
ing,  fent  a  meifage  to  the  governor  to  defire  the  courjt 
might  rife.  He  refufed  to  gratify  them.  Thurfday  the 
13th  of  July  had  been  appointed  for  a  public  faft.  The 
members  defired  to  be  at  home  with  their  families,  and 
on  Wednefday,  by  a  vote,  they  adjourned  themfelves  to 
Tuefday  in  the  next  week.  The  houfe  of  commons  ad- 
journ for  as  long  time,  without  any  immediate  ad:  of  roy- 
al authority,  but,  I  prefume,  never  contrary  to  a  fignifi- 
cation  of  the  mind  of  the  king  ;  and  the  adjournments 
over  holidays  are  as  much  eflabliflied,  by  ancient  ufage, 
as  the  ordinary  adjournments  from  day  to  day,  and,  being 
conformed  to  by  both  houfes  of  parliament,  no  inconve- 
nience can  arife.  But  the  charter  was  urged  by  the  gov- 
ernor to  be  the  rule  in  this  aifembly,  not  the  analogy 
between  a  Maifachufetts  houfe  of  reprefentatives  and  the 
commons  of  Great  Britain.  The  governor,  by  charter, 
has  the  fole  power  of  adjourning,  proroguing  and  diffolv- 
ing   the   general  court.      Taken   flridly,    it  would  be 

extremely 


l72i.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  233 

extremely  Inconvenient ;  for  the  acl  of  the  governor  would 
be  necefiary  every  day.  Upon  a  reafonable  conftrudion, 
therefore,  the  houfe  had  always  adjourned  from  day  to 
day,  but  never  for  fo  great  a  number  of  days.  The  coun- 
cil, who  were  obliged  to  fpend  near  a  week  without 
bufmefs,  unanimouily  voted,  upon  hearing  the  houfe  had 
adjourned,  that  fuch  adjournment,  Vvithout  his  excellency's 
knowledge  and  confent,  was  irregular  and  not  agreeable 
to  the  charter. 

The  governor  afterwards  made  this  adjournment  one 
of  the  principal  articles  of  complaint  againft  the  houfe. 

Upon  Tuefday,  like  th®  firfl  day  of  a  fcflion,  there  was 
fcarcisly  a  houfe  for  bufmefs.  The  next  morning  fome 
Votes  paffed,  which  were  offered  to  the  governor,  and 
which  he  would  not  fuffer  to  be  laid  before  hini,  until  he 
had  fent  for  the  houfe  and  told  them  they  had  made  a 
breach  upon  his  majefliy's  prerogative,  which  he  was 
under  oath  to  take  care  of,  and  he  infided  upon  an  ac- 
knowledgment of  their  error  befort  they  proceeded  to 
bufmefs. 

The  houfe,  by  a  vote  or  refolve,  declared  they  had  no 
defign  to  make  any  breach  upon  the  prerogative,  but  ac- 
knowledged they  had  made  a  miflake  in  not  acquainting 
his  excellency  and  the  board  with  the  adjournment. 

The  governor  obferved  to  them,  that  they  had  induiLri- 
oufly  avoided  acknowledging  that  the  fole  power  of  ad- 
journing, as  well  as  proroguing  and  diifolving  the  general 
alfembly,  is  veiled  in  his  majefty's  governor  by  the  royal 
charter.    They  thereupon  agreed  to  the  following  meifage. 

"  The  houfe  of  reprefentatlves  do  truly  acknowledge, 
that  by  the  royal  charter  your  excellency  and  the  governor 
for  the  time  being  have  the  fole  power  and  authority  to 
adjourn,  prorogue  and  diifolve  the  general  court ;  and 
the  houie  further  acknowledge,  that  your  excellency  ought 
to  have  been  acquainted  with  the  defign  and  intention  of 
the  houfe  in  their  adjournment  from  Wednefday  the  12th 
to  Tuefday  the  18th  inilant,  before  they  did  adjourn,  and 
that  it  was  fo  defigned  and  cafually  omitted." 

The  houfe  carefully  difllnguifhed  betVvecn  the  power  of 
adjournin.g  the  general  court  and  adjourning  the  houfe  of 
Vol.  II.  (^  reprefentatlves. 


S34      '        THE   KISTOfet    OF  [Chap,  ifc 

reprefentatives,  one  branch  only,  and  fcem  to  fuppofcji 
that  their  only  millake  was  their  not  acquainting  the  gov- 
ernor and  the  board  v^^ith  their  intention,  which  was  by- 
no  means  fatisfaftory  to  thd  governor,  and  he  immediately 
ordered  the  houfe  to  attend  him  in  the  council  chamber. 
The  fpeaker  ordered  all  the  members  of  the  houfe  to  be 
called  in,  and,  expedling  a  difTolution,  they  refoived  "  that 
all  the  votes  of  the  houfe  in  the  prefent  fefTion-,  more  efpe- 
cially  relating  to  any  mifunderiianding  or  difference  that 
hath  arifen  between-  his  excellency  and  the  houfe,  fhall  be 
prepared  to  be  fent  hbme,  and  that  the  fpeaker  tranfmit 
them  to  William  Taikr,  efquire,  now  refident  in  London, 
or,  in  his  abfence,  to  fuch  meet  perfons  as  he  fhall  think 
iit,  defiling  them  to  lay  the  fame  before  his  majefty  in 
council,  or  any  where  elfe,  if  n^ed  require,  to  obviate  any 
complaint  that  may  be  made  by  his  excellency  the  gov- 
ernor againfl  the  proceedings  of  this  houfe  for  their  juft 
and  neceffary  vindication."  So  much  time  was  taken  up' 
in  this  vote,  or  refolve,  that  the  governor  was  highly  of- 
fended, and  fent  a  fecond  time,  requiring  them  to  attend 
him  forthwith,-  It  has  always  been  the  practice  of  the 
houfe,  before  and  frnce,  upon  a  meflage  from  the  gover- 
nor, to  (top  all  bufmefs  and  go  up-  without  delay.  The 
fpeaker,  at  this  time,  was  among  the  forwardelt  in  the 
oppofitiou.  There  v/as  no  need  of  four  or  five  m.embers 
to  hold  him,  as  the  fpeaker  of  the  houfe  of  commons  w;as 
once  held,  in  the  chair,  until  a  number  of  ilrong  refolu- 
tions  had  paifed  the  houfe. 

The  governor  directed  his  fpeech  to  the  houfe  only. 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives ^ 
"  I  AM  very  much  concerned  to  find  in  the  printed 
journal  of  the  houfe,  firft,  an  order  to  appoint  a  commit- 
tee to  draw  a  memorial  upon,  or  reprefentation  of,  my 
fpeech,  made  before  the  diffolution  of  the  aiiembly  in 
March  laft,  and  afterv\^ards  the  memorial  itfelf,  figned  by 
Mr.  Cooke,  in  the  name  of  the  committee. 

"  This  treatment  is  very  furprinng,  from  a  houfe  of 
reprefentatives  that  profefs  fo  much  loyalty  and  refped  to 
his  majefty's  government.  It  appears  to  me  to  be  very 
irregular,  that  the  prefent  houfe  of  reprefentatives,  where- 

©I 


r72i.]  MASSACHUSETTS.       *       -35 

of  John  Clarke,  efquire,  is  fpeaker^  and  which  confifts  of 
a  majority  of  new  members,  fliould  take  upon  them  to 
anfwer  my  fpeech  made  to  a  former  houfe  of  reprcfcnta- 
lives,  whereof  Timothy  Lindall,  efquire,  was  fpeaker. 
Thefe  proceedings  are  not  only  improper,  but  without 
precedent  from  any  former  alfembly. 

"  I  mufl  alfo  obferve  to  you,  that  you  have  not  (liewia 
that  refpecl  which  is  due  to  me  as  governor  of  this  prov- 
ince, by  fufFering  this  order  or  memorial  to  go  into  the 
prefs,  before  it  was  communicated  to  me,  which,  if  you 
had  done,  I  could  have  convinced  you  that  it  would  have 
been  very  much  for  the  fervice  of  your  conftituents,  that 
neither  the  order  nor  the  memorial  fhould  have  appeared 
in  print. 

"  It  is  my  opinion,  that  you  will  quickly  be  convinced 
how  much  you  have  been  wanting  in  your  duty  and  inter- 
efl,  by  difowning  the  authority  of  the  right  honourable 
board,  which  his  majefly  has  conftituted  to  fuperintend 
the  affairs  of  the  province  and  all  the  other  plantations. 

"  For  thefe  reafons,  I  Ihculd  have  didolved  the  general 
court  when  the  memorial  firll  appeared,  but  I  was  in 
hopes  the  houfe  might  have  been  brought  to  correv^l  or 
expunge  it.  Inlf  ead  of  making  this  ufe  of  my  tendernefs, 
you  have  gone  on  in  the  mod  undutiful  manner  to  with- 
draw from  his  majefty's  and  your  country's  fervice,  by 
adjourning  yourfelves  for  near  a  week,  without  my  knowl- 
edge or  content,  contrary  to  the  royal  charter,  which  ab- 
folutely  vefts  in  the  governors  of  this  province  the  povver 
of  adjourning,  proroguing  and  difiblving  ;  and  that  at  a 
time  when  I  thought  it  for  the  interefl  of  the  colony  to 
adjourn  you  for  two  days  only,  having  an  affair  of  the 
greateffc  confequence  to  communicate  to  the  houfe,  which 
was  to  perfuade  you  to  take  fome  effectual  meafures  to 
prevent  the  plague  comitig  among  us,  there  being  noth- 
ing fo  likely  to  bring  it  in  as  the  French  filk  and  fluffs 
which  are  conftantly  brought  into  this  province. 

"  Thefe  your  unwarrantable  proceedings  oblige  me  to 
diffolve  this  affembly." 

This  fpeech,  and  the  diffolution  which  followed,  further 

alienated  the  minds  of  the  people  from  the  governor. 

C^2  Scxrx 


-36^  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IHv 

Some  of  his  friends  -wiflied  he  had  carried  his  refentment 
no  farther  than  putting  an  end  to  the  feffion,  and  giving 
time  to  dehberate.  There  was  no  room  tb  exped  a 
change  for  the  better,  upon  anew  election.' 

There  wtis  yet  no  open -Wcir  with-  the  Indians,  but  they 
continued  their  infuks.  The  French  infligated  them,  and' 
furnifhed  them  with  ammunition  and  provifions.  Gov« 
crnor  Shute  piibHfhed  a  proclamation  requiring  the  inhab- 
itants to  remain  upon  their  eilates  and  keep  polfeflion  of 
the  country.  No  wonder  the  proclamation  was  not 
obeyed.  Tknow  no  authority  he  had  to  require  them  to 
remain.  If  the  prefervation  of  their  own  property  v;as 
not  fuliicient  to  keep  them  there,  it  could  not  be  expeded- 
they  would  remain  merely  as  a  barrier  for  the  reft  of  the 
province. 

In  the  month' of  Aiiguft,  two  hundred  Indians,  with' 
two  French  Jefuits,;  came  to  George-town  upon  Arowfick 
iiland,  armed  and  under  French  colours,  and,  after  fome 
parley  with  the  inhabitants,  left  a  letter  to  be  delivered  tc 
the  governor,  in  which  they  make  a  heavy  charge  againfl 
the  Englifli  for  unjuftly  imT.ding  the  property  of  the  In°' 
dians,  and  takingTrom  them  the  country  which  God  had' 
given  them; 

Ralle,  their  fpiritual  father,  was  their  patron  alfo  in- 
their  temporal  concerns^.     Eithei*  from  a  confcioufnefs  of 
their  having  conveyed  the  country  to  the  Englifh,  or  from-^ 
a  defire  of  peace  and  quiet,  they  were  averfe  to  engaging 
in  war.     When'  they  were  at  their  villages,  the  priefts 
lyere  continually-  exciting  them   to  a£t  vigoroufly,  and 
drive  all  the  Englifh  to  the  weftward' of  Kennebeck  ;  and 
fuch  was  their  influence  over  them  that  they  would  often- 
fst  out  from  home,  with  great  reiblution  to  perfift  in  their 
<.lemands,  and  in  their  parleys  with  the  commanders  of 
forts 3  as  well  as  at  more  public  treaties,  would  appear  at 
firft  to  be  very  fturdy,  but  were  foon  foftened  down  to  a- 
better  temper,  and  to  agree  that  the  Englifli  fhould  hold 
the    lands   without   moleftation.     When   they   returned 
home,  they  gave  their  father  an  account  of  great  firmnefs. 
they  had  fhewn  in  refufmg  to  make  any  conceflions,  and 
to  this  we  are  to  impute  the  erroneous  relation  of  thefc 
treaties  by  Charlevoix  and  others. 

But 


.172^1.]  M  AS S  A  C  H U S E T T S.  c^^ 

But  about  this  time  Toxus,  the  Norridgcwock  chief, 
died.  When  they  came  to  choofe  another  Toxus,  the 
old  men,  who  were  averfe  to  war,  contrary  to  Ralle''e, 
mind  pitched  upon  Ouikouiroumenit,  w'ho  had  always 
been  of  the  pacific  party.  They  took  anotlier  very  diJa- 
greeable  flep,  and  fubmitted  to  lend  four  hoitages  to  Bof- 
ton,  fureties  for  thdr  good  behaviour  and  for  the  payment 
of  the  damages  the  English  had  fuftaincd.  Vaiidreuil, 
the  governor  of  Canada,  was  alarmed,  and  thought  it  nec- 
effary  to  exert-himfelf  upon. this  occafion.  He  writes  to 
father  Rallc,  of  the  :15th  of  June — "  I  was  at  Montreal, 
my  reverend  father,  v/hen  your  letters  of  the -i  6th  and  i8th 
of  May  came  to  my  hands,  informing  me  of  the  bad  ftep 
taken  by  the  Norridgewocks,  in  choohng  Quikouirou- 
-nienit  fuccelTor  to  thedcceafed  To.?ius,  of  tlie  great  lofs 
which  the -whole  Abenakis  nation  hath  fuftain<:d  by  his 
death,  and  the  divifions  prevaihng  among  the  Norridgc- 
wocks,  many  of  whom,  and  efpecially  their  chiefs,  have 
betrayed  the  intereft  of  their  tribe  in  openly  favouring 
the  pretenfions  of  the  Englifli  to  the  country  of  Norridgc- 
wock. The  faim  hearts  of  your  .Indians  in  giving  hod- 
ages  to  the  Englifh,  to  fecure  payment  of  the  damage  they 
have  fuflained,  and  the  audacious  language  which  they 
have  ufed  to  the  Indians,  in  order  to  keep  paiTefiioi^  of 
their  country  and  to  drive  you  out  of  it,  fully  convinced 
me  that  every  advantage  v/ould  be  taken  of  the  prefenc 
itate  of  affairs,  to  fubjedl  them  to  the  E>iglifh,  if  the  ut- 
mofl  care  fliould  not  -be  immediately  taken  ^to  prevent  fo 
great  a  misfortune.  Without  a  moment's-delay,  I  fet  out, 
in  order  to. apply  myfelfto.the  bufmefs  at  Montreal,  and 
from  thence  to  St.  Francois  and  Becancour,  where  I  pre- 
vailed  with  the  Indians  of  thofe  villages  v^Igoroufly  to 
fupport  their  brethren  of  Norridge^vvock,  .and  4o  fend  two 
deputies  for  that  purpofe,  to  be  prefent  at -the  treaty,  and 
to  let  the  Englilh  know  that  they  w'ill  not  have  to  do 
with  the  Norridgewocks  alone  if  they  continue  their  inju- 
ries to  them.  The  intendant  and  I  have  joined  in  a  let* 
ter,to  defire  father  la  Chafe  to  take  a  journey  to  Norridgc- 
wock, in  order  to  keep  thofe  Indians  in  their  prefent  dif- 
^pofition,  and  to  encourage  them  to  behave  with  (irmnefs 

and 


23S  THE   HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  III. 

and  refolution.  He  will  alfo  go  to  Penobfcot,  to  engage 
them  to  fend  fome  of  their  chiefe  alfo,  to  be  prefent  on 
this  occafion  and  to  ftrengthen  their  brethren,'* 

Begoir,  the  intendant,  writes  at  the  fame  time  to  Ralle  : 
*'  I  wrote,  my  reverend  father,  to  Monf.  de  Vaudreuil, 
who  is  at  Montreal,  the  fentiments  of  father  de  la  Chafe 
and  my  awn,  viz.  what  we  think  convenient  to  be  done, 
until  we  hear  from  the  council  of  the  marine  whether  the 
French  Ihail  join  the  Indians  to  fupport  them  openly 
aindnli  the  Englifli,  or  fliall  content  themfelves  with  fup- 
plying  ammmiition,  as  the  council  has  advifed  that  M.  Vau- 
dreuil  might  do,  in  cafe  the  Engliih  fliould  enterprife  any 
thing  againft  them.  He  thought  it  more  proper  to  fend 
the  reverend  father  la  Chafe,  than  Monf.  de  Croifil,  lieu- 
tenant, &c.  becaufe  the  Enghfh  can  have  no  room  to  ex- 
cept to  one  mifTionary^s  vifiting  another,  the  treaty  of 
peace  not  forbidding  it ;  whereas,  if  a  French  officer  was 
lent,  they  might  complain  that  we  fent  French  men  into 
a  country,  which  they  pretend  belongs  to  them,  to  excite 
the  Indians  to  make  war  upon  them. 

"  It  is  to  be  wifhed  that  you  and  your  Indians  may  be 
fuffered  to  live  in  quiet  until  we  know  the  king's  inten- 
tions whether  we  (hall  openly  join  the  Indians  if  they  are 
attacked  wrongfully;  in  the  mean  time  we  fhall  affift  them 
with  ammunition,  which  they  may  be  alfured  they  fhall 
not  want. 

"  P.  S.  Since  I  wrote  the  foregoing,  the  Indians  of 
St.  Francois  and  Becancour  have  defired  M.  Vaudreuil 
that  M.  de  Croifil  may  go  with  them  to  be  a  witnefs  of 
their  good  difpofition,  and  he  has  confented  to  join  him, 
with  father  de  la  Chafe." 

The  Maffachufetts  people  made  heavy  complaints  of  the 
French  governor,  for  fupporting  and  ftirring  up  enemies 
againd  them  in  time  of  peace  between  the  two  crowns, 
but  he  juftihed  himfelf  to  his  own  malfer.  Ralle  was 
ranked  by  the  Englifh  among  the  mod  infamous  villains, 
and  his  fcalp  would  have  been  worth  an  hundred  fcalps 
of  the  Indians.  His  intrepid  courage  and  fervent  zeal  to 
promote  the  religion  he  profelTed,  and  to  fecure  hi-s  neo^ 
phytes  or  converts  to  the  intereft  of  his  fovereign,  were 

the 


€721.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  £35, 

the  principal  caufes  of  thefe  prejudices.     The  French,  for 
•the  fame  reafons,  rank  him  with  faints  and  heroes.     He 
had  been  near  forty  years  a  miilionary  among  tlie  Indians, 
and  their  manner  of  life  had  become  quite  eaiy  and  agree- 
able to  him.     They  loved  and  idolized  him,  and  were  al- 
ways  ready  to  hazard   their   own  lives   to   proferve   his. 
His*  letters  upon  various  fubjedls  difcover  him  to  have 
been  a  man  of  fuperior  natural  powers,  which  had  been 
improved  by  an  education  in  a  college  of  Jefuits.     The 
learned  languages  he  was  mailer  of.     His  Latin  is  pure, 
>cla(Iical  and  elegant.     He  had  taught  many  of  his  con- 
verts, male  and  female,  to  v/rite,  and   correfponded  with 
■them  in  their  own  language,  and  made  fome  attempts  in 
Indian  poetry.     When  he  v;as  young,  he  learned  to  fpeak 
Dutch,  and  fo  came  more  eafily  to  a  fmattering  gf  En- 
g\i(h,  enough  to  be  underflocd  by  traders  and  tradefmen 
who  had  been  employed  in  building  a  church  and  other 
work  at  Norridgewock.     He  correfponded,  in  Latin,  with 
one  or  more  of  the  miniders  of  Bofton,  and  had  a  great 
fondnefs  for  fliewing  his  talent  at  controverfy.     Pride  v/as 
-his  foible,  and  he  took  great  delight  in  laill^ry.    The  En- 
glifli  idiom  and  the  flat  and  bald  Latin,  in  fome  of  his 
correfponde.nts'  letters,  afforded  h-hn  fubject.     Some  of  hi.j 
xotemporaries,   as  v/ell  as  Cotton^  Norton,  Mitchel,  and 
•Others  of  the  firfl  nxinifbers  of  the  country,  would  have 
.been  a  match  for  him.     He  contemned  and  often  provok- 
ed the  Englifli,  and  v/hen  threatened  with  deftru^^ion  by 
them,  if  they  fhould  £ver  take  Norridgev/ock,  he  replied 
— If- — .     We  fhall  fee,  by-and-by,  that  he  met  with  the 
fame  fate  with  others  long  before  him,  who  by  the  like 
laconic  and  infulting  anfwevs  had  unnecefTarily  provoked 
their, enemies. 

The  Englifli  charge  the  Indians  with  perfidy  and  breach 
of  the  moft  folemn  engagements.  The  Jefuit  denies  it, 
and  juftiiies  their  conduct  from  their  being  under  dureife 
at  fuch  times,  and  compelled  to  agree  to  whatever  terms 
are  propofed  to  them  ;  particularly  when  they  met  gov- 
ernor Shute,  at  Arowfick,  in  1717,  he  fays,  "The  body 
of  the  Norridgewocks  had  fully  determined,  that  the  En- 
glifn  Ihouid  fettle  no  farther  upon  Kennebeck  river  than  a 

certain 


24«  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  TIL 

certain  mill ;  for  all  the  pretence  they  had  to  go  beyond 
that,  was  a  bargain  of  this  fort,  made  by  fome  Englifhman 
with  any  Indian  he  happened  ,to  meet  with — :'  I  will  give 
you  a  bottle  of  rum  if  you  will  give  me  leave  to  fettle 
here,  or  if  you  will  give  me  fuch  a  place  ;  give  me  the 
bottle,  fays  th^e  Indian,  and  take  as  much  land  as  you  have 
a  mind  to  :  the  Englifhman  afks  his  name,  which  he 
writes  down,  and  the  bargain  is  finiflied.'  Such  fort  of 
bargains  being  urged  againfl  the  Indians,  at  the  treaty, 
they  rofe  in  a  body  and  went  away  in  great  wrath  y  and 
although  they  met  again  the  next  day  and  fubmitted  to 
the  governor's  terms,  yet  v/hen  they  came  home,  all  they 
had  done  was  difallowed  by  the  body  of  the  nation  and 
rejeded/*  Whiifl  the  Englifh  kept  within  the  mill, 
the  Jefuit  forbad  the  Indians  moleiiing  them  ;  but  if  any 
fettled  beyond  thofe  bounds,  he  allowed  and  encouraged 
the  Indians  to  kill  their  cattle  and  to  make  other  fpoil. 

The  confideration  made  by  the  purchafers  of  Indian 
lands  v/as  not  always  fo  inconfiderable  as  the  Jefuit  men- 
tions,and  thepurchafes  were  from  chiefs  or  reputed  chiefs 
or  fachems,  and  poflefTion  had  been  taken  and  improve- 
ments made  fqores  of  miles,  beyond  the  limits  he  wauld 
reiLrain  the  Englifh  to,  more  than  fixty  years  before. 

The  French  governor,  Vaudreuil,  in  his  manufcript  let- 
ters, and  the  French  hiilorian,  Charlevoix,  in  print,  fup- 
pofe  the  Englifh  fettlers  to  be  mere  intruders,  and  charge 
the  Enghfh  nation  with  great  injuftice  in  difpoffefTrng  the 
Abenakis  of  their  country.  The  European  nations, 
which  have  their  colonies  in  America,  may  not  reproach, 
one  another  upon  this  head.  They  all  took  po&fIion<, 
contrary  to  the  minds  of  the  natives,  who  would  gladly 
have  been  rid  of  their  new  guefts.  The  befl  plea,  viz. 
that  a  fmail  number  of  families  laid  claim  to  a  greater  part 
cf  the  globe  than  they  were  capable  of  improving,  and  to 
a  greater  proportion  than  the  general  proprietor  defigned 
for  fo  few  people,  who  therefore  had  acquired  no  fuch 
right  to  it  as  to  exclude  the  refi:  of  mankind,  will  hold  as 
w^ell  for  the  Englifli  as  any  other  nation.  The  firfl  fet- 
tlers of  MaHachufetts  and  Plymouth  were  not  content  with 
this,  but  made  confcieace  of  paying  the  natives  to  theij- 

/atisfaftioB^ 


172I.J  MASSACHUSETTS.  24} 

fatisfaftion  for  all  parts  of  the  territory  which  were  not 
depopulated  or  deferted,  and  left  without  a  claimer. 
Gorges,  the  original  patentee  of  the  province  of  Maine, 
made  grants  or  conveyance  of  great  part  of  the  fea-coalc 
and  rivers  of  that  province  without  purchafe  from  the  na- 
tives ;  other  parts  had  been  purchafed  from  them  by  par- 
ticular perfons,  and  the  remaining  part,  as  well  as  the 
country  eaft  of  i:,  the  government  claimed  by  conquefi: ; 
but  it  muil  be  confelled,  that  in  the  feveral  treaties  of 
peace  this  right  had  not  been  acknowledged  by  the  In- 
dians, nor  infided  upon  by  the  Englifli,  this  controverfy 
being  about  thofe  parts  of  the  country  which  the  luiglifh 
claimed  by  purchafe,  and  nq  mention  made  of  a  right  to 
the  whole  by  conquefi. 

The  governor,  immediately  after  the  diiTolution  of  the 
general  court,  ifTued  writs  for  a  new  houfe  of  reprefenta-. 
tives,  and  the  court  met,  the  23d  of  Aygud,  at  the 
George  tavern,  the  extrejne  part  of  Bofton,  beyond  the 
ifthmus  or  neck,  the  fmall  pox  then  prevailing  in  the 
town.  The  houfe  chofe  Mr.  Clarke,  their  former  fpeak- 
cr,  and  informed  the  governor  of  it  by  mellage,  and  he 
fent  his  approbation,  in  writing,  to  the  houfe.  They 
palfed  a  refolve,  that  they  intended  no  more  by  their 
melfage  than  to  inform  the  governor  and  council  ot  the 
choice  they  had  made,  and  that  they  had  no  need  of  the 
governor's  approbation. 

The  firfl  act  of  the  houfe  gave  new  occafion  for  contro- 
verfy.  They  were  fo  near  the  town  as  to  be  in  danger, 
and,  inftead  of  defiring  the  governor  to  adjourn  or  pro- 
rogue the  court  to  fome  other  place,  they  paflbd  a  vote 
for  rem.oving  the  court  to  Cambridge,  and  fent  it  to  the 
council  for  concurrence.  The  council  non-concurred  th(* 
vote.  The  governor  let  the  houfe  know,  that  he  fliould 
be  very  ready  to  gratify  them  if  he  was  applied  to  in  fuch 
manner  as  fhould  confifl  with  the  fole  right  in  him  of 
adjourning,  proroguing  and  diilblving  the  court.  They 
replied,  that  they  were  very  willing  to  acknowledge  his 
right,  fo  far  as  refpecled  time,  but  as  to  place,  by  the 
law  of  the  province  the  court  was  to  be  held  ia.Boilon, 
and  therefore  ^n  a^  or  order  cf  the  t^aree  branches  wa^ 

ni?ceffary 


242      '         THE    IIISTOr^Y   OF  [Chap.  Hi 

3iiecefrary  to  remove  it  to  any  other  place.  They  let  the 
governor  know  further,  that  although  they  had  convened 
in  confequence  of  his  fummons,  yet,  as  m^ny  of  the  mem- 
bers apprehended  their  iives  in  danger,  they  would  leave 
the  court  and  go  hoirie.  There  was  a  quorum,  however, 
who  hole  to  rill:  thdr  lives  rather  than  concede  that  the 
governor  had  pov/er,  by  his  own  ad;,  to  remove  the  court 
from  Bofton  to  any  other  town  in  the  province,  or  riik 
the  confequence  of  refufing  to  remain  a  fuffxient  number 
to  make  a  houfe. 

The  governor  had  received  from  England  the  opinion 
•of  the  attorney  general,  that  he  had  good  right  to  nega- 
tive the  fpeaker,  and  the  lords  commiflioners  of  trade  and 
plantations  had  wrote  to  him  and  fignified  their  approba- 
tion of  his  proceedings.  Thefe  papers  he  caufed  to  be 
laid  before  the  houfe.  The  houfe  drew  up  a  remon^ 
fh-ance,  in  which  -they  judify  their  ov/n  conduct  and  that 
of  former  aiTembiies,  in  their  controverfies  with  the  gov- 
ernor, and  with  a  great  deal  of  decency -declare,  that,  with 
all  deference  to  the  opinion  of  the  attorney  general,  they 
muil  flili  claim  the  right  of  folely  dealing  and  conltitut- 
ing  their  fpeaker ;  and  they  humbly  prefumed  that  their 
fo  doing  could  :not  be  conilrued  a  flight  of  or  difrefpeft 
to  his  majefty's  inilrudions,  or  bearing  upon  the  royal 
prerogative.  The  governor  gave  them  a  (liort  and  very 
moderate  anfwer  ;  that  he  had  made  his  majeily's  inftruc- 
tions  and  the  royal  charter  the  rule  of  his  adminidration  ; 
that  he  did  not  defire  to  be  his  own  judge  ;  the  former 
houfe  had  voted  to  fend  an  account  of  their  proceedings 
to  England,  and  it  would  be  very  acceptable  to  him,  if  the 
prefent  houfe  would  ilate  ithe  cafe  and  fend  it  home  to 
perfons  Isarned  in  the  law,  and  give  them  diredions  to 
appear  for  the  houfe,  that  his  majefty  might  judge  between 
his  oovernor  and  them  ;  but  in  the  mean  time  it  was  his 

o 

duty  to  foilovsr  his  infiruclions  until  they  were  counter- 
manded. 

Here  feems  to  have  been  a  calm  interval.  The  flame 
was  abated,  but  the  fire  not  extinguiflied.  Frefli  fuel 
foon  caufed  a  frefli  fiamc.  The  grant  to  the  governor 
aficrded  proper  matter.     It  was  faid  the  houfe  were  bad 

economiils. 


I72I.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  243 

cconomlds.  To  fave  an  hundred  pounds  in  the  govcr* 
no'  's  ialary,  they  put  their  conftituents  to  the  expenfe  of 
f.vj  hundred  pounds  for  their  own  wages.  If  the  gov- 
ernor's deiTiand  was  unrealbnable,  the  houfe  may  be  jufti- 
hea,  although  the  wages  of  the  members  for  the  lime 
fpent  in  the  debate  amounted  to  much  more  than  the  fum 
in  diipjre.  The  currency  alfo  continued  to  depreciate  ; 
but  this  is  a  coniiJeration  wliich  never  had  its  jufi:  weight. 
Twenty  fliilhngs  one  year,  mufL  be  as  good  as  twenty 
fhiUings  another.  They  received  and  paid  their  private 
dues  and  debts  in  bills  of  credit  according  to  their  denom- 
inations— why  fliould  not  the  government's  debts  be  paid 
in  the  fame  manner  ?  A  majority  of  the  houfe  were  pre- 
vailed upon  to  vote  no  more  than  five  hundred  pounds 
for  half  a  year's  falary,  equal  to  about  an  hundred  and 
eighty  pounds  flerling. 

The  governor  was  irritated  ;  inflead  of  obtaining  an 
eftabliflied  falary  of  a  thoufand  pounds  fterling  per  annum, 
which  he  had  been  inflruded  to  infift  upon,  his  whole 
perquifites  from  the  government  would  not  alFord  him  a 
decent  fupport,  and  they  were  growing  leis  every  day  by 
the  finking  of  the  currency  in  its  value. 

The  houfe,  from  an  expectation  that  the  governor 
would,  from  time  to  time,  make  complaints  to  the  minif- 
try,  voted  500I.  fieri,  to  be  paid  into  the  hands  of  fuch 
perfons  as  ihould  be  chofcn  to  defend  their  rights  in  En- 
gland ;  but  the  council  refufed  to  concur  the  vote,  be- 
caufe  it  was  not  CApreffed  by  whom  the  perfons  fhould  be 
chofen. 

At  the  clofe  of  the  felTion,  the  houfe  and  council  came 
into  a  vote,  and  the  governor  was  prevailed  with  to  con- 
fent  to  it,  "  that  three  hundred  men  fhould  be  fent  to  the 
head-quarters  of  the  Indians,  and  that  proclamation  fnould 
be  made,  commanding  them,  on  pain  of  being  profecuted 
with  the  utmod  feverity,  to  deliver  up  the  Jefuits  and  the 
other  heads  and  fomenters  of  their  rebellion,  and  to  make 
fatisfadion  for  the  damage  they  had  done  ;  and  if  they 
refufed  to  comply,  that  as  many  of  their  principal  men  as 
the  commanding  oflicer  fliould  judge  meet  fliould  be  feiz- 
ed,  together  with  Ralle,  or  any  other  Jefuit,  and  fj^nt  to 

Boflon  ', 


£44  THE    HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  i& 

Bofton  ;  and  if  any  oppofition  fhould  be  made,  force 
Ihould  be  repelled  by  force.'*  Jlidge  Sewall,*  one  of  the 
council,  fcrupled  the  lawfulnefs  of  this  proceeding  againll 
the  Indians,  and  entered  his  dilTent.  After  the  gener?4 
court  was  prorogued,  the  goyernor,  notwithftanding  he 
liad  confented  to  the  vote,  fufpended  the  profecution  until 
.the  Indian  hoflages  efcaped  from  the  Caftle  ;  but  a  war 
being  then  deemed  inevitable,  orders  were  given  for  raif- 
ing  the  men.  The  hoftages  \yere  taken  and  fent  back  to 
their  confiitenient,  and  then  the  orders  were  recalled. 

A  proniife  had  been  made  by  the  governor  to  the  In- 
dians, that  trading  houfes  Iho.uld  be  built,  armourers  or 
fmiths  fent  down,  at  the  xharge  of  the  .province,  and  that 
they  fhould  be  fupplied  with  pravifions,  clothing,  &c.  for 
their  furs  and  ikinsoi  The  comphance  with  this  promife 
was  expected  from  the  general  court,  and  at  any  other 
time  it  would  have  been  thought  a  xvell-judged  meafure  ; 
but  the  unhappy  controverfy  with  the  governor  would 
2iot  fufFer  any  thing  from  him  to  be  approved  of,  and  the 
private  traders  provoked  the  Indians  by  their  frauds  and 
other  injuries,  and  it  feems  the  governor,  as  well  as  good 
Mr.  Sewall,  fcrupled  whether  a  declaration  of  war  againfl: 
them  was  juft  or  prudeutc  Tills  houfe  and  council  chofe 
to  call  the  proceedings  againll  them  a  profecution  for 
rebellion,  but,  if  a  view  be  taken  of  all  the  tranfaclions 
between  the  Englifii  and  them  from  the  beginning,  it  will 
be  difficult  to  fay  what  fort  of  fubjecls  they  were  ;  and  it  is 
not  certain  that  they  underftood  that  they  had  promifed 
any  fubjedion  at  all. 

The  houfe,  dllfatjisfied  with  the  governor  for  not  carry- 
ing into  execution  a  vote  of  the  whole  court,  refolved  at 
the  beginning  of  the  next  lellion,  "  that  the  government 
has  Hill  fufhcient  reafon  for  pi'ofecuting  the  eaftern  In- 
dians for  their  many  breaches  of  covenant."  The  vote 
being  fent  up  for  concurrence,  the  council  defired  the 

houfe 

*  This  gentleman  was  a  ^ood  friend  to  the  aborigiaals  of  every  tribe,  not  from 
■mere  humanity  and  compaflicn,  but  he  v/as  much  inclined  to  think  they  were  part 
of  the  ancient  people  of  God,  and  that  the  ten  tribes,  by  fome  .means  or  other,  had 
ftroUed  into  America.  He  was  a  commifl'ioner  from  the  corporation  for  propagat- 
ing the  gofpel  among  them,  and  with  his  own  fubjlance  b'.ult  them  a  fynagogue, 
,   iind  did  mauy  other  charitable  ar^is. 

,_  f  Treaty  ?.t  Arowfick. 


iyl I .]  M  A  S  S  xA:  C  H  U  S  E  T  T  S".  J4  r 

hoiife  to  explain  what  they  intended  by  prorecution,  bu»: 
they  refufed  to  do  it,  and  defircd  the  council  cither  to 
concur  or  non-concur.  The  houfe  rcfufing  to  explaiit 
their  meaning,  the  board  undertook  to  explain  it,  and  con- 
curred the  vote  with  a  declaration  that  they  underftood 
it  to  be  I'uch  a  profecution  as  had  been  determined  the 
former  fellion.  This  no  doubt  was  irregular  in  the  coun- 
cil, and  left  room  to  queftion  whether  it  was  a  vote  of  the 
court,  the  houfe  not  having  agreed  to  it  as  the  counci! 
qualified  it.  However,  in  confequence  of  it,  a  party  of 
aien  were  ordered  up  to  Norridgewock,  and  returned- 
with  no  other  fuccefs  than  bringing  off  fome  of  Ralie's 
books  and  papers,  his  faithful  difciples  having  taken  care 
to  fecure  his  perfon  and  to  fly  with  him  into' the  woods. 
This  infult  upon  their  chief  tovs\n,  and  the  fpoil  made  up- 
on their  prieil,  will  not  long  remain  unrevenged. 

The  fellion  began  at  Boiton  the  ;i^(\  of  November.  The 
governor  prorogued  the  court,  to  meet  at  Cambridge  the 
7th  ;  and  before  they  proceeded  to  bulniefs,  to  avoid  any 
difpute  about  the  place  of  meeting,  which  would  have 
obflrucled  the  important  affairs  of  the  province,  he  gave 
his  confent  to  a- vote  of  the  tv/o  houfes,  that  by  this  in- 
llance  of  the  governor's  adjourning  the  court,  no  advan- 
tage fliould  be  taken  in  favour  of  his  fole  power  of  remov- 
ing  the  court  from  place  to  place.  In  his  fpeech,  he  had- 
taken  no  notice  of  party  difputes,  and  only  recommended* 
to  them  to  raife  money  for  the  fervice  of  the  government,- 
and  particularly  of  their  expofed  frontiers. 

The  houfe,  in  their  vote  for  fupply  of  the  trcafury, 
brought  in  a  claufe  which  had  not  been  in  foruier  votes, 
and  which  the  council  fuppofed  would  lay  fuch  rcftraint 
upon-  the  money  in  the  treafury,  that  it  would  not  be  in 
the  governor's  power,  with  their  advice  and  confent,  ^cy 
much  as  to  pay  an  exprefs  without  a  vote  of  the  whole 
court  ;  they  therefore  non-concurred  the  vote,  and  the 
houfe  refufed  any  provifion  without  that  claufe.  In  the 
midft  of  the  difpute,  Mr.  Hutchinfon,  one  of  the  members 
for  Bofton,  was  feized  with  the  fmall-pox  and  died  in  a 
£cw  days.*     The  fpeaker,  Mr.  Clarke,  was  one  of  the 

moft 

*    N9Y.  3«.  . 


^4^  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Ckap.  IIL 

mofl  noted  pbyficians  in  Bofton,  and,  notwithflanding  all 
his  care  to  cleanfe  himfelf  from  infedion,  after  vifuing 
his  patients,  it  was  fuppofed,  brought  the  diitemper  to  his 
brother  member  ;  which  fo  terrified  the  court,  that  after 
the  report  of  his  being  feized,  it  was  not  pollible  to  keep 
them  together,  and  the  governor  found  it  neceffary  to  pro- 
rogue them.*  At  the  next  felhon  in  Marchj,  the  hqufc 
infiiiing  upon  the  form  of  fupply  which  they  had  voted 
in  the  lall  feillon,  the  council  concurred. 

An  allair  happened  during  this  feffion,  which  fnewed 
the  uncertainty  of  the  relation  the  Indians  flood  in  to  the 
Engiifh.  Caftine,  fon  by  an  Indian  wom.an  to  the  baron 
de  St.  Caftine,  who  lived  many  years  in  the  laft  cenmry 
at  Penobfcot,  had  appeared  among  the  Indians,  who  v/ere 
in  arms  at  Arowfick,  By  an  order  of  court,  he  had  been 
afterwards  feized  in  the  eaftern  country,  and  brought  to 
Eofton  and  put  under  clofe  confinement. 

The  houfe  ordered,  that  he  fliould  be  brought  upon 
trial  in  the  county  of  Suffolk,  before  the  fuperior  court, 
and  that  the  witnefTes  who  faw  him  in  arms  fliould  be 
fummcned  to  attend*  This,  no  doubt,  would  have  been 
trying  in  one  county  a  fact  committed  in  another.  The 
council  non-concurred,  and  voted  to  fend  for  witnefTes, 
that  the  court  might  judge  in  what  manner  to  proceed 
againiL  him  ;  but  this  was  not  agreed  to  by  the  houfe. 
Some  time  after,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  examine 
him.  Caftine  was  a  very  fubtle  fellow,  and  made  all  fair 
with  the  committee.  He  profeffed  the  highefl  friendfhip 
for  the  Englilh,  and  affirmed  that  he  came  to  Penobfcot 
to  prevent  the  Indians  from  doing  mifchief,  and  promifed 
to  endeavour  to  influence  all  that  tribe  to  keep  peace. 
The  committee  therefore  reported,  and  the  two  houfes 
accepted  the  report,  that  he  fhould  be  fet  at  large.  The 
governor  approved  of  this  proceeding.  He  had  yet  hopes 
of  preferving  peace.  To  have  puniflied  him  as  a  traitor 
would  have  deftroyed  all  hopes  of  an  accommodation.  It 
might  alfo  very  well  be  queflioned  whether  it  would  have 
been  juftifiable.  Th^  tribe  or  nation  with  which  he  was 
mixed,  has  repeatedly,  in  words  of  which  they  had  no  ad- 
equate ideas,  acknowledged  themfelves  fubjects  j  but,  in 

fad, 

*  Nov,  17. 


X72I.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  C47 

fad,  in  concomitant  as  well  as  precedent  and  fubicquent 
traniaciions  with  them,  had  always  been  confidered  as' 
free  and  independent,  and,  although  they  lived  wirhin 
the  hmits  of  the  charter,  the  government  n^vcr  made  any 
attempt  to  exercife  any  civil  authority  or  iuriidiclion  over 
them,  except  when  any  of  them  came  withih  the  Knglifh 
fettlements,  and  difpiKes  had  arifen  betv/een  ihem  and  the. 
Englilli  fubjeds. 

The  houie  who,  the  lad  feiTion,  were  for  profecutin;^ 
the  Indians,  and  could  not  reafonabiy  have  lappofed  that 
they  would  bury,  as  they  exprels  theinfclves,  the  late 
march  of  theEnglifh  toNorridgewock,  feem,  notwithftand- 
ing,  to  be  fuddenly  changed  from  vigorous  meafuics  for 
bringing  them  to  terms,  to  fchemes  for  appeafn\^;  and 
foftening  them  j  and  a  prcfent  was  ordered  to  be  lent  to 
Bohiafeen,  the  Norridgewoci:  captain,  to  engage  him  in- 
favour  of  the  EngliOi. 

The  fmall-pox  this  year  made  great  havoc  in  Bofton 
and  fome  of  the  adjacent  towns.*  Having  been  prevent- 
ed fpreading  for  near  twenty  years,  all  born  within  that 
time,  befides  many  who  had  ei'capixi  it  before,  Vv^ere  liable 
to  the  diflemper.  Of  five  thoufand  eight  hundred  and 
ei?htv-nine,  which  took  it  in  'Boflon-  ei^hc  hundred  and 
forty.four  died.  Inoculation  was  introduced  upon  this 
occafior^,  contrary  to  the  minds  of  the  inhabitants  in  gen- 
eral, and  not  without  hazard,  to  the  lives  of  thofe  who 
promoted  it,  from  the  rage  of  the  people.  Dodor  C. 
Mather,  one  of  the  principal  miniilers  of  Boflon,  had  ob- 
ferved,  in  the  philofophical  tranfadions,  a  letter  of  Ti- 
monius  from  Conflantinople,  and  a  treatife  of  Pylarinus, 
Venetian  coniul  at  Smyrna,  giving  a  very  favourable  ac- 
count of  the  operation ;  and  he  recommended  a  tiial  to  the 
phyficians  of  the  tov;n,  when  the  fmall-pox  firfl  began  to 
fprcad  ;  but  they  all  declined  it  except  dodor  Boyllion^ 
who  made  himfelf  very  obnoxious.  To  iliev/  the  confi- 
dence he  had  of  fucceis,  he  began  Vv^ith  his  own  children 
and  fervants.  Mjmy  fober,  pious  people  were  flruck 
with  horror,  and  were  of  opinion  that,  if  any  of  his  pa- 
tients fhould  die,  he  ought  to  be  treated  as  a  murderer. 

The 

*  It  was  brought  int«  the  Karbyur  of  Uof^on  aoout  the  midcik  «f  April  Ly  tkc 
Saltsrtugas  Sett. 


7-'4  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Cha?.  IlL 

The  vulgar  were  enraged  to  that  degree,  that  his  family*" 
was  hardly  fafe  in  his  houle,  and  he  often  met  with  af- 
fronts and  infults  in  the  ftreets. 

The  faculty,  in  general,  difapproved  his  condiicl^  but 
doclor  Douglafs  made  the  moll  zealous  oppofition.  He 
had  been  regularly  bred  in  Scotland,  was  aikiming,  even 
to  arrogance,  and  in  feveral  fugitive  pieces  which  he  pub- 
lifned,  treated  all  who  difl'ered  from  him  with  contempt. 
He  was  credulous,  and  ea(i.ly  received  idle  reports,  of 
perfons  who  had  received  the  fmall»pox  by  inoculation 
taking  it  a  fecond  time  in  the  natural  way,  of  others  who 
perifhcd  in  a  mod  deplorable  manner,  from  the  corrupt 
matter,  which  had  fo  infeded  the  mafs  of  blood  as  to 
render  the  patient  incurable.  At  other  times,  he  pro- 
nounced the  eruption  from  inoculation  to  be  only*a  puf- 
fulary  f(:ve'r  hke  the  chicken  or  fwine-pox,  nothing  anal- 
ogous to  the  fmail-pox,  and  that  the  patient,  therefore, 
had  not  the  leafl  fecurity  againfl  the  miaii-pox  afterw^ards 
by  ordinary  infe^lion. 

Another  praftifer,  Lawrence  Dalhonde,  who  had  been 
a  furgeon  in  the  French  army,  made  oath  that  at  CremiO- 
na,  about  the  year  1696,  the  operation  was  made  upon 
thirteen  foldiers,  four  of  which  died,  three  did  not  take 
the  diifemper,  the  other  fix  hardly  efcaped,  and  Vt^ere  left 
with  tumours,  inflammations,  gangrenes,  &c.  and  that 
about  the  time  of  the  battle  of  Almanza,  the  fmall-pox 
being  in  the  army,  tw^o  Mufcovians  were  inoculated,  one 
without  any  immediate  efFed,  but  fix  weeks  after  was  feiz- 
ed  with  a  frenzy,  fwelled  all  over  his  body,  and  was  fup- 
pofed  to  be  poifoned,  and,  being  opened  after  his  death, 
his  lungs  were  found  ulcerated,  which  it  was  determined 
was  caufed  by  inoculation. 

The  juilices  of  the  peace  and  fele6i:men  of  the  town  call- 
ed together  the  phyficians,  who,  after  mature  deliberation, 
came  to  the  following  conclufions.  "  That  it  appears  by 
numerous  inftances,  that  inoculation  has  proved  the  death 
of  many  perfons  foon  after  the  operation,  and  brought 
diilempers  upon  many  others,  which  in  the  end  have 
proved  deadly  to  them.  That  the  natural  tendency  oi^ 
infufing  fuch  malignant  filth  in  the  mafs  of  blood  is  to 

corrupt 


iyiu']  MASSACHUSETTS.  249 

corrupt  and  putrify  it,  and  if  there  be  not  a  fuincient  dil- 
char|;e  of"  that  malignity,  by  the  place  of  incidon  or  elfe- 
where,  it  lays  a  foundation  for  many  dangerous  difeafes. 
That  the  continuing  the  operation  among  us  is  likely  to 
prove  of  the  moil  dangerous  confequence.**  The  practice 
was  generally  condemned. 

The  common  people  imbibed  the  flrongefl  prejudices, 
and  fuch  as  died  by  inoculation  were  no  more  lamented 
than  felf-murderers.  Doctor  Mather,  the  lirft  mo\'er, 
after  having  been  reproached  and  vilified  in  pamphlets 
and  news-papers,  was  at  length  attacked  in  a  more  violent 
way.  His  nephew,  Mr.  Walter,  one  of  the  mini  iters  of 
Roxbuiy,  having  been  privately  inoculated  in  the  doctor's 
houfc  in  Eollon,  a  villain,  about  three  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  fet  hre  to  the  fuze  of  a  granado  fliell,  filled  with 
Gombufiible  fluff,  and  threw  it  into  the  chamber  where 
the  fick  man  was  lodged.  The  fuze  was  fortunately  beat 
off  by  the  paffmg  of  the  fhell  through  the  window,  and 
the  wild  fire  fpent  itfelf  upon  the  floor.  It  was  generally 
fuppofed"^  that  the  burlling  of  the  fheii  by  that  means  was 
prevented.  A  fcurrilous  menacing  writing  was  fafLencd 
to  the  fliell  or  fuze. 

The  moderate  oppofers  urged,  that  the  praclice  was  to 
be  condemned,  as  trufting  more  to  the  machination  of 
men,  than  to  the  all-wife  providence  of  God  in  the  ordi- 
nary courfe  of  nature,  and  as  tending  to  propagate  diftem- 
pers  to  the  deflrudion  of  mankind,  which  proved  it  to  be 
criminal  in  its  nature  and  a  fpecies  of  murder.  The  mag- 
iffrates,  I  mean  thofe  in  Bofton,  fuppcfed  it  had  a  tenden- 
cy to  increafe  the  malignity  and  prolong  the  contipuance 
of  the  infection,  and  that  therefore  it  behoved  them  to 
difcountenance  it. 

At  length,  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  laid  hold  of  it, 
and  a  bill  w^as  brought  in  and  paffed  to  prohibit  all  perfons 
from  inoculation  for  the  fmall-pox  ,  but  the  council  were 
in  doubt,  and  the  bill  ffopped. 

Such  is  the  force  of  prejudice.  All  orders  of  men,  in 
that  day,  in  greater  or  leffer  proportion,  condemned  a 
Vol.  II.  R  practice 

*  I  remember  to  have  feen  the  fhell,  which  wus  not  fjld  v/itii  powder,  tut  a 
«iijLtur«  &f  briniilone  with  bitUTviuous  matur. 


c:^^  THE   HISTORY    OF  (^Cuat.  M^ 

p]  atllce  which  is  now  generally  approved,  and  to  which- 
many  thoufands  owe  the  prefervation  of  their  lives. 

Boy] (Ion  continued  the  praftice,  in  fpite  of  all  the  op- 
uofition.  About  three  hundred  were  inoculated,  in  Bof- 
ton  and-the  adjacent  towns.  It  is  impoffible  to  determine 
the  number  which  died  by  it.  Douglal^  would  have  it 
there  was  one  in  fourteen,  w^hilft  the  favourers  of  the 
jira^^lice  v/ouki  not  allow  more  than  one  in  feventy  or 
eighty.  It  was  evident,  from  the  fpeedy  eruption,  that 
many  had'taken  the  difren^per  before  they  were  inoculat- 
ed. Indeed,  where  peifons  have  continued  in  an  infecled 
•jir  for  months  together,  no  true  judgment  can  ever  be 
made  of  the  experiment.^" 

The  new  houfe  of  reprefenta-tives,  in  May,  chofe  the 
former  fpeaker,  and- the  governor  declared  his  approba- 
tion in  the  fame  manner  he  haxi  done  before.  He  nega- 
dved  two  of  the  ceunfellors  elect,  colonel  Byfield  and  Mr,.- 
William  Clark.  Mr.  Clark,  being  a  member  of  the 
Iioufe  for  Bofton^  had  ever  adhered  clofely  to  Mr.  Cooke, - 
i'he  governor  Ihewed  his  refentment  by  refufmg  to  admit 
iiiin  to  the  council,  but  did  not  ferve  his  own  intereft^ 
Mr.  Clark's  oppcfitioHbeing  of  greater  confequence  in  the 
houfe. 

The  Indians  were  meditating  mifchief  from  the  time 
the  Englllh  v/-ere  at  Norridgewock,  but  committed  no 
hoililities  until  June  follov/ing.  They  came  then  v/ith 
about  fixty  men,  in  tv/enty  canoes:,  into-  Merrymeeting: 
bay,  and  took  prifoners  nine  families,  but  gave  no  marks 
of  their  ufual  rage  and  barbarity.  Some  of  their  prifon- 
ers they  releafed  immediately,  and  others  in  a  fhort  time 
after.  Enough  were  retained  to  be  a  fecurity  for  the  re- 
turn of  their  boll  ages -from  Bofton.  A'nother  fmall  party- 
of  Indians  made  an  attempt  upon  a  fifliing  velTel  belong- 
ing to  Ipfwich,  as  Hie  lay  in  one  of  the  eaftern  harbours, 
but  the  lidiermen  being  armed,  they  killed  two  or  three 
of  the  Indians,  and  the  rgft  retreated.     The  colledor  of 

the 

■'  It  h-appcncu,  that  in  the  fame  month  in  winch  inoculation  began  in  Bcfton, 
two  childrcii,  a  daughter,  I  fuppoie,  of  lady  Alary  W.  Montague,  and  a  fon  of  doc- 
tor Keith,  Vi'cvii  inoculated  in  England.  Thtn  an  experiment  was  made  upon  fix 
condemned  criminals.  After  that,  tln-ee  or  four  children  were  inoculated,  and  the 
A"pring  follo-wiiig  leveral  children  in  the  hofpitals.  The  fuccefs  of  thefe  attempt* 
ence-ara^iid  tkt  like  ■vvith  two  of  the  princcn^s,  %Yhichr-  fvic»eedetl-  very  favourably,. 


.1-72^.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  -51 

the  cuftoms  at  Annapolis-royal,  Mr.  Newton,  with  John 
Adams,  fon  of  one  of  the  council  for  Nova  Scotia,  were 
coming  from  thence,  with  captain  Blin,  to  Bofton,  and, 
putting  in  to  one  of  the  Paflimaquadies,  went  afliore, 
with  other  pailengers,  and  were  all  feized  and  made  piif- 
oners  by  about  a  dozen  Indians  and  as  many  French  ;  the 
people  left  on  board  the  lioop  cut  their  cables  and  fled  to 
Bofton. 

Another  party  of  Indians  burned  a  floop  at  St.  George's 
river,  took  ieveral  prifoners,  and  attempted  to  furprife  the 
fort. 

Intelligence  of  thefe  feveral  hodile  acls  came  to  Bodon 
whilfi;  the  general  court  w^as  fitting,  but  there  feemed- 
to  be  no  difpofition  to  engage  in  war.  Inflead  of  the 
former  vigorous  refolves,  upon  leiTer  provocations,  the 
lioufe  propofed  that  a  meflage  fliould  be  fent  to  the  Nor- 
ridgewock  Indians,  to  demand  the  reafons  of  this  beha- 
viour, reftitutionof  the  captives, and  fatisfa£tion  for  dam- 
ages;  and  acquaint  them  that,  if  they  refufed,  cfFe<5lual 
methods  would  be  taken  to  compel  them.  The  hoftages 
given  by  the  Indians  were  fent  down  to  the  eaftward,  and, 
upon  the  reftoring  the  Englifh  captives,  they  were  to  be 
fet  at  hberty. 

The  friends  of  the  Englifh  captives  v/ere  importunate 
with  the  government  to  take  meafures  for  their  redemp- 
tion, and  a  view  to  effect  this  feems  to  have  been  the  chief 
reafon  which  delayed  a  declaration  of  war.  But,  foon 
after  the  prorogation  of  the  court,  news  came  that  the 
Indians  had  burnt  Brunfwick,  a  village  between  Cafco- 
Bay  and  Kennebeck,  and  that  captain  Harman,  with  part 
of  the  forces  polled  upon  the  frontiers,  had  purfued  the 
enemy,  killed  feveral,  and  taken  fifteen  of  their  guns. 
Immediately  after  this  news  (July  25)  the  governor,  by 
advice  of  council,  caufed  a  declaration  of  war  to  be  pub- 
liflied. 

Foreign  wars  often  delivered  Greece  and  Rome  from 
their  intefline  broils  and  animofities,  but,  this  war  furnifh- 
ed  a  new  fubjedt  for  contention.  The  governor  often 
charged  the  party  in  the  houfe  with  affuniing  the  direc- 
tion of  the  war,  and  taking  into  their  hands  that  power 
R  2  which 


^5^  THE   HISTORY   OF  [CnAr.  I!^ 

v/hich  the  charter  gives  to  the  governor.  He  gave  thenl 
a' hint  in  his  fpeeoh  (Augufl  8th)  a^  the  opening  the  next 
ieilioni  "  One  thing  I  would  particularly  remark  to  you, 
which  is,  that,  if  my  hands  and  the  council's  be  not  left 
nt  a  much  greater  liberty  than  of  late  they  have  been,  I' 
fear  our  affairs  will  be  carried  on  with  little  or  no  fpirit. 
Surely,  every  perfon  who  willies  well  to  li4S  country  will 
think  it  high  time  to  lay  afide  all  animofities,  private 
piques  and  felf-intereft,  that  fo  v.^e  may  unanimoufly  join 
in  the  vigoroms^  profecution  of'  the  weighty  affairs  which' 
are  now  upon  the  carpet." 

The  houfe,  in  an  addrefsto  the  gov-ernor,  flgnlfied  their 
fentiments  of  the  neceili ty  of  this  declaration  of  war,  and 
promifed  "  all  neceilary  and  cheerful  affiilance."  A  com= 
mittee  of  the  two  houfecTettled  the  rates  of  wages  and  pro- 
vifions  for  the  forces,  to  which- no  excepti-on  was  taken  -^ 
but  they  vz-ent  further  and  d-etermined  the  fervice  in  which 
they  were  to  be  employed,  three  hundred  men  to  be  fent 
upon  an  expedition  to  Penobfcot,  and  the  reft- to  be  poft- 
e-d  at  different  places  on  the  frontie-rs^^,  and  qualified  their 
report  by  defiring  the  governcr  to  give  orders  according- 
ly. He  let  them  know,  that  the  king  hismafter  and  the 
royal  charter  had  given  him  the  folc  command  and  direc- 
tion of  the  militia,  and  all  the  forces,  which  might  be 
raifed  en  any  emergency,  and  that  he  would  not  fuffer 
them  to  be  under  any  diredion  but  his  own  and  thofe 
officers  he  fliould  think  ht  to  appc?inr.  The  houfe  mad© 
him  no  anfwer.  The  deftination  of  the  mihtary  forces  in 
this  manner,  andniaking  the  eftabliOiment  of  their  wage^ 
depend  upon  a  corapliance  with  it^  had  not  been  the  prac- 
tice in  former  wars  and  adminiftrations,  but  the  gov- 
ernor found  he  muft  fubniit  to  it,  or  the  frontiers  would 
be  wi-thout  defence.  He  gave  up  his  own  opinion  with 
refpecl  to  the  Penobfcots,  and  had  laid  the  fame  plan" 
which  the  committee  had  reported,  and  he  intended  to 
profecute  it,  which  made  his  compliance  more  eafy.  The 
houfe  being  diffatisfied  with  major  Moody,  who  had  the 
command  of  the  forces^  paffed  a  vote  defiring  the  gover- 
nor to  difmifs  him.  The  council  non-concurred  this 
Tote,  ^'  becaufe  he  was  condemned'  unheard,"  and  fubfti- 

tuted; 


<l7t^2.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  255 

:tuted  another  vote  to  defire  the  governor  to  fend  for  hinu, 
that  he  might  attend  the  court ;  but  this  the  houfe  would 
not  agree  to,  and  fent  a  feparate  meiTage  to  the  governor 
to  defire  him  to  fufpend  the  major  from  his  poiL  The 
governor  told  them  he  was  furprifed  they  fliould  defire  U> 
high  a  piece  of  injuftice  as  the  punifning  a  man  without 
hearing  what  he  had  to  fay  for  himfelf,  and  let  .them 
know  he  would  inquire  into  the  grounds  of  their  com- 
plaint. Several  other  voles  .paflcd,  relative  to  the  forces., 
which  the  goyerjQor  did  not  approve. 

At  the  next  feiTion,  November  15th,  he  recommended 
.51  law  to  prevent  mutiny  and  d'^fertion,  for  want  of  whicii 
the  men  were  daily  runni^ig  away.  The  houfe  thought 
it  necefiary  to  be  flrfl  fatisficd,  whether  thedefertion  in  th« 
army  was  not  owing  to  the  unfiiithfulnefs  of  the  oiiicer;j, 
and  appointed  two  committees,  one  to  repair  to  the  head- 
quarters on  the  eafliern,  and  the  other  csn  the  Vv'eflern 
frontiers,  with  powers  lo  require  >the  oilicers  to  mufler 
their  companies,  when  an  exact  lift  was  to  be  taken  of 
the  men  that  appeared,  an  account  of  all  deferters,  and  of 
2l11  fuch  as  were  abfent  upon  foriough,  or  had  been  dif- 
miflfed  or  had  been  ei^icbanged,  together  wkh  divers  other 
powers.  They  then  applied  ±0  the  governor,  to  give  or- 
ders to  all  in  command  to  pay  a  proper  deference  to  the 
vote  and  order  of  the  houfe  refpecling  -repeated  abufes 
and  mihnanagementrS  among  the  forces,  &c. 

This  the  governor  thought  he  had  good  right  to  except 
to,  and  he  made  the  vote  itfelf,  as  well  as  the  manner  in 
which  it  was  to  be  executed,  an  article  of  complaint  againfl 
the  houfe  to  the  Icing.;  but -he  was  prevailed  upon  to  ccn- 
fent  to  it,  and  either  m.ade  or  intended  to  make  this  condi- 
tion, that  the  committees  fliould  make  report  to  him. 
The  houfe  urged  tiiis  confent  againfl  him,  but  in  England 
it  was  not  thought  a  fufHcient  julfification. 

The  conceding  in  one  poiut  naturally  led  to  a  demand 
of  the  like  concefTions  in  others. 

It  was  thought  a  falutary  meafure  to  fen.]  for  delegates 
from  the  Iroquois,  who  were  in  friendfliip  with  us,  and  to 
defire  them  to  ufe  the  influence  they  had  over  the  eadern 
.Jjadians,  in  order  to  their  making  fatisfa<5lion  for  thj  inju/- 

ries 


^54  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IIL 

ries.  done,  and  to  their  good  behaviour  for  the  time  to 
come.  When  the  delegates  came  to  Boflon,  the  houfe 
voted  that  the  fpeech  to  be  made  to  them  by  the  governor 
fliould  be  prepared  by  a  committee  of  the  two  houfes. 
The  governor  had  prepared  his  fpeech,  and  he  direded 
the  fecretary  to  read  it  to  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  ;  but 
this  was  not  fatisfadory,  and  they  fent  a  mefiage  to  defire 
that  what  the  fecretary  had  read  might  be  laid  before  the 
houfe.  The  governor  refufed  at  firfl,  but  upon  further 
confideration  confented,  defiring  they  would  fpeedily  re* 
turn  it.  They  fent  it  back  to  him,  and  let  him  know  they 
could  not  agree  to  it,  unlefs  he  would  fpeak  in  the  name 
of  the  general  court,  and  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives 
might  be  prefent  when  the  fpeech  was  delivered.  This 
was  difagreeable  to  him,  and  a  novelty  to,  the  Indians,  who 
had  always  conlidered  in  their  treaties,  the  governor  of 
Pennfylvania,  as  \vell  as  the  governor  of  New  York,  to 
be  treating  with  them  in  their  own  names,  of  the  name 
of  the  king,  and  not  of  their  refpedive  affemblies ;  but  he 
fubmitted. 

In  confequence  of  the  vote  of  the  houfe  in  the  laft  fef- 
fion,  the  governor  had  directed  an  expedition  to  Penob- 
fcot,  although  it  was  not  altogether  agreeable  to  his  own 
judgm.ent.  It  feem.s  he  had  hopes  of  an  accommodation, 
with  that  tribe  at  leaft.  Colonel  Walton,  v/ho  had  the  com- 
mand on  the  eaftern  frontiers,  feleded  forces  proper  for  the 
purpofe,  and  they  had  actually  begun  their  march,  when 
intelligence  arrived  to  the  colonel  that  Arov/fick  wa';  at- 
tacked by  a  great  number  of  Indians.  He  immediately 
fent  an  exprefs  with  orders  to  the  forces  to  return,  and 
acquainted  the  governor  with  his  proceedings.  The 
council  advifed  to  keep  the  whole  forces  for  the  defence 
of  our  own  inhabitants,  and  to  fufpend  acting  upon  the 
offenfive  until  winter,  which  they  judged  a  more  proper 
feafon  for  the  expedition ;  and  the  men,  in  confequence 
of  this  new  advice,  were  employed  in  marches  upon  the 
back  of  the  frontiers.  But  the  houfe  were  diifatisfied, 
and  fent  a  meffage  to  the  governor  "  to  defire  him  to  or- 
der, by  exprefs,  colonel  Walton  to  appear  forthwith  be- 
fore the  houfe,   to  render  his  reafons  why  the  orders 

relating 


:T722.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  255 

.relating  to  the  expedition  had  not  been  executed/'     This 
"was  not  only  to  take  Walton  from  the  command,  as  long- 
as  the  houle  fhould  think  fit  to  detain  him,  but  the  orders, 
*  relating  to  the  expedition,'  might  be  underRood  to  mean 
the  orders  which  had  been  given  by  th€  houfe,  and  no.c 
what  he  had  received  from  the  captain  general.     The 
governor  told  the -committee  that  he  would  take  no  notice 
•of  the  meffage  from  the  houfe  unlefs  it  was  oiherwife  ex- 
prefled  ;  befides,  he  .and   the  council  were  well  fatisficd, 
and  he  thought  every  body  cKe  was.     He  added,  that  he 
intended  the  officers  fhould  give  an  account  ^  to  him'  of 
their  condud.     The  next  day  (Nov.  20th)  they  fent  an- 
,other  melTage  to  him  to  defire  him  to  inform  the  houfe, 
whether  he  would  fend  for  Walton  as  they  had  dell  red, 
•He  then  told  the  committee,   he  would   fend  his  anfwcr 
to  the  houfe  when  he  thought  proper.     Upon  this,  thc\' 
feem  to  have  appointed  a  mcilcnger  to  go  to  the  eaflward, 
upon,  what  occafion  does  not  appear,  and  the  next  day 
-paifed  the  follo\^  ing  extraordinary  vote.     *'  Whereas  this 
houfe  did  on  ThuxKlay  laft  appoint  a  committee  to  waic 
on  his  excellency  the  governor,  praying  his  orders  l^or 
colonel  VvTalton's  appearance  before  the  houfe,  and  renew- 
ed their  requelt  lo  him  yefiierday,  and  his  exceJIency  has 
not  yet  [qqu  caufe  to  comply  with  that  vote,  and  the  deni- 
al of  colonel  Walton's  being  fent  for  has  extremely  dif- 
;Couraged  the  houfe  in  projecting  any  further  fchemes  for 
carrying  on  the  war,   under  any  views  of  fuccefs  ;  and 
this  houfe,  being  zealoully  inclined  to  do  what  in  them 
lies  to  bring  this  people  out  of  the  calamities  and  perplex- 
ities of  the  prefent  war,  and  to  fpare  no  cofl  and  charge 
to  effect  fo  great  a  good,  were  fome  things  at  pi'ef^nt  rem- 
edied :  We  do  therefore,   once  more,  with  the  greatell 
fmcerity  and  concern  for  our  country's  good,  apply  to 
your  excellency  for  your  fpeedy  iiTuing  your  orders  con- 
cerning colonel  Walton,  to  be  difpatched  by  the  meifen- 
ger  of  this  houfe  going  into  thofe  parts. '^     The  governor 
did  not  like  to  be  fo  clofely  prefTed,  and  ^hen  the  com- 
mittee came  to  his  houfe,   he  told  them  he  would  not 
receive  the  vote,   and,  as  it  is  inferted  in  the  report  and 
journal  of  the  houfe,  "  he  went  Jii.-  way."     They  iheii 

appoi-Qted 


2s6  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  Ill, 

appointed  their  fpeaker  and  eight  principal  members,  a 
committee  to  wait  upon  the  governor  and  defire  him  to. 
return  to  the  chair,  "on  fome  important  affairs  which 
hiy  before  the  houfe,*'  but  he  refufed  to  fee  the  commit- 
tee, and  dire<Sted  his  fervant  to  tell  them  he  would  not 
then  be  fpoken  to  by  any  body. 

Walton  was  a  New  Hampfliire  man  at  the  head  of  the 
forces,  a  fmall  part  only  of  which  were  raifed  in  that 
government.  This  might  prejudice  many,  but  there  was 
a  private  grudge  againfi  him  in  fome  of  the  leading  men 
of  the  houfe,  and  they  never  left  purfuing  him  until  they 
elfected  his  rem.oval, 

*  The  houfe  finding  the  governor  would  not  comply,  all 
their  meilages  to  him  being  exceptionable,  as  founded 
upon  a  fuppofsd  right  in  the  houfe  to  call  the  officers  out 
of  the  fervice  to  account  before  them  whenfoever  they 
thought  proper,  and  alfo  to  order  the  particular  fervices 
in  which  the  forces  fliould  be  employed  without  leaving  it 
in  the  governor's  power  to  vary,  they  made  fome  altera- 
tions in  the  form  of  their  requeft,  and  (December  4th) 
paifed  the  following  vote.  "  Whereas  this  houfe  have 
been  informed  of  divers  mifcarriages  in  the  management 
of  the  war  in  the  eaftern  country,  voted,  that  his  excel- 
lency the  governor  be  delired  to  exprefs  colonel  Walton, 
that  he  forthwith  repair  to  Bofton,  and,  when  he  hath 
attended  upon  his  excellency,  that  he  v/ould  pleafe  to  di- 
red  him  to  wait  on  this  houfe,  that  they  may  examine 
him  concerning  his  late  condud  in  profecuting  the  war, 
more  efpecialiy  referring  to  the  late  intended  expedition 
to  the  fort  of  Penobfcot."  This  being  jnore  general,  and 
not  confined  to  the  laying  afide  the  expedition,  which  was 
known  to  be  in  confequence  of  orders,  the  governor  was 
willing  it  fnouid  be  conllrued  favourably,  and  fent  for 
Walton. 

The  council  having  fleadily  adhered  to  the  governor, 
he  took  this  opportunity  to  recom.mend  to  the  houfe  to 
a6l  jointly  with  the  council  in  meifages  to  him  of  general 
concern,  and  at  the  fame  time,  in  a  verbal  mellage  by  the 
fecreiary,  endeavoured  to  foften  the  temper  of  the  houfe. 
''  Mr.  fpeaker,  his  excellency  commands  me  to  acquaint 

this 


1722.]  MASSx\CIIUSETTS.  ^^^-j 

this  honourable  houfe  that  he  has  taken  into  confideration 
the    Icveral   meflages    relating   to    colonel   Walton,  and 
thinks  it   moil  agreeable  to  the  conftitution,  and  what 
would  tend  to  keep  up  <i  good  agreement  between  the 
council  and  houie  of  repreientativcci,  for  all  their  mellages, 
of  a  public  nature  and  wherein  the  whole  govermneut  is 
concerned,  to  be  fent  up  to  the  council  lor  their  concur- 
rence, and  not  iinniediately  to  himlelf ;   however,  that  he 
will  give  order  for  colonel  Walton's  coming  up.  to  town, 
and,  when  has  received  an  account  of  hi^  proceedings,  the 
whole  court  fhall  ha\'e  the  hcai'ing  of  him  if  they  dcfire 
it."     In  this  way,  the  governor  intended  to  guard  againit 
any  undue  proceeding,  there  being  no   danger  of  the 
council's  condemning  a  meafure  to  which  a  little  while 
before  they  had  given  their  advice  and  confent  ;    but  the 
houfe  improved  the  hint  to  a  very  different  purpofe,  and 
on  the  5th  of  December  voted  *^'  that  a  committee,  to 
conhil  of  eleven  members  of  the  two  houfes,  fevcn  of  the 
houfe  of  reprefentatives  and  four  of  the  council,  iliall  meet 
in  the  recefs  of  the  court,  once  in  fourteen  days,  and  oft- 
ener,  if  occafion  fhould   require,  to  concert  what  fleps 
and  methods  fliail  be  put  in  practice  relative  to  the  war, 
and  having  agreed  upon  any  proje^Hons  or  defigns,  to  lay 
them  before  his  excellency  for  his  approbation,  who  is 
dcfired  to  take  effectual  care  to  carry  them  into  fpeedy 
execution."*     In  aifairs  of  government,  of  what  nature 
foever,  this  was  an  innovation  in  the  conftitution  j  but  in 
matters  relative  to  the  war  it  was  taking  the  powers  from 
the  governor,  which  belonged  to  him  by  the  conftitution, 
and  vefting  them  in  a  .committee  of  the  tv/o  houfes.     The 
council  unanimoufly  non-concurred  the  vote,  and  alterca- 
tion enfued  bctv/een  them  and  the  houfe,  but  the  council 

perfevered. 

*  This  was  unprecedented,  and  had  It  heen  only  a  devolvinjj  the  powers,  by  th« 
conftitution  entrufU'd  with  the  whole  Icginuture,  could  not  be  juilified  ;  but  it  was 
an  affuniing  the  power  given  to  one  branch  only,  the  governor,  and  then  devolving 
it  to  2  few  of  their  own  number.  Such  innovarions  are  dangerous.  They  may  be 
improved  to  lerve  the  purpofcs  of  an  arbitrary  prir>>;e  or  governor,  as  well  as  thole 
pf  a  popular  fi.Aion.  When  Richard  H.  had  a  packed  parliament  devoted  to  his 
will  and  pleafure,  be  procured  an  a(5l  or  order,  under  colour  of  difp^ttching  bufmefs, 
which  inveftcd  the  whole  authority  of  parliament  in  the  king,  v/ith  tv/elve  peers 
and  fix  common'*rs.  On  the  other  hand,  in  1641,  the  lords  and  commons  having 
determined  to  adjourn  from  tlic  9th  of  September  to  the  -zoth  of  October,  appointed 
committees,  viz.  fcvcn  of  the  lords  and  forty-three  of  the  co:ii:r.oi;s,  to  take  care, 
during  the  rscef;,  of  tl^e  moil  weighty  :<.nd  urgent  affi^irs. 


^5«  '  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  IIL 

yerfevered.     In  the  mean  time  the  governor  was  engaged 
with  the  houfe  in  freih  difputes. 

The  committee  of  the  houfe,  which  had  been  ferit  to 
the  eaftern  frontiers,  returned,  and  inflead  of  making 
their  report  to  the  governor,  which  was  the  condition  of 
his  confcnt  to  their  authority  and  of  his  orders  to  the  of- 
ficers to  fubmit  to  themi  they  made  their  report  to  the 
houfe.  This  was  difmgenuous.  It  would  not  do  to  urge 
that  he  had  no  right  to  make  conditions  to  their  votes, 
for  he  had  given  no  confent,  unlefs  k  was  conditional, 
and  without  his  confent  they  could  have  no  authority.* 
As  foon  as  he  heard  of  the  repott,  he  fent  to  the  houfe 
/or  his  original  order,  which  he  had  delivered  to  the 
committee.  They  anfwered  that  they  were  not  poirelfed 
of  it ;  but  the  chairman  of  the  committee  had  left  an  at- 
tefled  copy  on  their  iiles,  w^hich  he  might  have  if  he  pleaf- 
ed  j  but  he  refufed  the  copy  and  infilled  upon  the  origin- 
al. He  then  fent  for  John  Wainwright,  the  chairman  of 
the  committee,  to  attend  him  in  council,  and  there  de- 
manded the  return  of  the  original  order.  Wainwright,  in 
general,  was  what  was  called  a  prerogative  man,  but  the 
ihoufe  had  enjoined  him  not  to  return  the  order.     He  ac- 

knowledge4 

*  In  tlie  firll  year  of  the  xcf^p  of  the  late  klnor  William,  a  motion  was  made;^iii 
-th«  houfe  of  commons  for  an  addrefs  to  his  majefty  to  fend  perfons  into  Ireland  tQ 
-take  account  of  the  numbers  of  the  army  and  the  provifions,  which  the  king  aiTured 
them  he  would  do.  Afterwards,  a  motion  was  made  that  the  commons  flic^uld  fend 
fome  of  their  members  and  of  tlxeii  own  iiominatien.  The  king  being  informed  of 
it  fent  the  following  meiTjge. 
-"  IFiliiam  II. 

"  His  majeily  having-  already  declared  his  refolutions  to  profecute  the  war  in  Ire- 
land with  the  utmoft  vi_p;our,  and  being  defirous  to  ufe  the  means  tliat  may  be  mofl 
fatisfadory  and  effefiual  in  order  to  it,  ib  gracioufly  pleafed,  that  this  houfe  do  rec- 
ommend a  number  of  perfi)ns,  not  exceeding  feven,  to  be  commifTioned  by  his  maj- 
=efty,  to  take  care  of  the  provifions  and  fuch  othej-  pi-eparations  as  Ihall  be  neccflary 
for  that  fervice. 

"  His  majeily  is  further  pleafed  to  let  the  houfe  know,  that,  upon  confideration 
A)f  the  addrefs  of  the  llth  of  November,  he  gives  them  leave  to  nominate  fome  per- 
fons to  go  over  to  Ireland,  to  take  an  account  of  the  number  of  the  army  there  and 
-the  ftate  and  condition  of  it,  who  fliall  receive  his  majefty's  orders  accordingly." 

This  is  calltd  a  condefcending  meffage.  It  is  certain  the  houfe  of  commons  did 
not  think  fit  to  take  thefc  powers  upon  them,  bu-t,  after  a  vote  of  thanks  to  his 
majcfty, 

"  Refolvcd,  that  this  houfe  doth  not  think  to  reccmmend  any  member  of  this 
houfe  to  be  employed  in  the  fervice  of  Ireland,  for  the  purpofes  expreffed  in  his  maj- 
efty's gracious  mcfl'age  of  Saturday  laft. 

"  Refolved,  that  this  houfe  doth  humbly  defire  to  be  excufed  from  recommending 
any  perfons  to  his  m:ijcfty  to  be  employed  in  the  fervice  of  Ireland  ;  bwt  humbly 
leave  it  to  his  majefty's  great  wifdom  to  nominfl^e  fit  perfons  for  that  fervice." 


1722.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  259 

knowledged  he  had  the  order  in  his  poffeflion,  but  defired 
to.be  excufed  from  deHvering  it,  the  houfe  having  dire£l^ 
ed  him  to  dehver  r^o  original  papers.  The  original  vote 
of  the  houfe,  and  the  governor's  order  in  coniequencc  or 
it,  came  to  my  hands  by  accident. 

"  /;/  tJ?€  hoi^fe  cf  rcprcjlntat'rjcs^  Ncv.  11,  1722. 
*'  Whereas  this  houfe  have  been  informed  of  repeated 
abufes  and  mifmanagements  among  the  officcrj  now  in 
pay,  tending  greatly  to  the  diflionour  and  damage  of  the 
government,  and  are  defiroiis  to  ufe  all  proper  and  fuita- 
ble  methods  for  the  full  difcavery  thereof  ;  and  to  effed: 
the  fame  have  fent  a  committee  from  the  houfe  to  inquire 
into  thefe  rumours,  and  report  how  they  find  things  ;  we 
the  reprefentatives  do  mod  earnellly  delire  your  excellen- 
cy's orders,  by  the  fame  committee,  to  the  commanding 
officer  and  all  others  in  command  there,  to  pay  all  proper 
deference  to  the  vote  and  order  of  this  houfe  refpeCling 
that  matter.  John  Clarke^  fpeakcr.'' 

^'  Boston,  Nov.  17,  1722, 
To  the  officer  comina72dmg  'm  chief  at  the  eajlxvard, 
"  I  do  hereby  give  orders  to  the  commanding  officers 
and  all  other  inferior  officers  to  pay  deference  to  the  com- 
mittee, and  do  expect  that  the  committee  lay  firft  before 
me  their  report,  as  captain  general,  and  afterwards,  upon 
the  defire  of  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives,  it  fhall  be  laid 
before  them.  Samuel  Shiite.'* 

The  houfe  expedled  the  governor  would  complain  of 
them  for  ufurping  a  mxilitary  power,  and  might  refufe  to 
part  with  the  original  votes  or  orders  by  which  he  had 
fignified  his  confent  to  it,  the  condition  not  preceding  the 
exercife  of  fuch  power. 

Soon  after  (Dec.  i8th)  colonel  Walton  came  to  town, 
and  the  houfe  fent  their  committee  to  defire  the  governor 
to  direct  him  to  attend  the  houfe  the  next  morning,  but 
the  governor  refufed  to  give  fuch  orders,  and  told  the 
committee  that,  if  his  officers  were  to  anuver  for  their  con- 
duct, it  fliould  be  before  the  whole  court.  They  then  fent 
their  door-keeper  and  melfenger  to  ^Valton,  to  let  him 
know  the  houfe  expefted  his  attendance.  H':;  went  im- 
mediately, 


ip6o  TKE   HISTORY    OF  [Cha-p.  HI, 

mediately^  but  refuled  to  give  any  account  of  his  proceed- 
ings without  leave  from  the  governor.  The  next  day, 
AValton  was  ordered  to  appear  before  the  whole  court, 
and  the  governor  fsnt  a  meffage  by  the  fecretary,  to  ac- 
quaint the  houfe  that  they  might  then  ,alk  any  queitions 
they  thought  proper,  relative  to  his  condud  ;  but  they 
refolved,  that  their  intent,  in  fending  for  him,  was  that 
he  fhould  appear  before  them.  The  next  day,  he  fen-t 
another  meffage  to  acquaint  the  houfe  that  Walton  was 
then  before  the  governor  and  co.uncil,  with  his  journal^ 
and  if  the  houfe  inclined  to  it,  he  defired  them  to  come  up, 
and  aik  any  queftions  they  thought  proper.  They  return- 
ed for  anfwer,  .that  they  did  not  think  it  expedient,  for 
they  looked  upon  it  not  only  their  privilege,  but  duty, 
to  demand,  of  any  officer  in  the  pay  and  fervice  of  the 
government,  an  accouni  of  his  management,  while  em- 
ployed by  the  pjablic,. 

This,  perhaps,  in  general,  was  not  the  caufe  of  difpute, 
but  the  queflion  was,  whether  he  was  culpable  for  oMerv- 
ing  the  orders  which  the  governor  had  given  contrary  to 
the  declared  mind  and  order  of  the  houfe.  They  then 
paifed  an  order  for  Walton  forthwith  to  lay  his  journal 
before  the  houfe.  This  was  their  lad  vote,  relative  to 
this  affair,  whilfl  the  governor  was  in  the  province.  He 
had,  without  making  it  public,  obtained  his  majefty's  per- 
miffion  to  leave  the  province  and  go  to  England.  The 
prejudice  in  the  minds  of  the  common  people  increafed 
every  day.  It  was  known  to  his  friends,  that  as  he  fat  in 
one  of  the  chambers  of  his  houfe,  the  window  and  door 
of  a  clofet  being  open,  a  bullet  entered,  through  the  win- 
dow and  door  paffages,  and  paflfed  very  near  him.  If 
fome  thought  this  a  mere  accident,  yet,  as  he  knew  he 
had  many  virulent  enemies,  he  could  not  be  without  fuf- 
picion  of  a  wicked  delign  ;  but  his  principal  intention  in 
going  home,  was  to  reprefen<:  the  conduct  of  the  houfe,  to 
call  thein  to  anfwer  before  his  majefty  in  council,  and  to 
obtain  a  decifion  of  the  points  in  controverfy,  and  there- 
by to  remove  all  occafion  or  pretence  for  further  difputes. 
His  departure  was  very  fudden.  The  Seahorfe  man-of- 
war,  captain  Durell,  lying  in  Nantaiket,  bound  to  Barba- 

does 


^721.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  20* 

does  to  convoy  the  Saltortugas  fleet,  the  governor  v/ent 
on  board  her,  Dec.  27th,  intending  to  go  from  Barbadoe:> 
the  firll  opportunity,  for  London.  Not  one  member  of 
the  court  was  in  the  fecret,  nor  indeed  any  perfon  in  the 
province,  except  two  or  three  of  his  dcmedics.  The 
wind  proved  contrary  for  three  or  four  days,  during- 
which,  the  owners  of  the  Ihip  Ann,  captain  Finch,  v»hicl> 
was  then  loading  for  London,  by  employing  a  great  num- 
ber of  hands,  had  h^er  fitted  for  the  fea,  and  fent  her  to- 
Nantafket  and  offered  the  governor  his  paiTage  in  her,  and 
he  went  on  board  and  failed  the  firlt  of  [anuarv. 

Upon  a  review  of  this- controverfy  with  governor  Shute, 
}  am  apprehenfive  fome  of  my  readers  will  be  apt  to  doubt 
the  impartiality  of  the  relation.  Such  ftcps  and  fo  fre- 
quent by  one  party,  without  fcarce  any  attempts  by  the 
other,  are  not  ufual  ;  but  I  ha^^'e  made  the  mofh  diligent 
fearch  into  the  conduct  cf'  the  governor,  as  v/cU  as  th;! 
houfe,  and  I  am  not  fenfible  of  having  omitted  any  mate- 
rial facl,  nor  have  I  defignedly  given  a  varnifh  to  the  ac- 
tions of  one  party,  or  high  colouring  to  thofe  of  the  oth- 
er. Some  will  fay,  it  was  unncceflary  to  pubhfh  to  the 
world  tranfa6lions  which  tend  to-  fet  the  country  in  an 
unfavourable  light.  I  profefs  to  give  a  trile  relation  of 
facls.  I  fee  no  difference  between  publifliing  falfe  facts 
for  truth,  and  omitting  any  which  are  material  for  the 
forming  a  jufl  conception  of  the  reft.  Colonel  Shute  had 
the  charader  of  being  humane,  friendly  and  benevolent^, 
but  fomewhat  v/arm  and  fudden  upon  provocations  re- 
ceived, was  a  lover  of  eafe  and  diverfions,  and  for  the 
foke  of  indulging  his  incWnations  in  thofe  refpeds,  would 
willingly  have  avoided  controverfy  v/ith  particular  perfons 
or  orders  of  men  in  the  government  ;  but  it  was  his  mif- 
fortune  to  arrive  when  parties  ran  high  and  the  oppofitiork 
had  been  violent.  With  great  Ikill  in  the  art  of  govern- 
ment, it  might  not  have  been  impoiTible  for  him  to  have 
kept  both  parties  in  fufpenfe, without  interefting  himfelf  on 
either  fide,  until  he  had  broke  their  refpeclive  connexions, 
or  the  animofity  had  fubfided  ;  but,  void  of  art,  with 
great  integrity  he  attached  himfelf  to  that  party  which 
appeared  to  him  to  be  right,  and  made  the  other  his  ir- 

reconcileable 


koi  ti-IE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IIL 

Teconcileable  enemies.  His  negativing  Mr*  Cooke,  when 
chofen  to  the  council,  was  no  more  than  what  he  had  an 
undoubted  right  to  do  by  charter  ;  but  the  refufal  to  ac- 
cept him  as  fpeaker,  perhaps,  was-  impolitic,  the  country 
in  general  fuppofing  it  to  be  an  invafion  of  the  rights  of 
the  houfe ;  and  it  would  have  been  lefs  exceptionable  to 
have  diifolved  them  immediately,  which  he  had  a  right  to 
do,  than  to  diilolve  th^jm  after  an  unfuccefsfui  attempt  to 
enforce  his  negative  when  his  right  was  doubtful  in  the 
province,  although  not  fo  with  the  attorney  and  folicitor 
general,  who  fuppofed  the  hoiife  of  reprefentatives  claim- 
ed a  privilege  which  the  houfe  of  commons  did  not;  The 
leading  m.en  in  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  did  not  think 
ib.  That  point  had  not  been  in  queflion  in  England 
iince  the  reign  of  king  Charles  II.  when  it  was  rather 
avoided  than  determined  ;  and  it  was  not  certain  that  the 
Iioufe  of  commons  in  the  reign  of  king  George  I.  v/ould 
more  readily  have  given  up  the  point  than  their  predecef- 
ibrs  in  the  time  of  king  Charles.  The  houfe,  in  the  oth- 
er parts  of  the  controverfy,  had  lefs  to  fay  for  themfelveSj 
midy  with  refpeCL  to  the  attempts  upon  his  military  au- 
thority*, were  glad  to  be  excufed  by  an  acknowledgment 
of  their  having  been  in  the  wrong.  The  clipping  his  fal- 
ary,  which,  at  the  highefl,  AvoUld  no  more  than  decently 
fupport  him,  was  highly  refented  by  him  ;  and  I  have 
heard  his  friends  fay,  that  he  would  have  remained  in 
the  government  and  waited  the  decifion  of  the  other 
points,  if  the  two  hundred  pouitds,  equal  to  about  fifty 
pounds  fterling,  the  deduQion  made,  had  been  reflored.* 

Under 

*  "  I  muft  icquaint  you  that  another  thing,  that  gives  great  offence  to  the  min- 
iftry,  is,  that  they  hear  the  governor  is  made  uneafy  in  his  government,  anti  yet 
they  receive  no  complaints  of  his  mifcondudl  or  mal  adminiflration.  Colonel  Shutc 
.is  known  at  court,  and  at  the  offices  of  (late,  under  the  character  of  a  very  worthy 
gentleman,  and  one  of  a  fmgular  good  temper,  fitted  to  make  any  people  happy  that 
are  under  his  command.  When  therefore  they  find  the  contrary  in  New  England, 
they  conclude  from  it  that  we  would  have  no  governor  at  all  from  hence,  hut  want 
to  he  independent  of  the  crown.  Now,  though  this  be  a  ftrained  and  moil  injuri- 
ous inference,  yet  they  will  not  eafily  he  purfuaded  out  of  it.  I  could  not  fatisfy 
jny  confcience  without  mentioning  this  article,  though  I  am  fenfibie  it  will  afford 
a  handle  to  my  enemies  to  reproach  me,  as  minding  the  governor's  interefl  more 
than  the  country's." Dimmer  s  letter,  23^  Ap7-il,  172I. 

"  The  affairs  of  the  country  are,  in  the  opinion  of  all  men  here,  in  dcfperatc  cir- 
rumftances.  I  was  lad  night  in  company  with  the  governor,  who  has  laid  his  me- 
Tnorial  before  the  board  of  trade,  where  it  was  maijtnalned  ti^at  the  condud  of  the 

affembly 


fp'2.2  M  A  S  S  A  C  H  U  S  E  T  T  S.  263: 

Under  an  abfokite  monarch  the  people  are  without 
fpirit,  and  wear  their  chains  defpairing  of  their  freedom. 
A  change  of  mafters  is  the  fum  of  their  hopes,  and,  after 
infurreciions  and  convulfion^,  they  Itill  continue  flaves. 
In  a  government  founded  upon  the  principle  of  Hberty, 
as  far  as  government  and  Hberty  can'  confift,  fuch  are  the 
fweets  of  liberty,  that  we  often  fee  attempts  for  a  greater 
degree  of  it  than  will  confifh  with  the  eftabliflied  conflitu- 
tion,  although  anarchy,  the  greateft  and  word  of  tyran- 
nies, may  prove  the  confequence,  untir  the  eyes  of  the 
people  are  opened  and  they  fee  the  necefTity  of  returning 
to  their  former  happy  ftate  of  governmen^t  and  order. 

The  lieutenant  governor  took  the  chair,  under  the  dif- 
advantage  of  being  obliged  to-  maintain  the  fame  ca^^e 
which  had  forced  hrs  predecclTor  out  of  it.  Perfonal" 
prejudice  againfl  the  governor  was  the  caufe  of  ailuming 
rights  referved  by  charter  to  tlie  crown.  The  caufc 
nov/  ceafed,  but  power  once  affumed  is  not  willingly  part- 
ed with.  Mr.  Dummer  had  demeaned  himfelf  very  dif- 
creetly.  His  attachment  to  the  caufe  of  the  governor 
loft  him  fome  friends,  and  proved  a  prejudice  to  him  and 
to  his  fucceflbrs  ^  for  it  had  been  ufual  to  make  an  annu- 
al grant  or  allowance  to  the  lieutenant  governor,  in  con- 
fideration  of  his  being  at  hand,  or,  as  they  expreffed  ity 
ready  to  ferve  the  province,  in  cafe  of  the  governor's  ab- 
fence,  but,  after  the  tv/o  or  three  firil  years  from  hiS"' 
arrival,  they  withheld  it.  Without  any  mention  of  the 
unhappy  (late  of  affairs,  in  a  fhort  fpeech  to  the  twcy 
houfes-  he  kt  them  know  that  he  would  concur  with  them 
in  every  meafure  for  his  majefly's  fervice  and  the  good 

of 

alTemLly  in  tlie  affuir  of  tlie  militia  was  na  lefs  tiian  high  treafon  by  the  laws  of 
England,  as  appeared  to  them  by  their  o^vn  printeivotcs.  Their  report  will  in  a 
day  or  two  be  laid  before  tlie  regency,  and  what  ifl^c  it  will  have  there  I  will  net 
prophcfy.  The  j^overncr  fhewed  me  the  printed  votes  with  regard  to  the  dedica-^ 
tion  of  the  thefes-of  Harvard  college,  at  which  I  could  not  but  Ihmd  amazed.  I 
fee  no  hopes  of  faving  the  country  unlef$  the  next  general  aiTcmbly  will  difavow 
file  proceedings  of  the  laO:.  The  cry  of  the  city  here  runs  exceedingly  againfl  you,- 
and  they  revive  the  ftory  of  1641.  The  governor,  I  affure  you,  grieves  and  pities' 
you,  but  knows  not  hov/  to  help  you.  The  plame  of  this  whole  afTair  is  laid  here- 
to Mr.  C and  one  cr  two  more,  who,  under  the   notion  of  patriots,  are  likr 

tw  be  the  inflruments  of  the  lofs  of  that  which  is  one  of  the  deareft  things  to  yoir 
in  the  world.  In  what  light  they  will  appear  to  pollerity  they  will  do  well  t(t 
confider.  What  remains  is  only  to  condol-e  v/ith  you  the  dark  flate  of  your  af^ 
Iaij3."    ■  ■■■ £xtrm(i  of  g  letter  from  Mr.  N^aify  author  tf  the  hifory  of  Neiv  ErgljrJ. 


e54  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  III. 

of  the  province.  An  aged  fenator,  Mr.  Sewail,  the  only 
perfon  alive  who  had  been  an  ailidant  under  the  old  char- 
ter, addreifed  hiiiifelf  to  the  lieutenant  governor  with 
great  gravity  and  fniiplicity,  in  primitive  flyle,  whicli, 
however  obfoletc,  may  be  worth  preferring*  "  If  your 
honour  and  the  honourable  board  pleafe  to  give  me  leave, 
I  would  fpeak  a  v/ord  or  two  upon,  this  folemn  occalion. 
Although  the  unerring  providence  of  God  has  brought 
your  honour  to  the  chair  of  government  in  a  cloudy  and 
tempeiluous  feafon,  yet  you  have  this  for  your  encour- 
agement, that  the  people  you  have  to  do  with  are  a  part 
of  the  Il'rael  of  God,  and  you  may  expatl  to  have  of  the 
prudence  and  patienc^e  of  Mofes  communicated  to  you 
foT  your  condudi  It  is  evident,  that  our  almighty  Saviour 
counfelled  the  hrft  planters  to  remove  hither  and  fettle 
here,  and  they  dutifully  followed  his  advice,  and  therefore 
he  will  never  leave  nor  forfake  them,  nor  theirs ;  fo  that 
your  honour  mud  needs  be  happy  in  fmcerely  feeking 
their  happinefs  and  welfare,  which  your  birth  and  educa- 
tion Vv'ili  incline  you  to  do.  Difficilia  qu^  pidchra,  I 
promife  myfelf,  that  they  who  fit  at  this  board  will  yield 
their  fiiithful  advice  to  your  honour,  according  to  the 
duty  of  their  place." 

The  houfe  thought  it  neceffary  to  take  immediate  meaf- 
ures.for  their  defence  and  vindication  in  England.  The 
governor  had  mentioned  nothing  more  to  the  lieutenant 
governor  than  that  he  was  em^barked  and  intended  to 
return  to  his  government  early  in  the  f^dl.  This  the  lieu- 
tenant governor  communicated  to  the  council,  and  the 
council  to  the  houfe.  They  fent  a  commiittee  immediately 
to  the  lieutenant  governor,  to  pray  him  to  inform  them 
what  he  knew  of  the  governor's  intended  voyage  ;  but  he 
could  tell  them  no  m$>re.  They  then  appointed  another 
committee  "  to  prepare  and  lay  before  the  houfe  what 
they  think  proper  to  be  done  in  this  critical  juncture,  in 
their  juft  and  necefTary  vindication  at  the  court  at  home," 
and  a  iliip,  captain  Clark,  then  ready  to  fail  for  London, 
was  detained  until  the  difpatches  were  ready.  Anthony 
Sanderfon,  a  merchant  of  London,  had  been  recommend- 
ed by  Mr.  Popple,  of  the  plantation  office,  in  a  letter  to. 

the 


i72j.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  265 

the  fpeaker,  as  a  proper  pcrfon  for  the  Province  ?lgent. 
To  him  the  houfe  fent  their  papers,  to  be  improved  as  they 
fnould  order.* 

The  'houfe  Was  loth  fuddenly  to  recede,  and  the  day 
after  the  governor  failed,  they  appointed  a  committee,  to 
join  with  a  committee  of  council,  to  conlider  of  proper 
ways  for  carrying  into  execution  the  report  of  a  commit- 
tee of  war.  This  was  the  province  of  the  captain  general, 
and  the  council  refufed  a  concurrence.  The  houfe  then 
palfed  another  vote,  protefling  againft  carrying  on  an  of- 
fenfive  war,  unlefs  Walton,  the  colonel,  and  Moody,  the 
major,  fnould  be  removed,  and  other  fuitable  perfons  ap- 
pointed. Before  the  council  paifed  upon  this  vote,  the 
two  obnoxious  perfons  were  prevailed  upon  to  write  to 
the  lieutenant  governor,  and  defire  a  difmiiTion,  provided 
they  might  be  paid  their  wages  ;  and  the  letters  being 
communicated  to  the  council,  they  palTed  another  vote 
defiring  the  lieutenant  governor  to  difmifs  the  ofiicers, 
agreeable  to  the  letters  received  from  them.  This  vote 
the  houfe  non-concurred, and  infifted  upon  their  own  vote, 
which  the  council  then  non-concurred.  The  houfe  then 
paiied  a  refolve,  that,  unlefs  Walton  and  Moody  were  dif- 
miifed,  they  fliouid  be  necefiltated  to  drav/  off  part  of  the 
forces,  and  fent  their  refolve  '  to  be  laid  upon  the  council 
table.'  The  lieutenant  governor,  by  a  melTage,  let  the 
houfe  know,  that  the  king  had  appointed  him  general  of 
the  forces,  and  that  he  only  had  the  power  to  draw  them 
off,  aad  added,  that  he  expelled  all  mciTages  from  the 
houfe  fhould  be  properly  addreffed  to  him,  otherwife  he 
Ihould  pay  no  regard  to  them.  Ihe  houfe  w^ere  fenfible 
they  had  gone  too  far,  and  appointed  a  committee  to  wait 
upon  the  lieutenant  governor,  to  defire  they  might  have 
leave  to.  withdraw  their  refolve,  and  declared  that,  how- 
ever expreffed,  they  intended  only  that  they  would  not 
vote  any  further  pay  and  fubfiftence.  They  perfifled, 
however,  in  their  refufal  to  provide  for  the  pay  of  the  two 
officers,  whofe  difmilTicn  they  required,  nor  would  they 
make  provinon  for  further  carrying  on  the  war  until  oth- 
er officers  were  appointed. 
Vol.  II.  S  Among 

*  In  November,  1721,  died  at  Solsaa  Daniel  Epps,  cfquirc,  of  the  coungii. 


156  THE    HISTORY    OF  [Chaf.  lit 

Among  the  other  inftances  of  additional  power  to  the 
lioufe,  they  had,  by  degrees,  acquired  from  the  governor 
raid  council  the  keys  of  the  treafury,  and  no  monies  could 
he  ifTued  without  the  vote  of  the  houfe  for  that  purpofe. 
This  is  no  more  than  fome  colonies  without  charters  -claim 
»nd  enjoy,  but  by  the  charter,  all  monies  are  to  be  paid 
out  of  the  treafury  '  by  warrant'  from  the  governor  with- 
advice  and  confent  of  the  council.  The  right  of  the  houfe 
to  originate  all  ads  and  orders  for  raifmg  monies  from 
the  people,  and  to  appropriate  fuCh  monies  to  fuch  fer- 
vices  as  they  thought  proper,  was  not  difputed  ;  but  they 
went  further,  and  would  not  admit  that  payment  fhould 
be  made  for  fuch  fervices  until  they  had  judged  whether 
they  were  well  performed,  and  had  paiTed  a  fpeclal  order 
for  fuch  payment.  Thus  they  kept  every  officer  de- 
pendent, and  Walton,  becaufe  he  had  not  obferved  their 
orders  to  go  to  Penobfcot,  but  had  conformed  to  the 
(governor's  orders,  from  v/hom  he  derived  all  the  author-- 
ity  he  had  to  march  any  where,  was  denied  his  pay.  Oth- 
er matters  were  alleged  againil  V/alton  in  the  courfe  of 
the  difpute,  but  this  feems  to  have  been  the  principah 

The  expofedflate  which  the  frontiers  nlufi:  have  been- 
in  if  the  forces  had  been  drawn  oif,  and  they  could  not 
be  kept  there  without  pay^  induced  the  lieutenant  gover- 
nor to  difmifs  Walton,and  to  appoint  Thomas  Weftbrookc 
colonel  and  commander  in  chief,  whereupon  an  eflablifh- 
ment  v/as  fettled  by  the  houfe,  premiums  were  granted 
for  Indian  fcalps  and  prifoners,  and  an  end  was  put  to  the 
feflion. 

The  Indians,  vv^e  have  obferved,  were  indigated  by  the- 
French  to  begin  the  v/ar.  The  old  men  were  averfe  to  it. 
Ralie,  v/ith  difficulty,  prevailed  upon  the  Norridgewocks. 
The  Fenobfcots  were  {cill  more  dinnclined,  and,  after  hof- 
lilitiQS  began,  expreifed  their  defires  of  an  accommodation. 
The  St.  Francois  Indians,  who  lived  upon  the  borders  of 
Canada,  and  the  St.  John's,  as  alfo  the  Cape-Sable  Indians, 
were  fo  remote  as  not  to  fear  the  deflrudlon  of  their  vil- 
lages by  the  Englifh.  They  mixed  with  the  Norridge- 
wocks and  Fenobfcots,  and  made  the  war  general.  In  the 
latter  part  cf  Xuly  tiie  enerny  furprifed  Canfo  and  other 

harbours 


lyii^,']  MASSACHUSETTS.  267 

harbours  near  to  it,  and  took  fixteen  or  feventeen  fall  of 
filhing  vcfTels,  all  belonging  to  MalTachufctt.s.  Governor 
Phillips  happened  to  be  at  Canfo,  and  caufcd  two  floops 
to  be  manned,  partly  with  volunteer  faJJbrs  from  mer- 
chants' velfels  which  were  loading  with  n(h,and  fent  them, 
under  the  command  of  John  Eliot,  of  Bolton,  and  John 
Robinfon,  of  Cape-Ann,  in  queft  of  the  enemy.  Eliot, 
as  he  was  ranging  the  coaft,  elpied  feven  veflels  in  a  har- 
bour called  Winnepaug,  and  concealed  all  his  men,  except 
four  or  five,  until  he  came  near  to  one  of  the  vefiels,  which 
had  about  forty  Indians  aboard,  who  were  in  expedlation 
of  another  prize  falling  into  their  hands.  As  fobn  as  he 
was  within  hearing,  they  hoided  their  pendants  and  called 
out,  Strike,  Englilli  dogs,  and  come  aboard,  for  you  are 
all  priibners.  Elipt  anfwered,  that  he  would  make  all  the 
haftc  he  could.  Finding  he  made  no  attempt  to  efcape, 
they  began  to  fear  a  tartar,  and  cut  their  cable  with  in- 
tent to  run  alhore  ;  but  he  was  too  quick  for  them,  and 
immediately  clapped  them  aboard.  For  about  half  an 
hour  they  made  a  brave  refillance,  but,  at  length,  fome  of 
them  jumping  into  the  hold,  Eliot  threw  his  hand  grana- 
does  after  them,  which  made  fuch  havoc,  that  all  which 
remained  alive  took  to  the  water,  where  they  were  a 
fair  mark  for  the  EngliOi  Ihot.  From  tliis  or  a  like  ac- 
tion, probably  took  rife  a  common  expreffion  among 
Englifh  foldiers  and  fometimes  Englilli  hunters,  who, 
when  they  have  killed  an  Indian,  make  their  boaft  of  hav- 
ing killed  a  black  duck.     Five  only  reached  the  fliore. 

Eliot-  received  three  bad  wounds,  and  fcveral  of  the 
men  were  Vv^ounded  and  one  killed.  Seven  veffcls,  \Vith 
feveral  hundred  quintals  of  fifh,  and  fifteen  of  the  cap- 
tives, were  recovered  from  the  enemy.  They  had  fent 
ipnany  of  the  prifoners  away,  and  nine  they  had  killed  in 
cold  blood. .  The  Nova  Scotia  Indians  had  the  character 
of  being  more  favage  and  cruel  than  the  other  nations. 

Robinfon  retook  two  velfels,  and  killed  feveral  of  the: 
enemy.  Five« other  veffeis  the  Indians  had  carried  fo  far 
up  the  bay,  above  the  harbour  of  Malagafii,  that  thev 
were  out  of  his  reach,  and  he  had  not  men  fufficient  to 
land,  the  enemy  being  very  numerous. 

S  2  The 


2£f^  THE    HISTOID Y  OF  [Chap.  IIll 

The  lofs  of  fo  many  men  enraged  them,  and  they  had" 
determined  to  revenge  themfelves  upon  the  poor  fiilier- 
men,  above  twenty  of  whom  yet  remained  prifoners  at 
Malagafii  harbour,  and  they^  were  all  deitined  to  be  facri-- 
ficed  to  the  manes  of  the  llain  Indians.  The  powowing 
and  other  ceremonies  were  performing,  when  captain- 
Biin,  in  a  Hoop,  appeared  oil"  the  harbour, -and  made  the 
hgnal  or  Tent  in  a  token  which  had  been  agreed  upon  be- 
tween him  and  the  Indians,  when  he  was  their  prifoner, 
ihould  be  his  proteclion.  Three  of  the  Indians  went 
aboard  his  veiTel,  and  agreed  for  the  ranfom  both  of  vef- 
fels  and  captives^  which  were  dehvered  to  him  and  the 
ranfom  paid.  In  his  way  to  Bofton  he  made  prifoners  of 
three  or  four  Indians  near  Cape-Sables,  and  about  the 
fame  time  captain  Southack  took  two  canoes  with  three 
Indians  in  eiich^  one  of.  which  was  killed  and  the  other 
live  brought  to.  Boflon. 

This  Nova  Scotia  affair  proved  very  unfortunate  for 
the  Indians.  The  Mailachufetts  frontiers  afforded  them 
lefs  plunder,  but  they  were  in  lefs  danger.  On  the  i.6th- 
of  September,  between  four  and  frfe  hundred  Indians 
were  difcovered  upon  Arowfick  ifland,  by  a  party  of  fold- 
krs  employed  as  a- guard  to  the  inhabitants  while  at  their 
Libour.  They  immediately  made  an  alarm,  by  firing: 
fome  of  their  guns,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  ifland,  by 
this  means,  had  fufTicient. notice  to  fhelter  themfelves  in 
the  fort  or  garrifon-houfe,  and  alfo  to  fecure  part  of  their 
goods,  before  the  enemy  came  upon  them. 

They  fired  fome  time  upon  the  fort  and  killed  one  man, 
after  v/hich  they  fell  to  deilroying  the  cattle,  about  fifty 
head,  and  plundering  the  houfes,  and  fet  fire  to  twenty- 
fix  houfes,  the  flames  of  which  the  owners  beheld  from 
the  fort,  lamenting  the  infufiiciency  of  their  numbers  to 
fally  out  and  prevent  th@  mdfchief. 

Thefe  were  the  Indians  which  put  a  (top  to  the  march 
to  Penobfcot.*  There  were  in  the  fort  about  forty  fold- 
iers,  under  captain  R.obert  Temple  and  captain  Penhal- 
low.  Captain  Temple  was  a  gentleman,  who  came  over 
from  Ireland  with  an  intent  to  fettle  the  country  with  a 

great 

*  P'-'ge  J54. 


J^y^'l  MASSACHUSETTS.  a6g 

great  number  of  families  from  the  north  of  Ireland,  but 
this  rupture  with  the  Indians  broke  his  meafures,  and, 
having  been  an  oiHcer  in  the  army,  colonel  Shute  gave 
him  a  command  here.  Walton  and  Harman  upon  the 
firft  alarm  made  <:ll  the  difpatch  they  could,  and  befo-e 
night  came  to  the  ifiand  in  two  v/hale-boat>;  with  thirty 
men  more.  With  their  joint  force  the  Englifli  made  au 
attempt  to  repel  the  enemy,  but  the  difproportion  in 
numbers  was  fuch,  that,  in  a  buHi-fight  or  behind  trecj, 
there  was  no  chance,  and  the  Euglifh  retreated  to  the 
fort.  The  enemy  drew  oti'  •le  fame  night,  and  pafiing 
up  Kennebeck  river,  met  the  Province  floop,  and  hring 
upon  her  killed  the  mailer,  Bartholomew  Stretton,  and 
then  made  an  attempt  upon  Richmond  fort,  and  Irom 
•thence  went  to  the  village  of  Norridgewock,  their  head- 
quarters. 

A  man  was  .killed  at  Bcrv/Ick,  which  was  the  lad  mif- 
. chief  done  by  the  enemy  this  lirlt  year  of  the  war. 

When  the  general  court  met  in  May*  next  year,  no 
advice  had  been  received  of  any  meafures  taken  by  the 
governor  in  England.  The  houfe  chofe  their  fpeaker  and 
placed. him  in  the  chair,  without  prefenting  him  to  the 
lieutenant  governor,  which  he  took  no  notice  of.  They 
continued  their  claim  to  a  iliare  in  the  direcLion  of  the 
.war,  and  infifted,  that  if  any  propoir/ls  of  peace  ihculd  be 
made  by  the  Indians,  they  ihould  be  communicated  to 
the  houfe  and  approved  by  them.  The^y  repeated  alfo  a 
vote  for  a  committee  of  the  two  houies  to  meet  in  the  re- 
cefs  of:the  court,  and  to  fettle  plans  for  managing  the  af- 
fairs of  the  war,  which  the  heutcnant  governor  was  to  carry 
into  execution.;  but  in  this  the  council  again  non-concur- 
red. The  lieutenant  governor's  feal  being  affixed  to  a 
belt  given  to  the  delegates  from  the  Iroquois,  who  came 
to  Boiton  to  a  conference,  the  houfe  palled  a  rciolve 
"  that  the  feal  be  defiiced,  and  that  the  feal  of  the  Prov- 
ince be  affixed  to  the  belt,  as  the  committee  of  the  two 
houfes  have  agreed,"  and  fent  the  refolve  to  the  council 
for  their  concurrence.  The  council,  initead  of  concur- 
ring^ 

f  Colonel  Byfield,  who  liad  been  repeatedly  refufod  by  governor  SlMite,  bclnor 
this  year  again  chofcn  to  the  council,  tlic  lieutenant  governor  thought  nt  to  rcfiilif. 
.bis  conlent  alfo. 


270  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IIL 

ring,  voted,  as  well  they  might,  that  the  refolve  contained 
juit  matter  of  offence,  and  therefore  they  defired  the  houfe 
to  withdraw  it.  This  produced  another  refolve  from  the 
houfe  Hill  higher,  "  that  the  affixing  a  private  feal  *  con- 
trary to  the  agreement  of  a  committee,  was  a  high  affront 
and  indignity  to  them,  and  therefore  they  very  juilly  ex- 
pected the  advifers  .and  promoters  thereof  to  be  made 
known  to  the  houfe.  There  was  a  double  error  in  this 
tranfadion  of  the  houfe,  the  lieutenant  governor  having 
the  unqueftionable  right  of  ordering  the  form  of  proceed- 
ing in  treaties  or  conference;  of  this  kind,  and  the  houfe 
having  no  authority  to  direcl  the  king's  feal  to  be  appHed 
to  any  purpofe,,  the  governor  being  the  keeper  of  the  feal ; 
and  although  in  common  parlance  called  the  Province 
feal,  v/hich  I  fuppofe  led  to  the  miftake,  yet  is,  properly 
fpeaking,  the  king's  feal  for  the  ufe  of  th^  Province. 

The  lieutenant  governor  took  no  public  exception  to 
-any  votes  of  the  houfe  this  fefiion,  which  we  mult  pre- 
fume  to  be  owing  to  his  apprehenfions  that,  in  a  fliort 
time,  a  full  confideration  would  be  had  in  England  of 
matters  of  the  famxC  nature  during  colonel  Shute*s  admin- 
iflration.  Before  the  next  feffion  of  the  general  court 
(Od.  23d)  the  agent,  Mr.  Sanderfon,  tranfmitted  to  the 
fpeaker  a  copy  of  the  heads  of  complaint  exhibited  againll 
the  houfe  for  encroaching  upon  his  majefty's  prerogative 
in  JeYen  inftances. 

"  I  ft.  In  their  behaviour  with  refpecl  to  the  trees  re- 
fer ved  for  mafts  for  the  royal  navy. 

"2d.  For  refufrng^to  admit  the  governor's  negative 
upon  their  choice  of  a  fpeaker. 

"  3d.  Affuming  pov/er  in  the  appointment  of  days  for 
failing  and  thankfgiving. 

"  4th.  Adjourning  themfelves  to  a  diftant  day  by  their 
own  ad. 

"  5th.  Difmantling  forts,  and  directing  the  artillery 
and  v/arlike  ft  ores  to  other  than  the  cuftody  of  the  cap- 
tain general  or  his  order.  •  "  6th. 

*  This  was  an  equivocal  exprefiion.  It  might  be  called  the  governor's  private 
feal,  in  cpntradifLinccion  to  the  king's  feal,  of  which  he  is  the  keeper,  but  it  was 
ufed  by  th-:  governor  as  a  public  perfon,  all  military  commiflions,  treaties,  &c.  be- 
ing in  the  name  of  the  governor  and  under  his  ow^n  feal,  by  virtue  of  authority  de- 
rived from  the  crown.  Civil  commiflions  and  other  inftruments,  in  the  king's  name 
and  with  the  governor's  teft,  have  tbs  kirk's  ical,  appointed  by  him  fsr  the  Pi:t»v- 
iiics,  affixed  to  them. 


^723-1  MASSACHUSETTS.  ^ji 

''  6th.     Sufpendlng  military  officers  and  rcfafing  their 

^^y-  .   .  .         .     . 

"  7th.  Appointing  committees  ox  their  own  to  direct 
and  mufter  his  majefty's  foices." 

The  houfe  voted  the  complaint  groundlefs,  and  order- 
ed one  hundred  poimd>5  flerling  to  be  remitted  Siindcrfo]!, 
to  enable  him  to  employ  council  to  juflify  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  houfe.  The  vote  being  fent  co  the  council 
was  unanimoully  non-concurred. 

The  houfe  then  prepared  an  anfw-er^  to  t'le  fc.veral  arti- 
icles  of  complaint,  and  an  addrefs  to  the  king,  to  which 
they  likewife  defired  the  concurrence  or  approbation  of 
the  council,  but  they  were  difapproved  and  fent  back, 
■with  a  vote  or  meffari-e  that,  ^'  in  faithfulnefs  to  theProv- 
jnce,  and  from  a  tender  regard  to  the  houfe  of  reprefent:- 
•atives,  the  board  cannot"  but  declare  and  gi\Q  as  their 
opinion,  that  the  anfwer  is  not  likely  to  recommend  this 
govcrnm.ent  and  people  to  the  grace  and  favour  of  his 
majefty,  but  on  the  contrary,  has  a  tendency  to  render  us 
obnoxious  to  the  royal  difpleafure.'^ 

The -houfe,  however,  ordered  the  anfwer  and  addref^: 
to  be  figned  by  the  fpeaker,  and  forwarded  to  i^.Ir.  Sau- 
derfjn,  to  be  improved  as  they  fhould  order. 

The  council  thereupon  prepared  a  feparate  addrefs  t^ 
Jris  majefty,  andrtranfmitted  it  to  the  governor.  The  non- 
concurrence  of  council  with  thefe  meafures  of  the  houfe 
was  refented,  and  the  houfe  defired  to  know  what  part  of 
their  anfwer  had  a  teadency  to  render  the  govern menc 
and  people  obnoxious.  Here  the  council  very  prudently 
avoided  en!:>:aoin?  in  controvcrfy  with  the  houfe.  ''  It 
was  not  their  deficin  to  enter  into  a  detail,  but  onlv  to  in- 
timate  their  opinion,  that  conndering  the  prefcnt  circum- 
ftances  of  atlairs,  fome  better  method  might  be  tal:ci£ 
than  an  abfolute  juilificaiion.''  They  h:ui  ihewn  their 
diffatisfaclion  with  the  conduct  of  the  houfe,  in  every  ar- 
ticle which  furnidied  matter  for  the  complaint,  except  that 
of  the  fpeaker,  and  did  all  in  their  power  to  prevent 
them,  but,  nov/  this  conduct  w^as  impeached,  the  argu- 
ments ufed  by  the  council  in  a  difpute  v/ith  the  houfe 
might  be  fufficient  to  juilify  the  council,  and  fet  their 

conduct: 


272  THE   KISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IIL 

condud  in  an  advantageous  light,  but  they  would  flrength- 
en  and  increafe  the  prejudice  againfl  the  country  in  gen- 
eral. This  was  an  iuitance  of  public  fpirit  worthy  of  im- 
itation. 

The  houfe  then  refolved,  "  that  being  apprehenfive 
that  the  liberties  and  privileges  of  the  people  are  flruck, 
at  by  governor  Shute's.  memorial  to  his  majefty,  it  is 
therefore  their  duty  as  well  as  intereft  to  fend  fome  fuita- 
ble  perfon  or  perfons  from  hence,  to  ufe  the  beft  method 
that  may  be  to  defend  the  conflitution  and  charter  privi- 
leges." They  had  no  pov/er  over  the  treafury  without 
the  council,  and  therefore  fent  this  vote  for  concurrence  j 
but  it  was  refufed,  and  the  following  vote  pailed  in  coun- 
cil inilead  of  it.  '^  The  liberties  and  privileges  of  his 
majeily's  good  fubjeds  of  this  Province  being  in  danger,, 
at  this  prefent  critical  conjuncture  of  our  public  affairs  at 
the  court  of  Great  Britain,  and  it  being  our  duty  as  well 
as  interefl  to  ufe  the  bell  methods  that  may  be  in  defence 
of  the  fame,  and  whereas  Jeremiah  D.ummer,  efquire,  the 
agent  of  this  courts  is  a  perfon  of  great  knowledge  an4 
long  experience  ui  the  affairs  of  the  Province,  and  has 
greatly  merited  of  this  peoiple  by  his  printed  defence  of 
the  charter,  and  may  reafonably  be  fuppofed  more  capable, 
of  ferving  us,  in  this  exigence,  than  any  perfon  that  may 
be  fent  from  hence,  voted,  that  the  laid  Mr.  agent  Duni- 
iner  be  direded  to  appear  in  behalf  of  the  province,  for 
the  defence  of  the  charter,  according  to  fuch  inftru^fions 
as  he  fhall  receive  from  this  court."  This  vote  plainly 
intimated,  that  by  the  late  condudf  of  the  houfe  the  char- 
ter of  the  Province  was  in  danger,  but  the  houfe  feeni  to 
have  overlooked  it,  and  concurred  with  an  amendment, 
*^  that  Mr.  Sanderfon,  and  a  perfon  fent  from  hence,  be 
j^oined  with  Mr.  Dummer."  The  council  agreed,  that  a 
perfon  fhould  b&  fent  home,  but  refilled  to  join  Sanderfon. 
Before  the  houfe  pafled  upon  this  amendment,  they  made 
a  further  trial  to  obtain  an  independency  of  the  council, 
and  voted,  that  there  fliould  be  paid  out  of  the  treafury, 
to  the  fpeaker  of  the  houfe,  three  hundred  pounds  fter- 
ling,  to  be  applied  as  the  houfe  Ihould  order.  Near  three 
weeks  were  fpent  in  altercations  upon  this  fubjed  between 

the 


1723.]  MAS^^ACnU  SETTS.  2- 

the  council  and  the  houfe ;  at  length  it  was  agreed,  that 
one  hundred  pounds  fhould  be  at  tlie  diTpoial  of  the  houfe, 
and  two  hundred  to  be  paid  to  fuch  agents  ?s  Ihould  be 
chofen  by  the  whole  court.  The  houfe  were  in  arrears  to 
Sanderfon,  which  they  wanted  this  money  to  difchargc, 
and  then  were  content  to  drop  him.^ 

The  manner  of  choofmg  civil  officers  had  been  by  a 
joint  vote  or  ballot  of  council  and  houfe.  This  gives  a 
great  advantage  to  the  houfe,  who  are  four  times  the 
number  of  the  board.  But  to  be  more  fure  of  the  perfori 
the  majority  of  the  houfe  were  fond  of,  they  chofe  Mr. 
Cooke  for  agent,  and  fent  the  vote  to  the  board  for  con- 
currence. The  council  non-concurred,  and  infu'ted  on 
proceeding  in  the  ufual  way,  which  the  houfe  were  oblig- 
ed to  comply  with.  The  choice,  however,  fell  upon  the 
fame  perfon,  and  he  failed  for  London  the  18th  of  januarv. 

Colonel  Weftbrooke, with  two  hundred  and  thirty  men^ 
fet  out  from  Kennebeck  the  nth  of  Febru'^iry  this  year, 
Vvith  fmall  veffels  and  whale-boats,  and  ranged  the  coaft, 
as  far  eafi:  as  Mount  Defart.  Upon  his  return,  he  v/ent 
up  Penobfcot  river,  where,  about  thirty-two  miles  from 
the  anchoring  place  of  the  tranfports,  he  difcovered  the 
Indian  caflle  or  fortrefs,  walled  with  ftockadoes,  about 
feventy  feet  in  length  and  fifty  in  breadth,  v.'hich  inclof- 
ed  tvrenty-thre-e  well-finiihcd  wigwams.  Without,  was  a 
church  fixty  feet  long  and  thirty  broad,  very  decently 
finilhed  w^ithin  an<i  without  ;  alfo  a  very  commodious 
houfe  in  which  the  priefl  dwelt.  All  v/as  deferted,  and 
all  the  fuccefs  attending  this  expedition  was  the  burning 
the  village.  The  forces  returned  toSt. George's  the  20th 
of  March. 

Captain  Harman  was  intended, with  about  one  hundred 
and  twenty  men,  for  Norridgewock,  at  the  fame  time, 
and  fet  out  the  6th  of  February  5  but  the  rivers  were  10 

open 

*  I  have  a  paper,  which  I  fuppofe  was  jriven  to  the  lords  chief  jnftices  ar.d  t^he 
attorney  and  folicitor  general,  before  the  draught  of  the  Province  charter  was  Itt-j 
tied,  and  which  contains  a  varieiy  of  propofaL  for  altercations  and  additions,  each 
vi  which  are  marked  in  the  mar>;i!i  with  a  hand  that  refen^.bles  Sir  George  Trehy's, 
feme  are  faid  to  be  already  done,  others  markeil  *^.  fome  intcr.dedy  and  icme  to  I' ptuT 
pofed ;  among  the  latter  1  find  the  folio  win;;-.  "  The  aiTcmbiy  or  reprcientativcs  of 
ihe  people  to  have  power  to  appoint  a:id  maintain  agents  on  tlicir  behalf  in  Kngland, 
allowing  them  fix  hundred  ppur:ds  pcv  '.-.CBum;  though  tlie  governor  C;ould  not  coa*. 
fent  thtrevtnto.'' 


274  THE   HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  IH, 

•open  aPxd  the  ground  fo  full  of  water,  that  they  could  nei- 
ther pafs  by  water  nor  land,  and  having  with  great  diffi- 
culty reached  to  the  Upper  Falls  of  Amafcoggin,  they  di- 
vided into  fcouting  parties,  and  returned  without  feeing 
any  pf  the  enemy. 

An  atterapt  was  made  to  engage  the  Six  Nations  and 
the  Scatacook  Indians  in  -the  war,  and  commiffioners* 
"were  fent  to  Albany,  empowered  to  promife  a  bounty  for 
every  fcalp  if  they  would  go  out  againfl  the  enemy,  but 
they  had  no  further  fuccefs  than  a  propofal  to  fend  a  large 
number  of  delegates  to^ofton. 

The  commiffioners  for  Indian  affairs  in  Albany  had  the 
command  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  would  not  have  fuffer- 
ed  them  to  engage  in  war  if  they  had  inclined  to  it. 
The  Maflachufetts  eommiljioners  were  amufed,  and  a  large 
fum  was  drawn  from  the  government  in  valuable  prefents 
to  no  purpofe.  No  lefs  than  fixty-three  Indians  came  to 
Boflon,  Aup'uit  2 1  ft,  the  general  court  then  fitting.  A 
very  formal  conference  was  held  with  them  in  the  pref- 
ence  of  the  whale  court,  but  the  delegates  would  not  in- 
volve their  principals  in  war  ;  if  any  of  their  young  men 
inclined  to  go  out,  with  any  parties  of  the  Englifh,  they 
were  at  liberty,  and  might  do  as  they  pleafed.  Two 
young  fellows  offered  their  fervice  and  were  &nt  down  to 
fort  Richmond  on  Kennebeck  river.  Captain  Heath,  the 
commander,  ordered  his  enfign  (Coleby)  and  three  of  the 
garrifon  to  go  up  the  river  v/itb  them.  After  they  had 
travelled  a  league  from  the  fort,  they  judged  by  the  fmell 
of  fire  that  a  party  of  the  enemy  mufl  be  near.  The  Mo- 
hawks would  go  no  further  until  they  were  ftrengthened 
by  more  men,  and  fent  to  the  fort  for  a  whale-boat,  with 
as  many  men  as  fhe  could  carry.  Thirteen  men  were 
fent,  and  foon  after  they  had  joined  the  fiili:  party,  about 
thirty  of  the  enemy  appeared,  and  after  a  fmart  fkirmifii, 
fxcd  to  their  canoes,  carrying  off  two  of  their  company 
dead  or  fo  badly  wounded  as  to  be  unable  to  walk,  and 
leaving  their  packs  behind.  Coleby,  who  commanded  the 
party,  v^^as  killed,  and  two  others  wounded.  The  Mo- 
iiav/ks  had  enough  of  the  fervice,  and  could  not  be  pre- 
vailed 

*  William  Tailsr  s.nd  Spencer  Phlps,  c%iures. 


1723.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  275 

vailed  on  to  tarry  any  longer,  and  were  fent  back  to 
Bofton. 

Small  parties  of  the  enemy  kept  the  frontiers  in  con^ 
flant  terror,  and  now  and  then  met  with  fuccefs. 

In  April,  they  killed  and  took  eight  perfons  at  ScarbD- 
rough  and  Falmouth.  Among  the  dead,  was  the  ferjeant 
of  the  fort,  Chubb,  whom  thp  Indians  took  to  be  captain 
Harman,  and  no  leis  than  fifteen  of  them  aimed  at  him  at 
the  fame  time,  and  lodged  eleven  bullets  in  his  body. 
This  was  lucky  for  the  reft,  many  more  cfcaping  to  the 
fort  than  would  otherwife  have  done.  In  May,  they 
killed  two  at  or  near  Berwick,  one  at  Wells,  and  two 
travelling  betv/een  York  and  Wells.  In  June,  they 
came  to  Roger  Bering's  garrifon  at  Scarborough,  killed 
his  wife,  and  took  three  of  his  children  as  they  were  pick- 
ing berries,  and  killed  two  other  perfons.  In  July,  Do- 
minicus  Jordan,  a  principal  inhabitant  and  proprietor  of 
Saco,  was  attacked  in  his  field  by  five  Indians,  but  keep- 
ing his  gun  conflantly  prefented,  without  firing,  they  did 
not  care  to  clofe  in  with  him,  and  after  receiving  three 
wounds  he  recovered  the  garrifon.  In  Auguit,  the  ene^ 
my  appeared  v/eftward,  and  the  13th  killed  two  men  at 
Northfield,  and  the  next  day,  a  father  and  four  of  his  fons, 
making  hay  in  a  meadow  at  Rutland,  were  furprifed  by 
about  a  dozen  Indians.  The  father  cfcaped  in  the  bufhcs, 
but  the  four  fons  fell  a  prey  to  the  enemy.  Mr.  ^Villard, 
the  miniller  of  Rutland,  being  abroad,  armed,  fell  into 
their  hands  alfo,  having  killed  one  and  v^ounded  another 
before  he  was  flain  himfelf.  The  laft  of  the  month,  they 
killed  a  man  at  Cochecho,  and  killed  or  carried  away  an- 
other at  Arundel.  The  nth  of  Oclober,  about  fev- 
enty  of  the  enemy  attacked  the  block-houfe  above  North- 
field,  and  killed  and  wounded  four  or  five  of  the  Englilh. 
Colonel  Stoddard  marched  immediately  with  fifty  men 
from  Northampton  to  reinforce  Northfield,  fifty  men  be- 
longing to  Connedicut  having  been  draw;i  off  the  day 
before.  Juflice  fhould  be  done  to  the  government  of 
Connecticut.  Their  frontiers  vjere  covered  by  MafTa- 
chufetts,  and  if  they  had  not  contributed  to  the  charge 
of  the  v/ar,  it  was  not  probable  that  the  MaiTachufetts 

.   people 


:2^h  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.ITI. 

people  would  have  drawn  in  and  left  Connedlcut  fron- 
fliers  expofed.  Neverthelefs,  they  generally,  at  the  requefl: 
of  PylafTachufetts,  fent  forces,  every  year  during  the  fum- 
mer,  in  this  and  former  wa-rs,  and  paid  their  wages,  the 
provifions  being  furnilhed  by  this  governmentv 

In  October,  the  enemy  furprifed  one  Cogfwell  and  a. 
boat's  crew  which  were  with  him  at  Mount  Defart.  De- 
cember 25tK,  about  fixty  Indiana  laid  fiege  to  the  fort,  at 
Mufcongus  or  St.  George's.  They  furprifed  and  took 
tvv'o  of  the  garrifon,  who  informed  them  the  fort  was  in  a 
miferable  condition  ;  but  the  chief  officer  there,  — — 
Kennedy,  being  a  bold,  refolute  man,  the  garrifon  held 
out  until  colonel  Wedbrooke  arrived,  with  force  fufficient 
to  fcatter  the  befiegers  and  put  them  to  flight. 

This  fummer  alio,  July  .14th,  the  Indians  furprifed  one 
captain  V/atkins,  who  was  on  a  fifliing  voyage  at  Canfo, 
and  killed  him  and  three  or  four  of  hjs  family  upon  Du- 
rell's  ifland. 

Douglafs  and  other  writers  applaud  the  adminiftration 
for  conduding  this  v/ar  with  great  fiviM.  The  French 
could  not  join  the  Indians,  as  in  former  wars.  Parties  of 
the  Engliili  kept  Upon  the  march,  backwards  and  for- 
wards, but  faw  no  Indians.  Captmn  Moulton  went  up  to 
Norridgewock,  and  brought  awayTome  books  and  papers 
of  the  Jefuit  Ralle,  which  difcovered  that  the  French 
?.vere  the  inftigators  of  the  Indians  to  the  war,  but  he  faw 
none  of  the  enemy.  He  came  off  without  deftroying 
their  houfes  and  church.  Moulton  was  a  difcreet  as  wtII 
as  brave  man,  and  probably  imagined  this  inftance  of  his 
snoderation  w^ould  prov.ckc,  in  the  Indians,  the  like  fpirit 
-iowards  the  Englilli.'* 

The 

*  Do6tor  Incrcafe  3^»Tather,  who  made  ;;  confideraLlc  figiire  in  tlie  firft  part  of 
•f'tir  hiftory,  died  at  Bofton  Auguft  23d,  17*3,  in  the  S5th  year  of  his  age.  He  had 
isen  a  preacher  fixty-fix  years,  ai^d  a  minifter  of  the  fame  church  fixty-two  years 
together,  was  many  years  prelident  of  Harvard  college,  hut  rciidered  himfelf  moll 
co-nfpicuous  in  the  charadler  of  agent  for  the  Province  in  i^nglaud,  where  his  labours 
-jind  fei-viccs  for  feveral  year^  \vere  very  great,  and  his  reward  very  fmall. 

Auguft  25.  A  Nipmug  Indian,  John  Qiiittamug,  came  to  Eofton,  and  was  en- 
itsrtaiued  hy  feveral  gentlemen  who  accounted  him  a  great  prodigy.  Forty  years 
<!,<efore,  he  had  been  remarked  a*  an  old  Indian,  and  mufl  now  have  been  above  one 
•hundred  and  twelve  years  of  age.  He  conftantly  affirmed  that  in  the  year  1630, 
Aipon  a  meflage  from  the  Englifn  that  they  were  in  v/ant  of  corn,  foon  after  their 
arrival,  he  v/ent  with  his  faAer  to  BotloM  and  carried   from  tht  Nipmug  country  a 


'v^7:2.^.J-  MAS3x\CHUSETTS.  ^77? 

The  next  year  was  unfavourable  to  the  r.ngllfli  in  thcir 
former  part  of  it,  and  our  lofTes,  upon  the  whole,  exceed- 
ed thofe  of  the  enemy  ;  but  a  fuccefsful  flroke  or  two' 
againil  them,  in  the  courfe  of  the  year,  made  them  weary 
of  war,  and  were  the  means  of  an  accommodation.     The- 

23d  of  March  they  killed  -^ Smith,  fcrjeant  of  thc^ 

fort  at  Cape  Porpoife.      in  April,  one  Mitchell  was  killed: 
at  Black-point,  and  two  of  his  fon^s  taken  ;  and  about  the 
.  fame  time  John  Felt,  William  Wormweli  and-Ebenezer 
Lewis  were  killed  at  a  faw-mill  on  Kennebeck  river,  and 
one  Thomfon  at  Berwick  met  with  the  fame  f itc  in  May,. 
and  one  of  his  children  was  carried  into  ca-iivity,  anothei 
child  was  fcalped  and  left  on  the  ground  for  dead,  but 
foon  after  was  taken  up  and  carried  home  alive.     In  tlie 
lame  month,  they  killed  elder  Knock,  at  Lamprey  river, 
George  Chefley,  and  a  young  woman  at  Oyfler-river,  as- 
they  were  going  home  from  public  woifiiip,  and  took, 
prifoners  a  man  and  three  boys- at  Kingflon.     The  begin- 
ning of  jane,  a  fcout  of  thirty  men,  from  Oy(ler-river> 
were  attacked  before  they  left  the  houfes,  and  two  men 
were  ihot  down.     The  relt  ran  upon  the  Indians  and  put 
them  to  flight,  leaving  their  packs  and  one  of  their  com- 
pany who  was  killed  in  the  IkirmiHi.     One  Englifliman 
was  killed  and  two  taken  prifoners  at  Llatfield,  another, 
with  a  friend  Indian  and  their  hoffes,w^ej;e  killed  between 
Northfield  and  Deerfield. 

This  month,  new^s  was  brought  to  Bbfton  of  the  lofs  of 
captain  Jofiah  Winflow*  ana  thirteen  of  his  company, 
belonging  to  the  fort  at  St.  George's  liver.     Ther^  went 

out 

LuChcl  and  an  half  o£ .corn  all  the  way  upon  Iiis  r*ic"k,  tnat  tacre  wa«  then  only  one 
cellar  began  in  the  town,  and  that  fomewhere  nsi^r  the  common.  He  was  in  gooJ. 
health,  his  undcrftanding  and  memory  entire,  and  travelled  on  foot  ton  miles  a  dav. 
He  lived  near  the  town  of  Woodllock.  His  journey  to  BuRon  jirovtd  a«  fatal  l» 
him  as  old  Thomas  Parr's  journey  to  London,  furviving  it  a  very  fhort  time  after  his- 
return  home,  having  been  feuftei  by  feme  of  the  principal  gentlemen  here  as  Parr 
htid  been  at  London. 

*  Captain  Winflow  was  a  young  gentleman  who  had  iufl  left  the  college,  hut  hav- 
ing a  mind  formed  for  action,  engaged  in  the  fervice  of  his  country  and  loft  his  life, 
I-Hs  father  v/as  then  of  the  council,.  His  grandfather,  for  many  years,  and  hi* 
great-grandfather  for  two  years,  were  governors  of  Plymouth  colony.  The  lattery 
as  we  obiei  ved  in  the  firft  part  of  our  hiftory,  died  a  con-miiTioncr  under  Cromwell. 
General  Winflow,  who  had  the  command  of  the  provincial  forces  at  Fort  Bdwar-i 
^^  ^757>:s  younger  brother  to  captain  Winflow,  aird  puffcffcs  the  fame  martial- 
fairit. 


278  THE   HISTORY   OF     .       [Chap.  IIL 

out  feventeen  men  in  two  whale-boats,  April  30*  The 
Indians,  it  feems,  Vvatched  their  motions,  and  waited  the. 
molt  convenient  time  and  place  to  attack  them.  The 
next  day,  as  they  were  upon  their  return,  they  found 
themfelves  on  a  iudden  furrounded  with  thirty  canoes, 
whofe  complement  mud  be  an  hundred  Indians.  They 
attempted  to  land,  but  were  intercepted,  and  nothing  re- 
mained but  to  fell  their  lives  as  dear  as  they  could.  They 
made  a  gallant  defence,  and  the  bravery  of  the  captain 
was,  in  an  efpecial  manner,  applauded.  Every  Englifh- 
man  was  killed.  Three  Indians,  I  fuppofe  of  thofe  call- 
ed the  Cape-Ann  Indians,  who  were  of  the  company, 
iTi?idt  their  efcape,  and  carried  to  the  fort  the  melancholy 
news. 

Encouraged  by  this  fuccefs,  the  enemy  made  a  flill 
greater  attempt  by  water,  feized  two  fhallops  at  the  Ifles 
of  Shoals,  and  afterwards  other  fifliing  veilels  in  other  har- 
bours, and  among  the  reft  a  large  fchooner,  v/ith  tv/o  fwiv- 
el  guns,  which  they  mianned,  and  cruifed  about  the  coaft. 
A  fmall  force  was  thought  fufficient  to  conquer  thefe  raw 
failors,  and  the  lieutenant  governor  commiflioned  dodor 
Jackfon,  of  the  Province  of  Maine,  in  a  fmall  fchooner 
with  twenty  m.en,  and  Silvanus  Lakeman,  of  Ipfwich,  in 
a  (liallop  with  lixteen  men,  to  go  in  queft  of  them.  They 
foon  came  up  v/ith  them,  and  not  long  after  returned, 
with  their  rigging  much  damaged  by  the  fwivel  guns,  and 
Jackfon  and  fe.vcral  of  his  men  wounded,  and  could  give 
no  other  account  of  the  enemy  than  that  they  had  gone 
into  Penobfcot. 

The  Seahorfe  man-of-war,  captain  Durell,  being  then 
upon  the  Boflon  ftation,  the  lieutenant,  mafter  and  maf- 
ter's  mate,  each  of  them  took  the  command  of  a  fmall 
vefTel  with  thirty  men  each,  and  went  after  the  Indians  ; 
but  it  is  probable  they  were  foon  tired  of  this  new  bufi- 
nefs,  for  they  were  not  to  be  found,  nor  do  we  meet  with 
any  further  intelligence  about  them.  They,  took  eleven 
velfels,  with  forty-five  m.en,  twenty-two  of  whom  they 
killed,  and  carried  twenty-three  into  captivity. 

At  Groton  they  killed  one  man,  and  left  dead  one  of 
their  own  number.    Augufl  3d,  they  killed  three,  wound- 
ed 


17^4.1  MASSACHUSETTS.  27^ 

td  one,  and  made  another  prifoner  at  Rutland.  The  6th, 
four  of  them  came  upon  a  fmail  houfe  in  Oxford,  which 
was  buiU  under  a  hili.  They  made  a  breach  in  the  roof, 
and,  as  one  of  them  was  attempting  to  enter,  he  received 
a  (hot  in  his  belly  from  a  courageous  woman,  the  onlv 
perfon  in  the  houfc,  but  who  had  two  muflvets  and  two 
piftols  charged,  and  was  prepared  for  all  four  ;  but  they 
thought  fit  to  retreat,  carrying  off  the  dead  or  wounded 
man.  The  i6th,  a  man  w^as  killed  at  Berwick,  another 
Yc^ounded,  and  a  third  carried  away.  The  26th,  one  was 
J:illed  and  another  wounded  at  Northampton,  and  the 
27th,  the  enemy  came  to  the  houfe  of  John  Hanfon,  one 
of  the  people  called  Quakers,  at  Dover,  and  killed  or  car- 
ried av/ay  his  wife,  maid  and  fix  children,  the  man  him- 
felf  being  at  the  Friends'  meeting.* 

Difcouraged  with  the  ineliectual  attempts  to  intercept 
the  enemy,  by  parties  of  our  forces  marching  upon  the 
back  of  the  frontiers,  another  expedition  was  refoived  up- 
on, in  order  to  furprife  them  in  their  principal  village  ai 
No:  ridge  wock. 

Four  companies,  connfting  in  the  whole  of  two  hun- 
dred and  eight  men,  were  ordered  up  the  river  Kennfc- 
beck,  under  captain  Harman,  captain  Moulton,  captain 
Bourn  and  lieutenant  Bean.  Three  Indians  of  the  Six 
Nations  were  prevailed  with  ta  accompany  our  forces- 
The  different  accounts  given  by  the  French  and  Englifh 
of  this  expedition  may  afibrd  feme  entertainment.  Char- 
levoix, who  I  fuppofe  was  about  that  time  in  Canada,  and 
might  receive  there  or  from  thence  the  account  given  hj 
liiQ  Indians  themfelves,  relates  it  in  this  manner. 

"The  23d  of  Au.-Tuft,!  17-4,  eleven  hundred  men^ 
•  part  Englifh,  part  Indians,  came  up  to  Norridgewock. 
The  thickets  with  which  the  Indian  village  was  furround- 
ed,  and  the  little  care  taken  by  the  inhabitants  to  prevent 
a  furprife,  caufed  that  the  enemy  were  not  difcovered  un- 
til the  very  inftant  when  they  made  a  general  difchargc 

of 

*  Hanlon  went  afterwards  to  Canada,' ^d  redeemed  kit  wife,  tfirec  of  his  cbS- 
ilrcn,  and  the  maid.  Two  of  his  fons  were  killed,  a  daughter  of  ferenteca  year*  of 
age  he  was  obllgea  to  leave  in  tlieir  hands.  Tbt  Indians  would  permit  him  to  frc 
ajid  converfe  wiih  her,  tut  would  not  part  v.iLh  her  upoa  any  tcx^asJ  Di&reSiuim 
c»wugh  f  ♦ 

f  1 2th  Oli  Stile. 


28o  THE  HlSTOPvY  OF  FChap.  Tlh 

of  their  guns,  aiid  their  fiiot  had  penetrated  all  the  Indian 
Vv'igwams.  There  were  not  above  fifty  fighting  men  in 
the  village.  Thefe  took  to  their  arms  and  ran  out  in 
confufioh,  TxOt  with  any  expe£lation  of  defending  ths 
place  againd  an  enemy  who  were  already  in  poifeirion^ 
but  to  favour  the  efcape  of  their  wives,  their  old  men  and 
children,  and  to  give  them  time  to  recover  the  other  fide 
of  the  river,  of  which  the  Engliih  had  not  then  poifeiTed 
themfelves. 

"  The  nclfe  and  tumult  gave  father  Ralle  notice  of  the 
danger  his  converts  were  in.  Not  intimidated,  he  went 
to  meet  the  enemy,  in  hopes  to  draw  all  their  attention  to 
himfelf,  and  fecure  his  flock  at  the  peril  of  his  own  life. 
He  v/as  not  difappointed.  As  foon  as  Ue  appeared,  the 
Engliih  fet  up  a  great  fhout,  which  was  followed  by  a 
fnovver  of  fhot,  and  he  fell  down  dead  near  to  a  crofs 
which  he  had  erecled  in  the  midft  of  the"  village,  ievcn 
Indians,  who  accompanied  him  to  ihelter  him  wdth  their 
own  bodies,  falling  dead  round  about  him.  Thus  died 
this  kind  fhepherd,  giving  his  life  for  his  fheep,  after  a 
painful  miffioii  of  thirty-feven  years.  The  Indians,  who 
were  all  in  the  greati^fl:  confternation  at  his  death,  imme- 
diately took  to  flight  and  croiled  the  river,  fome  fwimming 
and  others  fording.  The  enemy  purfued  them,  until 
they  had  entered  far  into  the  woods,  where  they  again 
gathered  together  to  the  number  of  an  hundred  and  fif- 
ty. *  Although  more  than  two  thoufand  fiiot  had  been 
fired  upon  them,  yet  there  were  no  more  than  thirty  kill- 
ed and  fourteen  wounded.  The  Englifli,  linding  they 
had  nobody  left  to  refill  them,  fell  firil  to  pillaging  and 
then  burning  the  wigwams.  They  fpared  the  church,  fo 
long  as  was  necefTary  for  their  lliamefully  profaning  the 
facred  veiTels  and  the  adorable  body  of  Jefus  Chrilt,  and 
then  fet  fire  to  it.  At  length  they  withdrew,  with  fo  great 
precipitation  that  it  was  rather  a  flight,  and  they  feemed 
to  be  flruck  with  a  perfect  panic.  The  Indians  immedi- 
ately returned  to  their  village,  where  they  made  it  their 
firft  care  to  weep  over  the  body  of  their  holy  mifTionary, 
whilll  their  women  were  looking  out  for  herbs  and  plants 

for 

*  He  muft  mean  men,  women  and  childien,  if  there  were  bnt  fifty  figbtin«i  men 
iaiill., 


i/^.J  MASSACHUSETTS.  281 

for  healings  the  wounded.  They  found  hlni  fliot  in  a 
thoufand  places,  fealped,  his  ikull  broke  to  pieces  with 
the  blows  of  hatchets,  his  mouth  and  eyes  full  of  mud, 
the  bones  of  his  legs  fraclured,  and  ail  his  members 
mangled  an  hundred  difrcrcnt  ways.  Thus  was  a  prieH:  . 
treated  in  his  million,  at  the  foot  of  a  crofs,  by  thcfe  very 
men  who  have  fo  llirongly  exaggerated  the  pretended  in- 
humanity of  our  Indians,  who  have  never  made  fuch  car- 
nage upon  the  dead  bodies  of  their  enemies.  After  his 
converts  had  raifed  up  and  oftentimes  kifTed  the  precious 
remains,  fo  tenderly  and  fo  juilly  beloyed  by  them,  they 
buried  him  in  the  fame  place  where,  the  evening  before, 
he  had  celebrated  the  facred  myfteries,  ham.ely,  v.here  the 
altar  flood,  before  the  church  was  burnt." 

Befides  the  great  error  in  the  number  of  the  Englifli 
forces,  there  are  many  cmbellifliments  in  this  relation  in 
favour  of  the  Indians,  and  injurious  to  the  Engliih.  Not 
fatisfied  with  the  journal  alone  whicli  was  given  in  by 
captain  Harman,  I  took  from  captain  Moulton  as  minute 
and  circumflantial  an  account  as  he  could  give'cf  tliis  af- 
fair. 

The  forces  left  Richmond  fort,  on  Kennebcck  river, 
the  Sth  of  Auguft,  O.  S.  The  gtb,  they  arrived  at  Ta- 
conick,  where  they  left  their  whale-boats,  with  a  lieu- 
tenant and  forty  of  the  tv/o  hundred  and  eight  men  to 
guard  them..  With  the  remaining  forces,  the  loth, 
they  began  their  march  by  land  for  Norridgewock. 
The  fame  evening,  they  difcovered  and  fired  upon  two 
Indian  womicn  ;  one  of  them,  the  dauq-hter  of  the  well- 
known  Bomazeen,  they  killed  ;  the  other,  his  wife,  they 
took  prifoner.  From  her,  they  received  a  full  account 
of  the  fiate  of  Norridgewock.  The  12th,  a  little  after 
noon,  they  came  near  to  the  village.  It  was  fuppofed 
that  part  of  the  Indians  might  be  at  their  corn-fields,  which 
were  at  feme  diitance,  and  therefore  it  was  thought  prop- 
er to  divide  this  fmall  army.  Harman,  with  about  eighty 
men,  chofe  to  go  by  the  way  of  the  fields,  and  Moulton, 
with  as  many  more,  were  left  to  march  llraight  to  the  vil- 
lage, which  about  three  o'clock  fuddenly  opened  upon 
them.  There  was  not  an  Indian  to  be  feen,,  being  ail  in 
Vol.  II.  T  their 


atz     %       THE    HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  IIL 

their  wigwams.  Our  men  were  ordered  to  advance  foft- 
ly,  and  to  keep  a  profound  filence.  At  length  an  Indian 
came  out  g£  one  of  the  wigwams,  and  as  he  was  making 
Avater  looked  round  him,  and  difcovered  the  Englifh  dole 
upon  him.  He  immediately  gave  the  war  whoop,  and 
ran  in  for  his  gun.  The  whole  village,  confiding  of  about 
fixty  warriors,  befides  old  men,  women  and  children^ 
took  the  alarm,  and  the  warriors  ran  to  meet  the  Englifh,- 
the  rell  fled  to  fave  their  liveSo  Moulton,  inilead  of  fuf- 
fering  his  men  to  fire  at  random  through  the  wigwams, 
charged  every  man  not  to  fire,  upon  pain  of  death,  until 
the  Indians  had  difcharged  their  guns.  It  happened  as  he 
expe6:ed  ;  in  their  furprife  they  overfliot  the  Englifn,  and 
not  a  man  was  hurt.  The  Englillr  then  difcharged  in 
their  turn,  and  made  great  {laughter,  but  every  man  flill 
kept  his  rank.-  The  Indians  fired  a  fecond  volley,  and 
immediately  f!ed  towards  the  river..  Some  jumped  into 
their  canoes,  but  had  left  their  paddles  in  their  houfes  y 
others  took  to  fvvimming,  and  fome  of  the  tallefl  could 
ford  the  river,  which  was  about  fixty  feet  over,  and  the 
v/aters  being  low,  it  v/as  no  where  more  than  fix  feet 
deep.  The  Englifh  purfued,  fome  furnifhed  themfelves 
with  paddles,  and  took  to  the  Indian  canoes  which  were 
left,  others  waded  into  tht  river.  They  foon  drove  the 
Indians  from  their  canoes  into  the  river,  and  Ihot  them  in 
the  water,  and  they  conjectured  that  not  more  than  fifty 
of  the  whore  village  landed  on  the  other  fide,  and  that 
fome  of  them  were  killed  before  they  reached  the  woodso 
The  Englifh  then  returned  to  the  town,  where  they 
found  the  Jef^it,  in  one  of  the  wigwams,  firing  upon  a 
fev/  of  our  men,  who  had  not  purfued  after  the  enemy. 
He  had  an  Englifli  boy  in  the  wigwam  with  him,  about 
fourteen  years  of  age,  who  had  been  taken  about  fix 
months  before.  This  boy  he  fliot  through  the  thigh,  and 
afterwards  flabbed  in  the  body,  but  by  the  care  of  the 
furgeons  he  recovered.  I  find  this  a6i:  of  cruelty  in  the 
account  given  by  Harman  upon  oath.  Moulton  had  giv- 
en orders  aot  to  kill  the  Jefuit,  but,  by  his  firing  from 
the  wigv/am,  one  of  our  men  being  wounded,  a  lieutenant, 
Jaques,  ftove  open  the  door  and  fliot  him  through  the 

head* 


1724.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  283 

head.  Jaques  excufed  himfelf  to  his  commanding  ofFicerj 
alleging  that  Ralle  was  loading  his  gun,  w'nen  he  entered 
the  wigwam,  and  declared  that  he  would  neither  give  nor 
take  quarter.  Moultton  allowed  that  Ibme  anfwer  was 
made  by  Rallii  which  provoked  Jaques,  but  doubted 
whether  it  was  the  fame  as  reported,  and  ahvays  exprefTed 
his  difapprobation  of  the  adion.  Mog,  a  famous  eld 
chief  among  the  Indians,  was  fuul  up  in  another  wigwam, 
and  firing  from  it  killed  one  of  the  three  Mohawks.  His 
brother  was  fo  enraged  that  he  broke  duwn  the  door  and 
(hot  Mog  dead.  The  Englifh,  in  their  rage,  followed 
and  killed,  the  poor  fquaw  and  two  helplefs  children. 
Having  cleared  the  village  of  the  enemy,  they  then  fell  ta 
plundering  and  deilroying  the  wigwams.  The  pi  tinder 
of  an  Indian  town  confilted  of  but  a  little  corn,  it  being 
not  far  from  harveft,  a  fev/  blankets,  kettles,  guns,  and 
about  three  barrels  of  powder,  all  which  was  brought 
away.  *  New  England  Puritans  thought  it  no  facrilege  to 
take  the  plate  from  an  idolatrous  Roman  Catholic  church, 
which  I  fuppofe  was  all  the  profanenefs  offered  to  the 
facred  veflels.  There  were  fome  expreffions  of  zeal 
againil  idolatry,  in  breaking  the  crucifixes  and  other  im- 
agery which  were  found  there.*  The  church  itrelf,,a  few 
years  before,  had  been  built  by  carpenters  from  New  En- 
gland. Beaver  and  other  Indian  furs  and  flvins  fet  up  the 
church,  and  a  zeal  againft  a  falfe  rehgion  deftroyed  the 
ornaments  of  it. 

Harman  and  the  men  who  went  to  the  corn-fields  did 
not  come  up  till  near  night,  when  the  acdon  was  over. 
They  ail,  of  both  parties^  lodged  in  the  wigwams,  keep- 
ing a  guard  of  forty  men.  The  next  morning,  they 
found  twenty-fix  dead  bodies,  befides  that  of  the  Jefuit, 
and  had  one  woman  and  three  children  prifoners. 
Among  the  dead  >vere  Bomazeen,  Mog,  Job,  Carabefett, 
WilTememet,  and  Bomazeen's  fon-in-law,  all  noted  war- 
T  2  riors. 

*  When  Sir  Edmund  Andres  was  governor.  In  1680,  in  a  voya^  eaftwaril  in  the 
Rofe  frigate,  he  put  in  to  Penobfcot,  and  finding  that  Calline  had  fled^  he  entered  his 
honfe  and  feized  and  brought  away  a  quantity  of  arms,  ammunition  and  goods, 
which  were  lodged  there  forfupplics  to  the  Indian  enemy,  but  an  altar  with  pitflur^s 
and  other  ornaments  he  left  untouched.  This  might  caufe  fufpicions  of  his  being  a 
favourer  of  Popery,  but  a  good  Froteftant  would  Cdt  have  been  culpable  for  thefwiie 
tenderncfi. 


2^4  THE  HISTORY  QF  [Chap,  ift/ 

riors.  They  marched  early  for  Taconick,  being  in  fome 
pain  for  their  men  and  whale-boats,  but  found  all  fafe. 
Chriftian,  one  of  the  Mohawks,  was  fent,  or  of  his  own 
accord  returned,  after  they  had  begun  their  march,  and 
fet  fire  to  the  wigwams  and  to  the  church,  and  then  joined 
the  company  again.  The  16H1,  they  all  arrived  at  Rich- 
mond fort.  Harman  went  to  Boflon  with  the  fcalps,  and, 
being  the  chief  in  com.mand,  was  made  a  lieutenant  colo- 
nel for  an  exploit  in  which  Moulton  was  the  principal 
actor,  who  had  no  diflinguifhing  reward,  except  the  ap- 
piaufe  of  th-Q  country  in  genera!.*  This  has  often  been 
the  cafe  in  much  more  important  fervices.  The  Nor- 
ridgeWock  tribe  never  made  any  figure  fmce  this  blow. 

Encouraged  by  this  fuccefs,  colonel  Weflbrooke  was 
crdered  to  march  v/ith  three  hundred  men  acrofs  from 
Kennebeck  to  Penobfcot,  v/hich  he  performed  with  no 
other  advantage  than  ex-ploring  the  country,  which  before 
was  little  known.  Other  parties  were  ordered  up  Ama- 
feconti  and  Araarefcoggin,  and  a  fecond  attempt  v/as  made 
upon  Norridgewock,   but  no  Indians  were  to  be  found. 

The  frontiers,  however,  continued  to  be  infefted.  Sep- 
tember the  6th,  an  Engliih  party  of  fourteen  went  from- 
Bunflable  in  fearch  6t  two  men  who  were  mifiing. 
About  thirty  Indians  lay  in  wait,  and  iliot  down^  fix  and 
took  three  prifoners.  A  fecond  party  went  out  and  loth 
two  of  th-eir  number.  The  v/eftern  frontier  feems  to  have 
been  better  guarded,  for,  although  often  alarmed,  they 
were  lefs  annoyed. 

The  government  increafed  the  premium  for  Indian  fcalps- 
and  captives  to  one  hundred  pounds.  This  encouraged 
John  Lovewell  to  raife  a  company  of  volunteers,  to  go  out 
upon  an  Indian  hunting.  January  5th,  he  brought  to^ 
Boilon  a  captive  and  a  fcalp,  both  which  he  met  with- 
above  forty  miles  beyond  Winnepefiaukee  lake.  Going 
out  a  fecond  time,  he  difcovered  ten  Indians  round  a  fire^ 
all  alleep.t    H^  ordered  part  of  his  company  to  fire,  who 

killed 

*■  Captain  Moulton  afterwards  was,  many  ycai*s  together,  a  member  of  the  coun- 
cil, colonel  of  a  regmient  in  the  expedition  to  Cape  Breton  in  17455  a"<l  with  repu- 
tation fuftained  the  firft  military  and  civil  offices  in  the  county  ©f  York.  He  died  at 
York,  in  the  year  1765. 

[f  Near  a  poud  in  Eailown,  fince  called  Lovers  pond.] 


17250  MASSACHUSETTS.  2^5 

killed  fcven,  the  other  three,  as  they  were  rilmg  up,  were 
fent  to  reft  again  by  the  otV.er  part  of  the  company  referv- 
ed  for  that  purpofe.  The  ten  fcalps  were  brought  to  Boflon 
the  9th  of  March.  Emboldened  by  repeated  fuccefs,  he 
made  a  third  attempt,  and  went  out  with  thirty-three*  nien. 
Upon  the  8th  of  May  they  difcovered  an  Indian  upon  a 
point  of  land  v\^hich  joined  to  a  great  pond  or  lake.f 
They  had  fome  fufpicion  that  be  was  fet  there  to  draw 
them  into  a  fnare,  and  that  tliere  mull  be  many  Indians 
near,  and  therefore  laid  down  their  packs,  that  they 
might  be  ready  for  action,  and  then  marched  near  two 
miles  round  the  pond  to  come  at  the  Indian  they  had  {^cen. 
The  fellow  remained,;  although  it  was  certain  death  to 
him,  and  when  the  Knglifli  came  within  gun  i^iot,  dif- 
charged  his  piece,  v/liich  was  loaded  with  beaver  flior, 
and  wounded  Loveweil  and  one  of  his  men,  and  then  im- 
mediately fell  himffclf  and  was  fcaipcd.  His  name  ought 
to  have  been  tranfmitted,  as  well  as  that  of  M.  Curtius^ 
who  jumped  into  the  gulf  or  chalin  upon  lefs  rationa-l 
grounds  to  fave  his  country. 

I'hc  Indians,  who  lay  concealed,  feized  all  the  Englifli 
packs,  and  then  waited  iheir  return  at  a  place  convenient 
for  their  own  purpofe.  One  of  the  Indians  being  difcov- 
ered, the  reit,  being  about  eighty,  rofe,  yelled  and  fired^ 
and  then  ran  on  with  their  hatchets  with  great  fury. 
The  Englifli  retreated  to  the  pond  to  fecure  their  rear.^ 
and,  al.iho;.igh  fo  unequal  in  number^,  continued  five  or 
fix  hours  till  night  came  on.  Captain  Loveweil,  his  lieu- 
tenant Farvreil,  and  enfign  Robbins  were  foon  mortally 
wounded,  and,  wkh  five  more,  were  left  dead  on  .the  fpot. 
•Sixteen  efcaped  and  returned  unhurt,  but  were  obhged  to 
leave  eight  of  their  wounded  companions  in  the  woods 
without  provifions  ;  their  chaplain,  Mr.  Fry  of  Andover, 
was  one,  who  had  behaved  with  great  bravery,  and  fcalp- 
ed  one  Indian  in  the  heat  of  the  aclicn,  but  periihed  him- 
feif  for  want  ef  relief. 

One 

[*  Pcnhallow  fays  he  had  fortynfour  men;  Sj-mmes  fiiys  forty-Gx,  but  rcjuccj 
to  thircy-ioui  by  accidenti.j 

[t  PJgwackct.] 

[^  This  is  a  miftake  ;  they  met  him  goino;  home  ;  he  had  been  there  a  fifhir.g 
and  fowling,  and  h-r  no  prctenlion  to  the  clinraftcr  of  an  hero.] 


2S6  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  Ill, 

One  of  the  eight  afterwards  came  in  to  Berwick,  and 
another  to  Saco.  This  misfortune  difcouraged  fcalping 
parties.  But  Indians  as  well  as  Engliih  wiihed  to  be  at 
peace.  After  Ralle's  death,  they  were  at  liberty  to  follow 
their  inclinations.  The  Penobfcot  trib^,  however,  being  |f 
beft  difpofed,  were  firil  founded.  An  Indian  hoflage  and 
a  captive  were  permitted,  upon  their  parole,  to  go  home 
in  the  winter  of  1724,  and  they  came  back  to  the  fort  at 
St.  George's  tjie  9th  of  February,  accompanied  with  two 
of  the  tribe,  one  a  principal  facl^em  or  chief.  They 
brought  an  account  that,  at  a  meeting  of  the  Penob- 
fcots,  it  was  agreed  to  make  propofal^  of  peace.  The  fa- 
chem  or  chief  was  fent  back,  with  the  other  Indian,  and 
promifed  to  return  in  twenty-three  days  and  bring  a  dep- 
utation, to  confill  of  feveral  other  chiefs  with  him  ;  but 
captain  Heath,  having  gone  out  upon  a  march  from  Ken- 
nebeck,  acrofs  the  country,  to  Penobfcot,  fell  upon  a, 
deferted  village  of  about  fifty  Indian  houfes,  wdiich  he 
burned,  but  law  none  of  the  inhabitants.  The  Indians 
who  went  from  St.  George's  knew  nothing  of  this  action 
until  they  came  home,  and  it  feems  to  have  difcouraged 
them  from  returning  according  to  their  promife,  and  the 
treaty  by  this  means  w^as  retarded.  But  upon  new  inti- 
mations, in  June  following,  John  Stoddard  and  John 
Wainwright,  efquires,  were  commilTioned  by  the  lieuten- 
ant governor  and  fent  down  to  St.  George's,  to  treat 
wdth  fuch  ladians  as  fliould  come  in  there  and  fettle  pre- 
liminaries of  peace. 

A  celTation  of  arms  w^as  agreed  upon,*  and  four  dele- 
gates came  up  foou  after  to  Boflon,  and  figned  a  treaty  of 
^  peace, 

*  The  treaty  had  like  to  have  been  prevented  by  the  indifcretion  of  the  crew  of 
an  Englifa  floop.  July  9th,  as  Callin  was  at  anchor  near  Nelkett,  in  a  fmall  bark, 
with  an  Indian  boy  and  an  Englifli  lad,  Samuel  Tralk  of  Salem,  whom  Caflin  had 
redeemed  from  the  Indians ;  the  Englifh  firing  upon  the  bark,  Caflin  was  obliged 
to  quit  her,  and  with  his  two  boys  fled  into  the  woods.  The  mafter  of  the  Englifli 
velfel  called  to  him  and  engaged  to  do  him  no  harm,  if  he  would  come  back  and 
trade  with  him,  which  w^as  his  bufinefs  there,  and  not  only  kept  out  a  white  Hag 
but  fent  him  a  pafiport  or  fafe  condudl  in  writing-.  Having  by  thefe  alTurances 
drawn  him  aboard  his  velTels  again  with  the  two  boys,  they  fecured  the  captive,  and 
told  Cailln  they  would  give  him  a  bag  of  bifcuit  for  the  ranlbm  of  the  captive,  but 
that  the  velTci  and  every  thing  on  board  \vas  lawful  pi-ize.  He  was  obliged,  with 
his  Indian,  to  quit  the  veffel,  which  he  was  told  was  a  favour,  and  it  feems  was  foon 
repente'd  of;  for  one  of  the  Englifh  feized  the  Indian,  upon  which  Caflin  fired  and 
Ihot  the  Englifhman  dead,  and  then  made  his  efcape  v/ith  the  Indian  into  the  woods« 
.Cifius  letter  to  Mr.  Daw.iiu-;,  i^d  Juh^  '^7^5' 


J725.]  MASSAC  II us ETTS.  287 

peace,  and  the  next  year,  the  lieutenant  governor  in  pcr- 
^  Ion,  attended  by  gentlemen  of  the  court  and  others,  and 
the  lieutenant  governor  of  New  Hampiliire,  with  gentle- 
men from  that  province,  ratified  the  fame  at  Falmouth  in 
Cafco  Bay.  This  treaty  has  been  applauded  as  the  mofl 
judicious  which  has  ever  been  made  with  the  Indians.  A 
long  peace  fucceeded  it.* 

The  pacific  temper  of  the  Indians,  for  many  years  after^ 
cannot  be  attributed  to  any  peculiar  excellency  in  this 
treaty,  there  being  no  articles  in  it  of  any  importance, 
differing  from  former  treaties.  It  was  ov/ing  to  the  fub- 
fequent  ads  of  government  in  conformity  to  the  treaty. 
The  Indians  had  long  been  extremely  dehrous  of  trading* 
houfes  to  fupply  them  with  ncceffaries  and  to  take  off 
their  furs,  fkins,  &c.  This  was  promifed  by  governor 
'5hute,  at  a  conference,  but  the  general  court  at  that  lime 
would  make  no  provifion  for  the  performance.  Mr.Dum- 
mer  promifed  the  fame  thing.  The  court  then  pade  pro- 
vifion  for  trading  houfes  at  St.  George's,  Kennebeck  and 
Saco  rivers,  and  the  Indians  foon  found  that  they  were 
fupplied  with  goods  upon  better  terms  than  they  could 
have  them  from  the  French,  or  even  from  private  Engliili 
traders.  Ads  or  laws  were  made,  at  the  fame  time,  for 
rellraining  private  trade  v/ith  the  Indians,  but  the  fupplies, 
made  by  the  Province  at  a  cheaper  rate  than  private  trad- 
ers could  afford,  would  have  broke  up  their  trade  without 
any  other  provifion,  and  laws  would  have  fignified  little 
without  that.  Mr.  Dummer  engaged  that-  the  Indians 
fhould  be  fupplied  Vvith  goods  at  as  cheap  rates  as  they 
were  fold  in  Bofton.  This  was  afterwards  conltrued  fa- 
vourably for  the  government.  The  goods,  being  bought 
by  wholefale,  were  fold  to  the  Indians  at  the  retail  price, 
in  Bofton,  and  a  feeming  profit,  by  the  commilTary's  ac- 
count, accrued  to  the  government ;  but,  when  the  charge 
of  trading-houfes,  truck-mafters,  garrifons,  and  a  veilcl 
employed  in  tranfporting  goods  was  deduded,  the  Prov- 
ince 

*  Befides  IMr.  Dummer,  lieutenant  governor  of  MafTachufctt?,  John  Wcntwcrth, 
^fquire,  lieutenant  goverr.or  of  New  Hampfhirc,  und  Paul  Mafcarene,  efquirc,  cne 
of  the  council  and  a  commiifioner  of  the  government  of  Nova  Scotia,  were  panics 
to  this  trca:y. 

In  Odobcr,  1 725,  died  at  Ipfwkh  Stiijiucl  Appleton,  efquire.  of  ih*  council. 


288  THE    HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  III. 

ince  was  flill  a  tributary  to  the  Indians  every  year.  How- 
ever, it  was  alknvcd  to  be  a  well-judged  meafure,  tended 
to  prefer ve  peace,  and  was  more  reputable  than  if  a  cer- 
tain penfion  had  been  every  year  paid  for  that  purpofe. 

Delegates  from  all  the  tribes  of  Indians,  particularly 
the  Norridgewoeks,  not  having  been  prefent  at  this  firil 
treaty,  another  Vv'as  thought  tiecelTary  the  next  year, 
when  the  former  was  renewed  and  ratified.  It  was  moft 
Jicceptable  to  the  Indians  to  hold  their  treaties  near  their 
own  fettlement  ;  and,  in  a  proper  feafon  of  the  year,  it  was 
an  agreeable  tour  to  the  governors  or  commanders  in 
chief  and  the  gentlemen  accompanying  them. 

To  bring  this  war  to  a  clofe,  we  have  pafled  over  the 
other  affairs  of  the  government  for  a  year  or  two  pad. 
Soon  after  Mr.  Cooke's  ai  rival  in  London,  governor 
Shute  exhibited  a  fecond  memorial  againft  the  houfe  of 
reprefentatives,  for  matters  tranfa£led  after  he  left  the 
province.  The  principal  articles  of  complaint  were  the 
feveral  orders  relative  to  the  forts  and  forces,  which,  he 
fays,  the  houfe  had  taken  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Heuten- 
ant  governor,  and  the  affront  offered  to  the  Heutenant 
governor  in  ordering  his  leal  to  be  effaced  upon  the  belt 
of  wampum.  Several  other  things  feeni  to  be  brought  in 
to  increafe  the  refentment  againil  them,  as  their  choofmg 
Mr.  Cooke,  who  had  been  at  the  head  of  all  the  meafure-s 
complained  of  in  the  firft  memorial,  for  their  agent ;  their 
refuhng  to  confer  with  the  council  upon  a  money  bill  '^ 
their  endeavouring  by  their  votes  to  leffen  the  members 
of  the  council  in  the  edeem  of  the  people  ;  their  with- 
holding his  falary  in  his  abfence  $  and  their  affuming 
more  and  more  the  authority  of  government  into  their 
bands.  The  council,  in  this  memorial,  are  alfo  complain- 
ed of,  they  having  put  their  negative  to  the  vote  for 
choofmg  Mr.  Cooke,  and  yet  afterwards  joined  in  election 
with  the  houfe,  when  they  had  reafon  to  fuppofe,  by  the 
great  fuperiority  of  the  houfe  m  number,  that  he  would 
be  the  perfon. 

Mr.  agent  Dummer,  who  was  to  acl  jointly  with  Mr. 
Cooke,  made  an  attempt  to  reconcile  the  governor  to 
}iim,  but  he  refufed  to  fee  him,  and  the  attempt  offended 

Mr. 


1725.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  ^    2P9 

Mr.  Ceoke  aifo,  and  occafioned  warm  difcourfe  between 
him  and  Dummer,  which  cauied  the  latter  to  refufe  to 
act  in  concert  ;  efpecially  as  Mr.  Cooke  had  fliewn  him 
a  private  inilrudiou  from  the  houfe,  by  which  their  de- 
fence againfl  the  charge  of  invading  the  royal  prerogative 
was  committed  to  Mr.  Cooke  and  Mr.  Sanderfon,  to  the 
exclufion  of  Mr.  Dummer. 

After  divers  hearings  n})on  th(5  fubjcifl  matter  of  the 
complaints,  the  reports  of  the  attorney  and  loUcitor  gen- 
eral, of  the  lords  committee,  and  fmally  the  determination 
of  his  majefty  in  council,  were  all  uniiivourable  to  the 
houfe  of  reprefentatives.* 

The  feveral  a6:s  or  votes  of  the  houfe  relative  to  the 
king's  woods,  and  to  the  forts  and  forces,  feem  to  have 
been  generally  deemed  indefcnfible  ;  the  agents  were  ad- 
vifed  to  acknovvdedge  them  to  be  fo,  and  it  was  fo  far  re- 
lied upon  that  they  would  be  fo  acknowledged  in  the 
Province,  as  that  no  fpecial  provifion  was  thought  necef- 
i^iry  for  the  regulation  of  their  future  cor.du6l,  the  char-. 
ter  being  exprefs  and  clear.  But  the  governor's  power 
to  negative  the  fpeaker,  and  the  time  for  which  the  houfe 
might  adjourn,  were  points  not  fo  certain.  What  was 
called  an  explanatory  charter  was  therefore  thought  nec- 
eiTary,  and  fuch  a  charter  accordingly  paifed  the  feals. 
By  this  charter,  the  power  of  the  governor  to  negative  a 
fpeaker  is  exprefsly  declared,  and  the  power  of  the  houfe 
to  adjourn  themfelves  is  hmited  to  two  days.  With  re- 
fped  to  the  latter,  perhaps,  this  new  charter  may  properly 
enough  be  called  explanatory,  the  governor  having  the 
povv-er,  by  the  principal  charter,  of  adjourning  the  ailem- 
bly,  and  yet,  from  the  nature  of  the  thing,  it  was  necef- 
fary  that  the  houfe,  a  part  cf  that  affembly,  fliould  have 
the  power  of  adjourning  themfelves  for  a  longer  or  Ihorter 
time  j  but  the  power  of  negativing  a  fpeaker  fcems  to  be 
a  new  article,  wherein  the  charter  is  fdent  ;  fo  that  what- 
ever right  it  might  be  apprehended  the  king  had  to  ex- 
plain his  own  patents  where  there  was  am.biguity,  yet 
when  an  alteration  is  to  be  made  in  the  charter,  or  a  new 
rule  eftabhOied  in  any  point  wherein  the  charter  is  filent, 

the 

*  Appendix. 


S90        ^      THE   HISTORY   O?  [Chap.  IIL 

the  acceptance  of  the  people,  perhaps,  is  neceffary.  This 
I'eems  to  have  been  the  reafon  of  leaving  it  to  the  option 
of  the  general  court,  either  to  accept  or  refufe  the  explan- 

»    atory  charter.     It  was  intimated  at  the  fame  time  that,  if 

y  the  charter  fliould  be  refufed,  the  whole  controverfy  be- 
tween the  governor  and  the  houfe  of  r^prefentatives 
would  be  carried  i)efore  the  parliament.  Had  the  two 
points  mentioned  in  the  explanatory  charter,  or  the  con- 
duct of  the  houfe  relative  to  them,  been  all  that  was  to  be 
carried  into  parliament,  the  general  court  probably  would 
not  have  accepted  this  charter.  They  would  have  urged 
that  it  vvas  not  certain  that  a  houfe  of  commons  would 
have  determined  that  the  king,  by  his  governor,  had  a 

^  right  to  negative  the  fpeaker  of  a  houfe  of  reprefentatives 
in  the  colonies,  efpecially  as  the  attorney  general  had  in- 
ferred this  right  from  the  right  of  negativing  the  fpeaker 
of  the  houfe  of  commons  ;  but  it  was  their  misfortune, 
that  in  the  other  articles  of  complaint  the  houie  was  gen- 
erally condem^^ed  in  England,  the  minillry  were  highly 
inceiifed,  and  it  was  feared  the  confequence  of  a  parha- 
mentary  inquiry  would  be  an  ad:  to  vacate  the  charter  of 
the  Province.  The  temper  of  the  houfe  was  much  chang- 
ed, and  although  there  were  fsveral  members  who  had 
Deen  active  in  all  the  meafures  which  brought  this  diffi- 
culty upon  the,  country,  flill  rcfolute  to  rifque  all,  rather 
than  by  their  own  acl  give  up  any  one  privilege,  yet  a 
major  vote  was  carried  in  the  houfe  for  accepting  the 
chairter,  and  in  fuch  terms  as  would  induce  one  to  imag- 

*ine  It  rather  the  grant  of  a  favour  than  the  deprivation  of 
a  'right.*     It  has  been  faid  that  the  Engiilh  are  (fianders, 

and 

*  January  15,  1725. — — In  tue  houfe  of  reprefdntctti'ves. 
Whereas  hi&  honour  the  lieutenant  governor  hath  laid  before  this  court  in  their 
prefent  feilion,  for  their  acceptance,  an  explanatory  charter  received  from  his  grace 
the  duke  of  Newcaftie,  with  a  copy  %f  his  niajsity'b  order  in  council  concerning 
the  fame,  vi^herein  his  majefly  has  been  pleafed  to  confirm  the  charter  granted  by 
their  late  majefties  king  William  and  queen  Mary,  in  which  former  charter  there 
being  no  exprcfs  mention  made  relating  to  the  choice  of  a  fpeuker  and  the  houfe's 
power  of  adjourning,  to  bo.ih  which  points,  in  the  faid  explanatory  charter,  his 
majefty  has  been  pleafed  to.  give  particular  diredlions  :  We  his  majefty's  loyal  and 
dutiful  fubjeds,  being  very  defirous  to  Cgnalize  our  duty  and  obedience,  which  we 
at  all  times  owe.  to  his  molt  excellent  majefty,  have  and  do  hereby  accept  of  the 
faid  explanatory  charter,  and  fhail  adl  in  conformity  thereto  for  the  future,  not 
_  doubting  but  that  we  fnall  thereby  recommend  his  majefly's  loyal  and  dutiful  fub- 
jeiSls,  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Province,  to  his  further  moft  gracious  favour  and  pro- 
tediion.  In  council.     Read  and  concurred.  * 

Confciited  to,         Wm.  Durrmerc 


1725.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  295 

and  therefore  inconftant.  Tranfplanted  to  the  continent 
they  are,  neverthelefs,  Englifhmcn.  When  v/e  refiect  up- 
on the  many  inftances  of  frequent  fudden  changes,  and 
from  one  extreme  to  the  other,  in  ancient  times,  in  the 
parHament  of  England,  we  may  well  enough  expect,  now 
and  then,  to  meet  with  the  like  inftances  in  the  airemblieiJ 
of  the  Enplifn  colonies.  This  was  the  ilTue  of  the  unfor- 
tunate  controverfy  with  governor  Shute,  unlefs  we  allow 
that  it  was  the  occafion  alfo  of  the  controverly  with  his 
fucceffor,  which  is  not  imiprobable. 

The  governor  was  offended  with  Mr.  Dummer,  for  re- 
ceiving grants  from  the  court  made  to  him  for  his  fervice 
as  commander  in  chief,  it  being  expected  that  when  the 
governor  is  abfent  with  leave,  his  falary  ihould  be  contin- 
ued, one  half  of  which,  by  a  royal  inftruction,  is  to  be  al- 
lowed to  the  lieutenant  governor  ;  but  ihe  houfe  took  a 
more  frugal  method  and  made  grants,  of  little  more,  than 
one  half  the  governor's  ufual  falary,  to  the  lieutenant  gov- 
ernor immediately,  any  part  oT  which  he  could  very  ill 
afford  to  fpare  from  his  own  fupport.  His  pacific  meaf- 
ures  and  accommodation  or  fufpenfion  of  fome  of  the 
controverted  points,  might  be  another  caufe  of  coldnefs, 
at  leafl  between  the  governor  and  him. 

Another  affair  occalioned  a  mark  of  royal  difpleafure 
upon  the  lieutenant  governor.  Synods  had  been  frequent 
under  the  firfl  charter,  either  for  fuppreHing  errors  in 
principles,  or  immoralities  in  practice,  or  for  eftablifliing 
or  reforming  church  government  and  order  ;  but  under 
the  nev/  charter,  no  fynod  had  ever  been  convened.  A 
convention  of  miniflers  had  been  annually  held  at  the 
time  for  eledion  of  the  council.  This  might  have  been 
in  many  refpedls  ufeful,  but  it  waj  thought  could  not  have 
that  weight  for  promoting  any  of  the  forementioned  pur- 
pofes  which  a  fynod  convened,  and,  perhaps,  their  refult 
ratified  by  the  government,  v/ould  have.  There  were 
divers  ancient  members  in  both  houfes  who  had  not  then 
lofl  their  afieclion  for  the  platform,,  and  an  application* 

m-ade 

*  To  the  very  honourable  William  Dummer,  efquirc,  lieuterant  governor  and 
commander  in  chief.  To  the  honourable  the  counfellors.  To  the  honoured  the 
reprffcntatives  ii^   the   grer.t  and  general  court  of  liis  majci>y's  Province   of 

Mafiachufetts, 


iz^  THE    HISTORY    OF  [Ckap.  IIL 

made  by  the  minillers  for  calling  a  fyno^  was  granted  in 
council,  but  the  houle  did  not  concur.  Afterwards,  by 
a  vote  of  both  houfes,  it  was  referred  to  the  next  fefTion, 
to  which  the  lieutenant  governor  gave  his  confent.  Op- 
pofition  was  made  by  the  Epifcopal  miniif  ers,  but  a  doubt 
of  fuccefs,  ill  the  Province,  caufed  them  to  apply  in  En- 
gland, I  fuppofe  to  the  bi&op  of  London,  f  /I'he  king 
being  abroad,  an  inilruclion  came  from  the  lords  juflice^ 
to  furceafe  all  proceedings,  and  the  lieutenant  governor 
received  a  reprimand  for  "  giving  his  confent  to  a  vote 
of  reference,  and  neglecting  to  tranfmit  an  account  of  fo 
remarkable  a  tranfadion."  A  flop  was  put  to  any  fur- 
ther proceeding  in  the  affair,  nor  has  any  attempt  for  a 
fynod  been  made  fmce. 

The  remainder  of  Mr.  Dummer^s  fliort  adminiflration 
was  eafy  to  him.     The  war  being  over,  the  principal 

ground 

Maffachuft-tts,  afTembkd  and  now  fitting.      A  inemo;iai  and  addrcfs  humbly 

prcfented. 
As   a  general    convention    of    rii'r.'jlcrs  from  feveral    ^^arts     of  tbt'    Province    at    Bof.on^ 

May    27,    1725. 

Considering  the  great  and  vifible  decay  of  piety  in  the  country,  and  the 
growth  of  ]iiany  ir.ircarriages^  whtch  we  fear  may  have  provoked  the  glorious  Lord 
in  a  feries  of  various  judgments  wonderfully  to  diflrefs  us.  Confiderir.g  alfo  the 
laudable  example  of  our  pjedeceiTors  to  .lecoyer  and  eftabiifh  the  faith  and  order  ig-f 
the  gofpel  in  tlie  churches,  and  provide  againll  what  immoralities  may  threaten  to 
impair  them  in  the  ^Yay  of  general  fynods  convened  for  that  purpofe  ;  and  confider- 
ing  that  about  forty-five  years  haveiiovv  rolled  away  fince  thefe  churches  have  iii€;n 
:iny  fuch  conventions — It  is  Jbumbly  defired  that  the  honoured  gTjierai  court  would 
cxprefs  their  concern  for  the  interells  of  religion  in  the  country,  by  calling  the  ftv- 
erai  churcli.es  in  the  Province  to  meet  by  their  pallors  and  mefTengers  in  a  iynod, 
'und  from  thence  offer  their  advice  upon  that  weighty  cafe  which  the  circuaillauce!, 

of  the  day   do   loudly   call   to   be    confidered What   are  tie  mf carriages    ivbereof 

ive  have  rccfon  to  think  the  judgments  of  Hejiven,  upon  us,  call  us  to  be  more  generally  fuiftlh^ 
and  'what  may  be  ihe  tnof  evangelical  and  ifecJuul  expedien's  to  put  a  fop  unto  thofe  or  th.e 
like  ffiifcurriagcs  ?  This  pr£>pofal  we  hiimbly  make  in  hopes  that,  if  it  be  profecuted, 
it  may  be  followed  with  many  deiirable  corj'c'iuences,  v\'orthy  the  ftudy  of  thofe 
whom  God  has  .made  and  v>s  are  10  happy  to  enjoy  as  the  nurfing  fathers  of  "^ur 
churches.  '  Cotto^i  Mather y 

In  the  name  of  the  niiniflerG  afTembled  in  their  general  conventioH. 

f  "  I  mufl:  acqu;iint  you  that  the  bi^liop  cf  London  has  laid  before  tiie  lords  jufbicco 
a  written  authentic  copy  of  our  minillers'  memorial  to  the  general  court  to  empower 
them  to  meet  and  a6t  in  a  fynod,  coni^ented  to  by  the  lieutenant  governor,  and  their 
excellencies  wv,  very  much  difpleafed  with  his  conduiSt  herein,  it  is  thought  here 
that  the  cbrgy  fliould  not  meet  info  public  t:nd  authoritative  a  manner  without 
the  king's  confent  as  head  of  the  church,  and  that  it  would  be  a  bad  precedent  for 
Diffcntcrs  here  to  ailc  the  fame  privilege,  which,  if  granted,  would  be  a  fort  cf  vyuig 
with  the  eftablifhed  ch'jrch.  It  has  alfo  been  infmuated  that  tliis  fynod  would 
have  come  to  feme  refoiutions  to  the  prejudice  of  the  church  of  England,  if  they 
had  been  permitted  to  convene.  However  this  nifiy  be,  it  is  certainly  my  duty  to 
apprize  the  affembly  of  it,  for  their  better  dircdlion  in  the  approaching  feffion, 
\vhen,  I  fuppofe,  tlic  r.iatter  will  be  refumed." Dimmers  letter,  iji  Seft.  1725. 


5 ; 26.  j[  U  A  S  S  A  C  H  USE  T  T  S.  tcji 

ground  of  difputc,  the  ordering  the  forces,  ceifed.  Oth- 
er aftairs  relative  to  the  treaiury,  the  paifing  upoii  ac- 
counts and  the  form  of  fupplies,  he  fuifercd  to  go  on  ac- 
cordin,^-  to  the  claim  of  the  houfe.  Mr.  Cooke,  the  firii: 
elei^ion  after  his  return  from  England,  Mav,  1726,  wa^ 
chofen  of  the  council.  This  was  a  n^Urk  of  the  houfe'.s; 
approbation  of  his  condud  in  the  aqency,  all  hough  it  had 
Hot  been  attended  with  fuccels.  The  lieutenant  governor 
did  not  think  it  convenient  to  offend  the  houfe  by  a  nej;- 
ative.  Th-e  fniall  allowance  made  him  as  a  falary,  about 
two  biuidred  and  fifty  potinds  ilerling  per  annum,  he  alfo 
acquiefced  in  for  the  fake  of  peace.  The  governor  was 
expeded  by  almofl  every  ihip  for  a  year  of  tV'/o  together. 
but  by  fonie  means  or  other  Vv'as  delayed  until  the  fum.- 
rner  of  1727,  wdien  he  was  upon  the  point  of  embarking, 
but  the  fudden  death  of  the  king  prevented.*  The  prin- 
cipal caufe  of  delay  feems  to  have  been  the  infulaciencv 
of  the  falary  which  had  been  granted  for  his  fupport,  and 
the  uncertainty  whether  the  aiTembly  would  make  an  ad- 
dition to  it.f 

Upon  the  acceflion  of  King  George  TI,  a  gentleman' 
who,  it  ii;  faid,  was  in  particular  efteem  with  the  ki?ig  him- 
felf,  was  appointed  governor  of  New  York  and  the  Jer- 
9.es^  in  the  room  of  My,  Burnet,  whofe  adminiftration 
had,  in  general,  been  very  acceptable  t-o  thofe  ccionies, 

and 

*  "  I  do  apt  know  when  or  on  board  what  Trip  tKe  go\«<;rnor  intends  to  cmhark. 
for  his  g')vernment.  Tie  fays  he  won't  o;o  hut  in  a  ni-ia-O'-'A  ar,  for  fcnr  of  mt-tlinjr 
ar  pirate  ;  but  .13  there  is  no  profpecl  of  a  kinjr's  {hip  going  this  y;!3r  to' any  pnrr  of 
the  continent,  I  behevc  hit  will  tliink  better  of  it,  and  take  his  paltage  in  capiain 
C^ry,  who  will  fa.il  in  about  a  month." Ditmmers  letter,  %T^d  ylj^rll,  ^727. 

f  "Colonel  Shute  baving  petitioned  his  niajefty  in  council  t6  fcttl"^  a  fuitahle  fala.. 
fy  on  him  and  all  fhe  fucceedin^  governors  of  Nt:w  En;j;land,  the  lords  of  the  privy 
council,  inftcad  of  fending  me  a  written  mefiage  to  attend,  as  is  ufua!  in  other  cufc, 
made  a  peremptory  order  of  the  I  Sth  of  February  l:i!t,roqaii  ing  n-.c  to  attend  their 
hoard  on  the  Wcdnefclay  followii^g,  and  not  to  f;\il  on  any  pretence  whrffoever. 
When  I  came,  the  lords  fent  for  oolonel  Shute  to- go  in  by  uimielf,  an.l  ul'ter,  forme 
and  Mr.  Newman,  the  ag-iit  for  New  liampfhire.  They  aikcd  whetli^r,  if  hi> 
inajefly  fhould  think  fit  to  fend  Mr.  Shute  bark  agtiin  to  his  government,  KbelieveJ- 
the  country'- would  receive  and  fupport  him  iiandfomely.  '1  o  this  1  artfwertd,  that 
I  had  no  inRrudions  upon  this  fubj.d,  but  my  private  opinion  was  that  they 
would  ;  for  they  Vvho  had  lately  In  fo  dutif.il  a  manner  accepted  the  royal  exphiha- 
tory  charter,  would  not  fail  to  ihow  2  proper  regard' to  any  perfon  v/honi  hipmajef- 
ty  fliould  plcafe  to  fend  over  as  his  reprefentative,  of  wiiich  niv  lord  Tcwnfcnd 
particularly  expreffcd  his  fatisfadlion.  inhere  was  not  a  -<vcrd  fald  as  to  the  r,;:an- 
tum  of  the  falary,  but  I  find  fince  it  is  flated  at  loool.  ftcrl.  per  annum  for  Mr.fia- 
chufetts,  and  200I.  for  New  Kampfhirc,  and  the  king  will  rcconnncnd  it  to  the  lw% 
Provinces  under  his  fi^n  manual." D'.it/:?r.^r*s  ifit>r. 


^94  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  lIL 

and  approved  in  England.  The  bifliop,  his  father,  had 
likewiie  been  a  moft  fteady  friend  to  the  houfe  of  Hano- 
ver. Governor  Burnet's  fortune  being  reduced  in  the 
general  calamity  of  the  year  1720,  he  parted  wnih  a  place 
in  the  revenue  of  1200I.  per  annum  and  received  commif- 
fions  for  thefe  governments,  with  a  vievi  to  his  retrieving 
his  fortune  in  a  courfe  of  years.  He  thought  it  hard,  in. 
fo  iliort  a  time,  to  be  fuperleded  ;  for  although  the  Maf-' 
fachufetts  and  New  Hampfnire  were  given  to  him,  yet  he 
Was  10  part  v^ith  very  proutable  pofls  for  fuch  as,  at  befl, 
would  afford  him  no  more  than  a  decent  fupport,  an  eafy 
adminiilration  for  one  which  he  forefaw  would  be  ex- 
tremely troublefome.  He  complained  of  his  hard  fate, 
and  it  had  a  vifibie  eftcCt  upon  his  fpirits.  Colonel  Shute 
•was  provided  for  more  to  his  fatisfa6lion  than  if  he  had 
returned  to  his  governmerit,  a  penfion  of  400I4  fleriing 
per  annum,  being  fettled  upon  him,  to  be  paid  out  of  the 
four  and  a  half  per  cent  'duty  raifed  in  the  Weft  India 
ifiands.  The  Weft  Indians,  who  would  perhaps  have 
been  content  if  it  had  been  applied  to  one  of  their  ovv'n 
governors  who  had  been  fuperfeded,  have  taken  excep- 
tion to  the  payment  of  it  to  a  governor  of.  the  northern 
colonies.^ 

The  earthquake  on  the  29th  of  Odobet,  1727,  al- 
though not  confmed  to  Mallachufetts,  was  fo  remarkable 
an  event  in  providence  that  we  may  be  excufed  if  we  give 
a  circumftantial  account  of  it.  About  forty  minutes  af^ 
ter  ten  at  night,  when  there  was  a  ferene  ftvy,  and  calm 
but  Iharp  air,  a  moft  amazing  noife  was  heard,  like  to  the 
roarino;  of  a  chimney  when  on  fire,  as  fome  faid,  only  be-^ 
yond  comparifon  greater ;  others  compared  it  to  the  noife 
of  coaches  upon  pavements,  and  thought  that  of  ten  thou- 
fand  together  would  not  have  exceeded  it.  The  noife 
was  judged  by  fome  to  continue  about  half  a  minute  be- 
fore the  fhock  began,  which  increafed  gradually,  and  was 

thought 

*  The  duties  granted  by  Barbadoes  and  the  leev/ard  iflands  upon  their  own  pro- 
duce, to  be  difpofed  of  by  the  crown,  are  the  only  inftances  of  the  kind  ift  the  colo- 
r.ies.  Jamaica  is  exempt.  It  was  faid  in  parhament,  in  the  reign  of  Charles  U. 
that  this  duty  was  confenred  to  upon  condition  the  planters  ihould  be  releafed 
from  a  duty  of  40wt.  fugar  per  head  referved  when  the  king  granted  the  lands. 
Jamaica  was  chiefly  difpofed  of  by  Cromwell,  I  fuppofe,  free  from  the  like  burden 
»r  charfre. 


V 

1727.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  .      29^; 

thought  to  have  continued  the  fpace  of  a  minute  before  ic 
i  was  at  the  height,  and,  in  about  half  a  niiaute  more,  to 
have  been  at  an  end  by  a  gradual  decreafe.     When  the 
terror  is  fo  great,  no  dependence  can  be  placed  upon  the 
adrneafurement  of  time  in  any  perfon's   mind,   and  v/e 
always  find  very  different  apprehenfions  of  it.     The  noife 
and  ihock  of  this  and  all  earthquakes  which  preceded  it 
in  New  England  were  obferved  to  come  froai  the  w^fl:  or 
north-weft,  and  go  off  to  the  eaft  or  fouth-eaft.     At  New- 
bury and  other  towns  upon  Merrimack  river,  the  fhock 
was  greater  than  in  any  other  part  of  MaiTachulcnts,  but 
no  buildings  were  thrown  down,  part  of  the  walls  of  fev- 
eral  cellars  fell  in,  and  the  tops  of  niany  chimneys  were 
ihook  off.     At  New  York  it  feems  to  have  been  equal  to 
what  it  was  in  Malfachufetts,  but  at  Philadelphia  it  was 
very  fenfibly  weaker,  and,  in  the  colonies  fouthward,  it 
grew^  lefs  and  icfs,  until  it  had  fpent  itfelf  or  became  infen- 
iihle.     The  feanien  upon  the  coaft  fuppofed  their  veflels 
to  have  ftruck  upon  a  flioal  of  looi'e  ballad.     More  gentle 
iliocks  were  frequently  felf  in  moft  parts  of  New  England 
for  feveral  months  after.     There  have  feldom  palfed  above 
fifteen  or  twenty  years  without  an  earthquake,  but  there 
had  been  none,  very  violent,  in  the  memory  of  any  then 
living.     There  v^as  a  general  apprehenfion  of  danger  of 
deftrucfion  and  death,  and  many  who  had  very  little  fenfe 
of  religion  before,  appeared  to  be  very  ferious  and  devout 
penitents  ;  but,  too  generally,  as  the  fears   of  another 
earthquake  went  off,  the  religious  impreffions  went  with 
them,  and  they,  who  had  been  the  fubjecls  of  both,  re- 
turned to  their  former  courfe  of  life. 

The  trade  of  the  province  being  in  a  bad  (late,  and  there 
being  a  general  complaint  of  fcarcity  of  money,  the  old 
fpirit  revived  for  increafmg  the  currency  by  a  further 
emiffion  of  bills  of  credit.  It  would  be  juit  as  rational 
when  the  blood  in  the  human  body  is  in  a  putrid  corrupt 
ftate,  to  increafe  the  quantity  by  luxurious  living  in  or- 
der to  reftore  health.  Some  of  the  leading  men  among 
the  reprcfentatives  were  debtors,  and  a  depreciating  cur- 
rency was  convenieat  for  them.  A  bill  was  projeded  for 
fortifying  the  fea-ports.  The  town  of  Bollon  was  to  ex- 
pend 


596  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IIL 

pend  ten  thdlifand  pounds  in  forts  and  (lores,  and  to  ena- 
ble ihem  to  do  it,  thirty  thoufand  pounds  was  to  be  iflued 
in  biiis  and  lent  to  the  town  for  thirteen  years,,  Salein, 
Plymouth,    Marblehead,    Charleftown,    Gloucefter,    and 
even  Trurd^  on  the'  Cape,  were  all  to  be  fupplied  with 
bills  of  credit  for  the  like  purpofes.     After  repeated  non- 
concurrence  and  loi'ig  altercation,  the  council  were  pre- 
vailed upon  to  agree  to  the  bill.     ¥/hen  it  came  to  the 
lieutenant  governor,  he  laid  the  king's  inftruction  before 
the  council,  and  required  their  opinion,  upon  their  oaths, 
whether,  confident  with  the  inftruttion,  he  could  fign  the 
bill ;    and  they  anfwered  he  could  not.     Not  only  the 
lieutenant  governor,  but  feveral  of  the  council,  were  de- 
pendent upon  the  houfe  for  the  grant  of  their  falaries, 
and  this  dependence  waa  improved,  as  in  divers  inftanccs 
>         it  had  been  formerly.     The  houfe  referred  the  confidera- 
tion  of  allowance  to  the  next  feffion,  and  defired  the 
•  court  might  rife.    The  lieutenant  governor  let  them  know, 
by  a  meffage,  that  he  apprehended  his  fmall  fupport  was 
withheld  from  him,  becaufe  he  would  not  figli  a  bill  con- 
trary to  his  indrudions.     They  replied,  that  he  had  rec- 
ommended to  them,  the  making  provifion  for  fortifying 
the  province,  and  now  they  had  palTed  a  bill  for  that  pur- 
pofe,  he  refufed  to  fign  it,  and  they  were  obliged,  in  pru- 
derice  and  faithfulnefs  to  their  principals,  to  come  into  a 
vote  referring  allowances  and  other  matters  to  another 
fefhon,  when  a  way  may  be  found  to  enable  the  inhabit- 
ants to  pay  into  the  treafury  again  fuch  funis  as  may  be 
drawn  out  for  gratuities*  and  allowances.     After  a  recefs 
of  about  a  fortnight,  an  expedient  was  found.     Inftead 
of  a  bill  for  fortifying,  another  was  prepared  with  a  fpe- 
cious  title — "  An  ad  for  raifmg  and  fettling  a  public  rev- 
enue for  and  towards  defraying  the  necelTary  charges  of 
the  government  by  an  emiflion  of  6o,oool.  in  bills  of 
credit."     This  was  done  to  bring  it  within  the  words  of 
the  inilruftion,  v/hich  reilrained  the  governor  from  con- 
fenting  to  the  ilTuing  bills  of  credit,  except  for  charges  of 
government.     The  intereft  of  four  per  cent,  or  2400I. 
was  to  be  applied  annually  to  the  public  charges,  and 

gave 

*  Gratiiity  is  a  term  not  ufual  with  the  houfe,  aad  feems  not  fo  proper  for  pay- 
ment of  fervices. 


\^2^r^         Massachusetts.         '  297 

gave  colour  for  IlTiiing  the  principal  fum  of  6o,oool. 
The  lieutenant  governor  was  prevailed  upon  to  fign  it, 
and  the  fame  day  the  houfe  made  the  grant  of  his  falary, 
and  the  ul'ual  allowance  to  the  J%dges,  mofl  of  whom 
were  members  of  the  council,  and  to  the  other  officers  of 
the  government.  This  was  afterwards  alleged  to  be  a 
compulfion  of  the  lieutenant  governor,  and  fuch  of  the 
members  of  council  as  v/cre  falary  men,  to  comply  with 
the  houfe  of  reprefentatives,  by  withholding  from  them 
their  fubfiflence.  The  eagernefs  of  the  body  of  the  peo- 
ple for  paper  bills,  more  eafily  acquired  in  this  v/ay  than 
the  righteous  way  of  induilry  and  frugality,  no  doubt, 
facilitated  a  compliance. 

The  council,  upon  this  occafion^  declined  anfwering 
upon  their  oath,  as  counfellors,  when  the  lieutenant  gov- 
ernor afked  their  advice.  They  fwear  that  to  the  bell  of 
their  judgment  they  will  at  all  times  freely  give  their  ad- 
vice to  the  governor  for  the  good  management  of  the  pub- 
lic affairs  of  the  government.  The  lieutenant  governor 
propofed  the  following  queflion  to  them  in  writing — • 
*'  Gentlemen,  I  find  it  neceifary,  in  order  to  my  figning 
the  bill,  entitled,  an  act  for  raifing  and  fetthng  a  revenue, 
&c.  which  has  paifed  both  houfes,  to  have  your  advice 
whether  I  can  fign  the  faid  bill  without  the  breach  of  the 
inflruclion  of  the  lords  juftices  of  Great  Britain,  dated  the 
27th  of  September,  1720,  and  the  order  of  the  lords  com- 
mifiioners  of  trade  and  plantations,  dated  the  8  th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1726-7.  W,  Dummer,  Feb.  17,  1727."  Upon 
which  the  council  came  to  the  following  vote.  "  In 
council,  Feb.  19,  1727 — Read,  and  as  the  council  have 
already,  as  they  are  one  part  of  the  general  court,  paifed 
a  concurrence  with  the  honourable  houfe  of  reprefenta- 
tives upon  th^  faid  bill,  they  cannot  think  it  proper  for 
them  to  give  your  honour  any  further  advice  thereupon, 
nor  do  they  apprehend  the  oath  of  a  counfellor  obliges 
them  thereto.  At  the  fame  time,  they  cannot  but  think 
it  will  be  for  the  good  and  welfare  of  the  Province,  and 
the  neceifary  fupport  of  the  government  thereof,  if  the 
bill  be  confented  to  by  your  honour. 

7.  Willard^  Secretary.'* 
Vol.  ir.  U  'They 


^9*^  THE   HISTORY' OF  [Chap,  fft 

They  had  given  their  advice  or  opinion,  the  fame  fef- 
fion,  upon  the  bill  for  fortifying,  after  they  had  pafled  it,; 
that  it  was  contrary  to  the  inilruciion,  and  inftances  of 
the  like  kind  have  been  frequent  before  and  fince  this 
time. 

The  lieutenant  governbr»had  a  further  opportunity,  be- 
fore Mr.  Burnet's  arrival,  of  meeting  the  aiTembly  in  May 
for  eledion  of  counfellors. 

The  houfe  difcovered  in  one  indance  this  feffion,  a  dc- 
fire  to  amplify  their  jurifdidion^     The  council  and  houfe 
had  made  it  a  practice  ever  fince  thi*  charter  to  unite  in 
the  choice  of  the  treafurer,  impoil  officer,  and  other  civil 
officers,  the  appointment  whereof  is  refer ved  to  the  gen- 
eral affembly.     The  council,  being  in  number  lefs  than 
SL  third  part  of  the  houfe,  have  by  this  means  no  weight 
in  fuch  elections  except  when  there  are  two  or  more  can- 
didates for  an  office  fet  up  by  the  houfe,  and  then  the 
balance  of  power,  if  they  are  united  themfelves,^  may  be- 
with  them.     This  feems  to  have  been  an  old  charter  prac- 
tice,  and  handed  down.     The  two  houfes,  when  parties' 
to  any  petition  or  caufe  defire  to  be  heard,  often  meet  in^ 
one  houfe,  which  no  doubt  alfo.  came  from  the  old  char- 
ter, but  after  they  are  feparated,  they  vote  feparately  up- 
on the  fubjedt  matter  of  the  hearing.     In  this  feffion^ 
after  a  hearing  of  this  fort,  the  houfe  paifed  a  vote,  ''that, 
when  a  hearing  ihall  be  had  on  any  private  caufe  before 
both  houfes  together,  the  fubje(^  matter  fhall  be  deter- 
mined by  both  houfes  conjunctly."     They  might  as  well, 
have  voted  that,  after  a  conference  between  the   two' 
houfes,  the  fubject  matter  fhould  be  determined  conjund- 
ly.     The  council  were  fenfible  this  was  taking  from  tht 
little  v/eight  they  had,  and  unanimoully  non-concurred 
the  vote. 

The  manner  of  choofmg  elvil"  officers  is  a  defe£l  in  the 
conftitution,  which  does  not  feem  to  have  been  confidered. 
at  the  framing  the  charter,  and  as  by  charter  officers  mufl 
annually  be  elected,  it  is  a  defeat  which  muft  be  fubmittcd 
to.  If  either  houfe  fliould  eled  by  themfelves  and  fend 
to  the  other  for  concurrence,  the  right  of  nominatioa 
would  be  fuch  an  advantage  as  neither  would  be  willing 

tt 


^727.]  IVIASSACIIUSETTS.  299 

to  concede  to  the  other.  In  the  early  days  of  the  charter, 
it  had  been  made  a  queflion,  whether  in  any  ads  of  gov- 
ernment the  council  had  a  negative  voice,  and  were  not 
rather  to  vote  in  conjunction  with  the  houfe  of  reprefent- 
atives,  and  Conflantine  Phips  gave  his  opinion,  that  they 
had  no  negative.  He  feems  not  to  have  confidered,  that 
the  charter  and  the  commillions  to  governors  of  other 
colonies  evidently  intended  a  iegiflature  after  the  pattern 
of  the  Iegiflature  of  England,  as  far  as  the  ftate  and  cir- 
cumflances  of  the  colonies  would  admit. 

The  government,  under  the  old  charter  and  the  nev/, 
had  been  very  prudent  in  the  dillribution  of  the  territory. 
Lands  were  granted  for  the  fake  of  fettling  them.  Grants 
for  any  other  purpofe  had  been  very  rare,  and  ordinarily, 
a  new  fettlement  was  contiguous  to  an  old  one.  The 
fettlers  themfelves,  as  well  as  the  government,  were  in- 
clined to  this  for  the  fake  of  a  focial  neighbourhood,  as 
well  as  mutual  defence  againfl  an  enemy.  The  firft  fet- 
tlers on  Connecticut  river,  indeed,  left  a  great  tradt  of 
wildernefs  between  them  and  the  reft  of  the  colony,  but 
they  went  ofi'  in  a  body,  and  a  new  colony,  Connecticut, 
was  fettling  near  them  at  the  fame  time.  Rivers  were 
alfo  an  inducement  to  fettle,  but  very  few  had  ventured 
above  Dunftable,  upon  the  fine  river  Merrimack,  and 
the  rivers  in  the  Province  of  Maine  had  no  towns  at 
any  diflance  from  the  fea  into  which  they  empty.  But 
all  on  a  fudden,  plans  are  laid  for  grants  of  vaft  tracts  of 
unimproved  land,  and  the  lafl  fefnon  of  Mr.  Dummer's 
adminiftration,  a  vote  pafTed  the  two  houfes  appointing  a 
committee  to  lay  out  three  lines  of  towns,  each  town  of 
the  contents  of  fix  miles  fquare,  one  line  to  extend  from 
Connecticut  river  above  Northfield  to  Merrimack  river 
above  Dunftable,  another  line  on  each  fide  Merrimack 
as  far  as  Penicook,  and  another  from  Nichewanock  river 
to  Falmouth  in  Cafco-Bay. 

Pretences  v/ere  encouraged,  and  even  fought  after,  to 
entitle  perfons  to  be  grantees.  The  poflerity  of  all  the 
officers  and  foldiers  who  ferved  in  the  famous  Narrag?nfeC 
expedition,  in  1675,  were  the  firll  pitched  upon,  thofe 
who  were  in  the  unfortunate  attempt  upon  Canada,  in 
U  2  1690, 


30©  THE   tllSTORY   OF  [Chap,  ift 

1690,  were  to  come  next*  The  government  of  Ne\f 
HanipHiire  fuppofed  thefe  grants  were  made  in  order  to 
fecure  the  poflelTion  of  a  tract  of  country  challenged  by 
them  as  within  their  bounds.  This  might  have  weight 
with  fome  leading  men,  who  were  acquainted  with  the 
controverfy,  but  there  was  a  fondnefs  for  granting  land  irt 
any  part  of  the  Province.  A  condition  of  fettling  a  cer- 
tain number  of  families  in  a  few  years,  ordinarily  was  an- 
nexed to  the  grants,  but  the  co-art,  by  multiplying  their 
grants,  rendered  the  performance  of  the  condition  im- 
practicable, there  not  being  people  enough  within  the 
Province  willing  to  leave  the  old  fettled  towns,  and  the 
grantees  not  being  able  to  procure  fettlers  from  abroad. 

The  fettlement  of  the  Province  was  retarded  by  it,  si 
trade  of  land-jobbing  made  many  idle  perfons,  imaginary 
wealth  was  created,  which  was  attended  with  fome  of  the 
niii'chievous  eiTe^^s  of  the  paper  currency,  viz.  idle>nef§ 
and  bad  economy,  a  real  expenfc  was  occafioned  to  many 
perfons,  beiides  the  purchafe  of  the  grantees*  title,  for 
every  towniliip  by  law  was  made  a  propriety,  and  their 
frequent  meetings,  fchemes  for  fettlement,  and  other  pre- 
t>aratory  bufmefs,  occafioned  many  charges.  In  fome 
few  tov/ns,  houfes  were  built  and  fome  part  of  the  lands 
cleared.  In  a  fnort  time,  a  new  line  being  determined  for 
the  northern  boilndary  of  the  MaiTachufetts  colony,  many 
of  thefe  townfhips  were  found  to  be  without  it.  The 
government  of  New  Hampfhire,  for  the  crown,  laid  claim 
to  fome  of  them,  and  certain  perfons,  calling  themfelveg 
proprietors  under  Mafon,  to  others,  and  the  MaiTachufetts 
people,  after  a  further  expenfe  in  contefting  their  title, 
either  wholly  loft  the  lands,  or  made  fuch  compofition  as 
the  new  claimers  thought  fit  to  agree  to. 

Mr.  Burnet*  was  received  with  unufual  pomp.  Be- 
fides  a  committee  of  the  general  court,  many  private  gen- 
tlemen went  as  far  as  Briilol  to  wait  upon  him,  and,  be« 
fides  the  continual  addition  that  was  making  in  the 
journey,  there  went  out  of  Boflon  to  meet  him  at  a  fmall 
diif  ance  fuch  a  multitude  of  horfes  and  carriages,  that  he 
entered  the  town  with  a  greater  cavalcade  than  had  ever 

beea 

*  H«  arrived  at  Bofton  July  ijth. 


f72S.l  MASSACHUSETTS.  501 

teen  fccn  before  or  fince.  Like  one  of  his  predeceflbrs, 
lord  Bellamont,  he  urged  this  grand  appearance,  in  his 
fird  fpeech  to  the  aflembly,  as  a  proof  of  their  ability  very 
honourably  to  fupport  his  majefty's  government,  and  at 
the  fame  time  acquainted  them  with  the  king's  inftrucVion 
to  him  to  infift  upon  an  eflablifhed  falary,  and  his  inten- 
tion firmly  to  adhere  to  it.*-  He  had  aiked  the  opinion 
of  a  New  England  gentleman,  who  was  then  the  miniiier 
of  the  Prefbyterian  church  at  New  York,  whether  the 
;aflembly  would  comply  with  his  inflrudion,  and  receiVf^ 
ed  a  difcouraging  anfwer,  which  caufed  him  to  reply,  that 
he  would  not  engage  in  a  quarrel,  or  to  that  efi'ect  j  but 
he  either  received  difTerent  advice  upon  hie  arrival,  or  for 
fome  other  reafon  altered  his  mjnd.  The  afTembly  feem- 
^d,  from  the  beginning,  determined  to  v/ithfland  him. 
To  do  it  with  better  grace  and  a  more  reafonable  profped: 
of  fuccefs,  the  quantum  of  the  falary,  it  was  agreed,  was 
not  worth  difputing^  It  bore  no  proportion  to  the  privi- 
lege and  right  of  granting  it  for  fuch  time  as  they  thought 
proper.  The  fame  perfons,  therefore,  who,  fix  or  feveu 
years  before,  refufed  to  make  governor  Shute,  and,  per- 
haps, the  government  eafy,  by  granting  not  more  than 
five  hundred  pounds  (lerling  a  year,  now  readily  voted  for 
a  thoufand,  or  a  fum  which  was  intended  to  be  equal  to 
it.  As  foon  as  addrefies  from  the  council  and  houfe,  the 
ufual  compliments  upon  the  firft  arrival  of  a  governor, 
had  paiTed,  the  houfe  made  a  grant  of '1700I.  towards  his 
fupport,  and  to  defray  the  charge  of  his  journey.  In  a 
day  or  two,  the  governor  let  them  know  he  was  utter^ 
Iv  unable  to  give  his  confent  to  it,  being  inconfiftent 
-with  his  inftruclion.     After  a  week's  deliberation,  a  grant 

*  "  It  is  not  eafy  to  cxprefs  the  pleafure  I  have  had  in  cominor  aruornr  you.  The 
commiflion  with  which  his  mcij'-fty  has  honoured  me  (however  unequal  to  k)  has  hctn 
i-eceived  in  fo  refpedful  and  noble  a  manner,  and  tlic  pleniy  and  wealth  of  this 
great  Province  has  appeared  to  me  in  fuch  a  ftrong;  light,  as  wili  not  fuiTer  m« 
to  doubt  of  your  fupporting  his  majefty's  government  by  an  ample,  honorr?.hl<; 
^nd  lafting  iL-^.tlement.  The  wifdom  of  parliament  has  made  it  an  eftabiifiied 
cuftom  to  grant  the  civil  lift  to  the  king  for  life,  and,  as  I  am  coiifiJcnt  th2 
rcprefentatives  of  the  people  here  would  be  unwilling  to  own  thcmildves  out- 
done in  duty  to  his  majefty  hy  any  of  his  fubjeols,  I  have  reafon  to  hope  that 
they  will  not  think  fuch  an  example  has  any  thing  in  it  which  tJiey  are  not  ready 
to  imitate.  I  fhall  lay  before  you  his  majefty's  inftruclion  to  mc  upon  this 
fubjeA,  which,  as  it  fhall  be  an  inviolable  rule  for  my  conduct,  v/iil,  without  ipiuf- 
tion,  have  its  due  weight  witk  you." Qtv./^wJj  2ijh  jftly,  1728. 


302  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chaf.  IIL 

was  made  of  three  hundred  pounds  for  the  charge  of  his 
journey,  which  he  accepted,  and  another  of  fourteen  hun- 
dred pounds  towards  his  fupport,  which  was  accompanied 
with  a  joint  raelfage  from  the  council  and  houfe,  prepared 
by  a  committee,  wherein  they  affert  their  undoubted  right 
as  Engliflmien,  and  their  privilege  by  the  charter,  to  raife 
and  apply  monies  for  the  fupport  of  government,  and  their 
readinefs  to  give  the  governor  an  ample  and  honourable 
fupport ;   but  they  apprehended  it  would  be  mofl  for  his 
majelly's  fervice,  &c.  to  do  it  without  eltablifhing  a  fixed 
falary.*     The  governor  was  always  very  quick  in  his  re- 
plies ;  and  once,  v/hen  a  committee  came  to  him  with  a 
meffage,  having  privately  obtained  a  copy  of  it,  gave  the 
fame  committee  an  anfwer  in  writing  to  carry  back.     The 
fame  day  this  meffage  was  delivered,  he  obferved  to  them 
in  anfwer,  ''  that  the  right  of  Englifhmen  could  never  en- 
title them  to   do   wrong,  that   their  privilege  of  raifmg 
money  by  charter  was  expreffed  to  he  '  by  wholefome  and 
reafonable  laws  and  diredions,*  confequently  not  fuch  as. 
were  hurtful  to  the  conftitution  and  the  ends  of  govern^ 
ment ;  that  their  way  of  giving  a  fupport  to  the  governor 
could  not  be  honourable,  for  it  deprived  him  of  the  un- 
doubted right  of  an  Englifhman,  viz.  to  ad  his  judgment,, 
or  obliged  him  to  remain  without  fupport,  and  he  appeal- 
ed to  their  own  confciences,  whether  they  had  not  for- 
merly kept  back  their  governor's  allowance  until  other 
bills  were  paffed,  and  whether  they  had  not  fometimes 
made  the  falary  depend  upon  the  confent  to  fuch  bills  ; 
that  if  they  really  intended  from  time  to  time  to  grant  an 
honourable  fupport,  they  could  have  no  juft  objedion  to 
making  their  purpofes  effedual  by  fixing  his  falary  ;  for 
he  would  never  accept  of  a  grant  of  the  kind  they  had 
then  made."     We  ihall  be  convinced  that  Mr.  Burnet 
was  not  a  perfon  who  could  be  eafily  moved  from  a  refo- 
lution  he  had  once  taken  up. 

Upon  the  receipt  of  this  meffage  and  the  peremptory 
declaration  of  the  governor,  the  houfe  found  this  was 
like  to  be  a  ferious  affair,  and  that  they  fhould  not  fo 
cafily  get  rid  of  it  as  they  hcid  done  of  the  like  demands 

made 

^Auguft  7tK, 


;i723.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  303 

made  by  Dudley  and  Shute,  and  again  appointed  a  com- 
mittee to  join  with  a  committee  of  council  to  confider  of 
this  meflage.  The  exclufive  right  of  the  houfe  in  origin- 
ating grants  they  have  often  fo  far  given  up  as  to  join 
with  the  council  by  committees  to  confider  and  report  the 
expediency  of  them,  the  reports  generally  being  fent  to 
the  houfe,  there  to  be  firfl  aded  upcm.  The  report  of 
this  committee  was  accepted  In  council  and  fcnt  to  the 
houfe,  but  there  rejeded,  and^  not  being  able  to  unite  in 
an  anfwer,  the  houfe  tried  the  council  with  a  refolve,  fent 
to  them  for  concurrence,  the  purport  of  which  was,  that 
fixing  a  falary  on  the  governor  or  commander  in  chief 
for  the  time  being  would  be  dangerous  to  the  inhabitants, 
and  contrary  to  the  defign  of  the  charter  in  giving  power 
to  make  wholefome  and  reafonable  orders  and  laws  for 
the  welfare  of  the  Province.  This  vote,  in  fo  general 
.terms,  the  council  did  not  think  proper  to  concur,  and 
declared  that,  although  they  were  of  opinion  it  might 
prove  of  ill  confequence  to  fettle  a  falary  upon  the  gover- 
nor for  the  time  being,  yet  they  apprehended  a  falary 
might  be  granted  for  a  certain  time,  to  the  prefent  gover- 
nor, without  danger  to  the  Province,  or  being  contrary  to 
the  defign  of  the  charter,  kc.  * 

This  occafioned  a  -conference  without  effeft,  both 
houfes  adhering  to  their  own  votes,  and  from  this  time 
the  houfe  were  left  to  manage  the  controverfy  themfelves. 
They  fent  a  melTage  to  the  governor  to  defire  the  court 
might  rife.t  He  told  them,  that  if  he  Ihould  comply 
with  their  defire  he  fhould  put  it  out  of  their  power  to  pay 
an  immediate  regard  to  the  king's  inllru^lion,  and  he 
would  not  grant  them  a  recefs  until  they  had  fiiiiflied  the 
bufinefs  for  which  the  court  was  then  fitting.  They  then, 
in  a  meflage  to  him,  declared  that,  in  faithfulnels  to  the 
people  of  the  Province,  they  could  not  come  into  an  ad 
for  eftablifliing  a  falary  on  the  governor  or  commander 
in  chief  for  the  time  being,  and  therefore  they  renewed 
their  requeft  that  the  court  might  rife.  || 

Both  the  governor  and  the  houfe  feem  to  have  fome 
referve  in  their  declarations.     Perhaps  a  falary   during 

hi^ 

♦  Angvft  19th.  t  ^Sth.  I  Aujuft  29th. 


304  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  Ill, 

his  admimilration  would  have  fatisfied  him,  although  he 
demanded  it  for  the  commander  in  chief  for  the  time  be- 
ing -y  and  the  houfe  do  not  yet  fay,  that  they  will  not  fet- 
tie  a  falary  for  a  limited  time.  Each  defired  that  the 
other  would  make  fome  concellions.  Both  declined,  and 
both  by  long  altercation  were  irritated  j  and  at  length, 
which  is  often  the  cafe,  inftead  of  clofmg,  as  feemed  prob- 
able at  firlt,  widened  the  breach,  until  they  fixed  at  the 
oppofite  extremes.  The  major  part  of  the  council  and 
^bout  a  fixth  part  of  the  houfe  were  willing  to  fettle  a  fal- 
ary upon  Mr.  Burnet  for  a  term  not  exceeding  three 
years,  polTibly  even  fome  who  were  finally  the  moll  zeal- 
ous in  the  oppofition  would  have  fubmitted  to  this,  if 
they  could  have  been  fure  of  its  being  accepted,  and  they 
had  been  at  liberty  to  act  their  judgment.  Mr.  Cooke 
had  experienced  the  ill  fuccefs  of  the  controverfy  with 
governor  Shute,  and  feem.ed  defirous  of  being  upon  terms 
with  his  fucceifor,  who,  upon  his  firft  arrival  and  until  the 
Province  houfe  could  be  repaired,  lodged  at  Mr.  Cooke's 
houfe  ;  but  a  friendfhip  could  not  long  continue  between 
two  perfons  of  fo  different  opinions  upon  civil  govern- 
ment. The  language  of  the  governor's  meffages  was 
thought  too  dictatorial  by  the  people,  and  particularly  by- 
the  inhabitants  of  Bofton,  and  he  had  been  fomewhat  free 
in  his  jokes  upon  fome  of  the  ihop-keepers  and  principal 
tradefmen,  who  were  then  the  directors  of  the  counfels  of 
the  town,  and  very  much  influenced  thofe  of  the  houfe. 
An  intimation  in  the  governor's  next  meffage,*  that,  if 
they  did  not  comply  with  the  inflrudion,  the  legiflature 
of  Great  Britain  would  take  into  confideration  the  fup- 
port  of  the  government,  and  perhaps  fomething  befides, 
meaning  the  charter,  increafed  the  prejudices  againfh  him. 
The  houfe  now  thought  themfelves  obliged  to  be  more 
particular  than  they  had  yet  been  fully  to  alfert  their 
rights.f  This  was  what  the  governor  defired,  and,  with- 
out any  delay,|  he  fent  them  an  anfwer.  As  thefe  two 
meifages  feem  to  begin  in  earnefl  the  argument  on  each 

fide 

*  Auguft  29th.  f  Augufl  31ft.  \  September  2i> 


1728.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  30^ 

fide  of  the  queflion,  we  lliall  infcrt  them  in  the  margin.  * 
Not  long  after,  the  hoiifc,  inftead  of  any  advances  towards 
a  compliance,  which  the  governor  wifhed  to  obtain,  came 
to  refolutions  upon  two  qaeftions  which  fhewcd  ftill  more 

fully 

*  Auguf^  31ft:,  1728. ^Thf  houfc  of  rrprefentativcsfcnt  the  following  mciragc 

to  his  excellency  the  governor. 

*'  Afl/jy  it  pleafc  your  axcAlency^ 

"  The  reprefentativcs  in  general  court  affemhle^,  before  they  proceed  to  make 
reply  to  what  they  received  from  you  on  Thurfday  lail,  rcfpcitinor  their  anfv/er  of 
that  morning  to  your  mciTage  of  the  28th  current,  beg  leave  to  recur  to  what  the 
council  and  reprefentatives,  the  7th  inilant,  in  jrr;"at  truth  and  fi'^cerlty,  armr"^ 
other  things,  laid  before  your  excellency,  viz. — 'I'hey  humbly  apprehend,  that  hit 
majefty's  fervice  in  the  necefiary  defence  and  fupport  of  the  government  and  the 
protecStion  and  prcfervation  of  the  inhabitants  thereof,  the  two  grcJt  cn^rli  propo£:d 
in  the  power  granted  to  this  court  for  the  raif.ng  taxes,  would  be  befl  anf.vcred 
without  eftablifhing  a  falary.  Your  excellency  wa?  plco.fed  to  icx.  U3  knov/,  that  the 
anfwcr  of  the  houfc  contained  no  rcafons  that  appeared  to  ^nu  fuHicient  why  hi» 
majefty's  23d  inllruelion  might  not  be  complied  vrich,  fince  the  fame  methods  that 
are  found  no  ways  to  prejudice  the  riglits  and  liberties  of  the  people  of  Great  Britain, 
nor  of  other  colonies,  cannot  prejudice  thole  of  tiie  Province.  If  th?  rriethod  prac- 
tifed  in  Great  Britain  is  not  prejudicial  to  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  p.^ople  there» 
it  docs  not  therefore  follow  that  fixing  a  falar-/  will  not  prejudice  the  people  of  thii 
Province.  The  Britifli  conftitution  dilfering  from  ours  in  many  refpects,  and  other 
colonies  coming  Into  any  particular  method,  we  not  knowing  the  motives  inducing 
them  thereto,  nor  the  feveral  conftitutions  of  government  they  arc,  put  under,  ought 
not  to  Influence  or  prompt  us  to  imitate  them. 
'*  May  it  pleaje  your  excellency, 

"  The  houfc,  being  heartily  defirous  to  cultivate  ?.  good  agreement  and  harmony 
with  your  excellency,  take  this  opportunity  to  affare  you,  that  '.*c  have,  once  and 
again,  deliberately  confidered  your  mcffage  for  fixing  a  falary,  and  do  humbly  con- 
ceive that  it  Is  againft  the  good  defign  of  the  powers  veiled  and  reposed  iai  us  by  the 
royal  charter,  to  pafs  adls  purfuant  to  the  inllruvTcions  laid  before  us,  for  as  much  as 
pafling  fuch  acts,  as  we  apprehend,  has  a  dire6l  tendency  to  weaken  om*  happy  con-i 
ftitution  ;  for  that  their  late  majeflies  king  William  and  queen  Mary,  of  glorious 
memory,  were  gracioufly  pleafed  to  gratify  the  Inhabitants  hore,  and  did  grant  to 
them  certain  powers,  privileges  and  franchifes  to  be  ufed  and  enaployed  for  the 
benefit  of  the  people,  and  in  the  fame  grant  referred  other  powers  to  be  ufed  and 
cxercifed  by  the  orown,  or  the  governors  fsnt  by  them,  agreeable  to  the  direftlon* 
and  mftru(SIons  contained  in  faid  grant  and  their  commiHions,  having  reference  for 
their  better  guidance  and  direi5lIons  to  the  feveral  powers  and  authorities  mentioned 
in  the  faid  charter ;  if  therefore  the  general  affembly  fhould  at  any  time  come  into 
any  aft  that  might  tend  to  infringe  the  prerogative  or  diflerve  the  crown,  his  maj^ 
cfty's  governors  have  a  negative  voice  on  all  fuch  adts  ;  furthermore,  fhould  any 
governor  Incautioufly  give  his  confent  to  fuch  ads,  his  majefty  has  rcfcrvcd  to  hlm- 
fclf  a  power  to  difallow  the  fame,  but  the  ufe  and  exercifc  of  the  other  pov/ers  and 
privileges  lodged  in  the  general  aflcmbly,  his  majefty  juftly  expcds  tiicy  will  never 
make  ufe  of  them  In  prejudice  of  the  riglits  and  liberties  of  the  people,  but  at  all 
times  exert  themfelvcs  In  defence  thereof.  If  we  refemble  the  Britilh  conftitution, 
as  your  excellency  has  done  us  the  honour  to  declare,  we  humbly  apprehend  that  no 
part  of  the  legiflature  here  (hould  be  entirely  independent,  as  your  ercelieHcy  has 
very  jufdy  denoted  to  us,  that  the  three  dlftincl  branches  of  the  legiflature,  preferv- 
cd  in  a  due  balance,  forms  the  excellency  of  the  Britifh  conftitution  ;  and  If  any  of 
thofe  branches  ftiould  become  lefs  able  to  fupport  Its  own  diiniity  and  freedom,  the 
whole  muft  inevitably  fuffer  by  the  alteration.  Your  excellency  is  pleafed  to  fay, 
^hat  a  fupport  ^Ivcn  as  hag  been  ufual  here  cannot  lie  honouiaid.-,  bci^aufo  that  Im- 

pHe» 


30^  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  lit 

fully  their  fenfe  of  the  point  in  controverfy.  The  firfl' 
queflion  was,  whether  the  houfe  will  take  under  confider- 
ation  the  fettling  a  temporary  falary  upon  the  governor 
or  commander  in  chief  for  the  time  beings     This  pafled 

in 

plies  no  fort  ©f  confidence  in  the  goTcmment.  To  -vrhich  we  humbly  offer,  that  if 
your  excellency  would  take  notice  of  our  grants,  you  would  fee  that  the  very  meth- 
od itfelf  18  founded  on  nothiwg  elfe,  inafniuch  as  they  always  look  forward  and  are 
riven  to  enable  the  governor  lo  go  on  and  manage  the  public  affairs.  Thus,  in  th:» 
our  firft  fcfiion  at  your  excellency's  firft  and  welcome  arriYal,theaffembly  made  a  grant 
)of  1400I.  to  enable  your  excellency  to  manage  the  affairs  of  this  Province,  fully  con- 
fiding m  your  condu6t.  If  your  excellency  intends  that  we  do  not  put  fo  mucl^ 
confidence  in  you  as  the  parliament  do  in  our  ntioft  gracious  foyereign,  to  whom  the 
civil  iifl  IS  granted  for  life  (which  jGod  long  preferve)  we  freely  acknowledge  it. 
Is  it  rcafonable  or  poUible  that  we  iliould  coniide  in  any  governor  whatfoevcr,  fo 
»|uch  a*  in  our  gracious  king,  the  common  father  of  all  his  people,  who  is  known 
to  delight  in  noli  dug  fo  much  as  in  their  happinefs,  and  whofe  intcreft  and  glory, 
;and  chat  of  hii  royal  progeny,  arc  infeparable  from  the  profperity  and  welfare  of 
his  people ;  whereas  it  is  raoft  obvious,  that  neither  the  prolperity  nor  advcrfity  of 
a  pfopie  affecl  a  governor's  intcreft  at  all  when  he  has  once  left  tJiem.  ^ 

"  Your  excellency  goes  en  and  declares,  that  the  fupport  of  the  government  io 
this  manner  vlfibly  depcuds  on  an  entire  compliance  with  the  other  parts  of  the 
iegiflature.  Kad  the  governor  no  aurhority  nor  checks  upon  them,  we  mull  ac-  '' 
knowledge  this  to  ht  the  cafe  ;  but  as  both  the  other  parts  have  a  great  dependence 
upon  the  governor's  difcretionary  power,  the  council  (as  the  pracftice  ufually  is)  for 
their  very  being,  and  both  they  and  the  reprcfentatives  for  every  law  and  proper 
acl  of  government,  and  for  every  penny  put  into  and  drawn  out  of  the  treafury,  for 
their  wiiole  defence  and  fecurity  in  every  cafe  »f  danger,  as  he  i§  their  captaii? 
general,  belidcs  other  obvious  particulars  needlefs  and  too  numerous  to  be  named, 
that  sf  in  this  fmgle  inftance  the  governor  Iliould  have  dependence  on  the  affem- 
fcly,  as  to  his  fupport,  according  as  they  fhall  fee  the  Province  able,  the  other 
thing's  that  they  depend  upon  him  for  are  fo  vaftly  misrc  than  a  counterbalance.^ 
Jhat  it  cannot  be  thought  that  the  commander  in  chief  can  be  hereby  prevented 
jacting  according  to  his  judgment,  or  remain  without  fupport.  We  affure  your 
excellency,  that  it  js  not  any  exception  to  your  pcrfon  or  adminiflration  (which 
we  hope  other  pai-ts  of  our  condubf;  have  made  evident)  that  determines  u» 
-againft  Using  a  friary  as  prefcribed, 
"  ]\Iay  it  f'/ea/c  your  excellency ^ 

"  Since  v/e  have  fo  many  times  heretofore,  »nd  do  now  in  the  rtoft  folcmij 
manner,  and  after  the  moft  UriA  fcrutiny  we  are  able  to  make  in  this  important 
affair,  majiifeft,  that  in  faithfulnefs  to  our  country  we  cannot  think  it  advifeablc 
for  this  houl;;  to  be  concerned  in  paffmg  an  ail  for  fixing  a  falary  as  prefcribed, 
we  do  therefore  moil  ardently  move  your  excellence, ihat  you  would  permit  us  to 
repair  to  our  feveral  homes,  and  not  keep  us  fitting  here  in  order  to  our  a6ling 
contrary  to  our  native  freedom  and  declared  judgment,  and  fo  betraying  the 
great  tiuft  and  confidence  ouf  principals  have  rcpofed  in  us." 

/September  3d,  17 z8. r-The  fecretary  carried  down  to  the  houfe  the  following 

meffage  from  his  excellency  the  governor. 
Gentlemen  of  tht  houfe  of  reprcfentatives y 
It  is  not  at  all  agreeable  to  my  inclination  to  enter  into  difputes  with  your 
Jvoufe  ;  and,  for  that  reafon,  I  have  endeavoured  Hitherto  to  be  as  Ihort  as  the  im- 
portance of  the  matters  v/hich  I  have  recommended  to  you  will  allow  me.  But 
fince  you  have  thought  fit  to  lay  fuch  ftrefs  on  the  reafons  offered  in  your  reply 
#f  Saturday,  I  cannot  avoid,  once  more  for  all,  entering  into  a  particular  examin- 
ation of  them,  that  not  only  yourfelves,  but  thofe  whom  you  reprefent,  may  be  en- 
fibled  to  j.udge  ef  the  contirtverfy  betweea  us.     Y»a  liegin  wish  ren>iudmg  mc 


I72S.] 


MASSACHUSETTS.  307 


in  the  negative.  Then  this  queftion  was  put,  whether  the 
houfc  can  with  fafety  to  the  people  come  into  any  other 
method  for  fupporting  the  governor  or  commander  in 
chief  for  the  time  being,  than  what  has  been  heretofore 

praclifed. 

that  the  council  and  reprefentatives  apprehended  '  that  his  majefty's  fcrvice,  in  the 
neceffary  deft-ncc  and  fupport  of  the  government  ar^d  luc  pvotedlion  and  prcijrv;i-< 
tion  of  the  inhabitants  thereof,  the  two  great  ends  propofcd  in  the  power  granted 
to  this  court,  would  be  heft  anfwercd  without  citubhfhing  a  iixed  lalary.'  [t 
ought  not  to  be  forgotten,  at  the  {?.ir,c  time,  t'-^at  the  council  hid  altered  the 
■words,  ivould  he  bejiy  into,  Tnay  be  ii'dl,  though  you  prevailed  with  than  to  recede 
from  the  amendment,  and  that  they  made  this  addition — '  We  efteem  it  a  great 
unhappinefs,  tJiat  his  majefty  fliould  think  our  method  of  fupporting  the  gover- 
nors of  this  Province  a  dcfign  of  making  them  dependent  on  the  people  ;'  t» 
•which  you  agreed,  though  nothing  to  that  effect  had  been  inferted  in  your  own 
draught.  By  thefe  inftances,  the  council  appear,  from  the  firft,  to  have  very  dif- 
ferent apprehenuons  from  you  of  the  regard  to  be  paid  to  his  majcfcy's  inftrucftionj 
and  of  the  weiglit  of  his  difpleafurc,  which  laft  confideration  (though  the  greateft 
part  of  my  meffage)  was  not,  it  feems,  thought  by  you  to  defcrve  any  room  at  all 
in  fo  long  a  repjy.  But  fuppolmg  the  council  and  you  were  agre:d,  that  is  to 
fay,  that  two  branches  of  the  legiflature  thought  ic  heft  to  keep  the  third  entirely 
dependent  on  them,  (which  would  b^:*  a  manifeft  piece  of  partiality  and  injuftice) 
is  this  any  reafon  \A\y  the  third  Ihould  be  of  the  fame  opinion  ?  Or  rather  does  it 
not  confirm  the  too  juft  fufpicion  his  roajefty  has  of  a  ddign  fo  dangerous  to  his 
own  authority  ?  Two  branches  pf  legiflature  can  bring  nothing  to  effe(51  withi 
out  the  third;,  and,  confeouently,  if  what  feems  heft  to  them  only  cannot  be  con- 
feuted  to  by  the  other,  it  becomes  the^r  duty  then  to  conlider  what  next  beft 
thing  can  be  done,  in  which  all  three  can  concur  ;  for  it  does  not  follow  that  if 
what  fome  imagine  beft  cannot  be  done,  therifforc  nothing  (hoiild  be  done  at  all. 
•: And  fo  much  for  what  you  have  faid,  before  you  proceed  to  rriake  reply. 

You  may  perceive  from  what  I  have  already  expreffed,  ;ipon  how  many  account* 
the  reafons  of  the  houfe  can  never  appear  fufticicnt  to  me  why  his  majcfty's  23d 
inftrudlion  fhould  not  be  complied  with  ;  and  I  am  far  from  thinking  that  you 
give  any  anfwer  to  my  former  reafons.  You  fay,  '  that  if  the  method  pra6t:ifed 
in  Great  Britain  is  not  prejudicial  to  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  people  there,  it 
does  not  therefore  follow  that  fixing  a  falary  would  not  prejudice  the  people  of 
this  Province.'  Rights  and  liberties  are  words  tliat  have  naturally  the  fame  nicsn-» 
ing  in  all  countries  ;  and,  unlefs  you  can  Ihew  me  wherein  the  Britifh  rights  and 
liberties  are  defeAive,  (which  you  have  not  done)  I  may  conclude  that  they  are  not 
fo  ;  and  in  that  cafe  it  is  a  natural  confequence,  that  the  methods  under  which 
they  have  been  fo  long  fafe  and  flourifhing  are  moft  likely  to  produce  the  fame 
effefts.  But  you  fay,  '  the  Britim  conftitution  differs  from  yours  in  many  re-. 
fpe<5ts.'  1  take  the  chief  difference  to  have  bee»  in  the  ufc  made  of  toe  conftitu- 
tion, which  has  been  no  ways  to  your  advantage  ;  for  by  Great  Britain's  keeping 
up  to  their  conftitution,  pubUc  credit  ftill  continues  at  the  height,  notwithftandinjr 
the  vaft  charges  and  debts  of  the  nation  ;  but  with  you,  credit  has  fallen  lower  and 
lower  in  an  amazing  manner  ;  and  this  has  proceeded  plainly  from  the  want  of 
a  fufficient  check  in  the  other  branches  of  the  leglllature  to  the  fudden  and  unadvifcd 
meafures  of  former  affemblies  ;  fo  that  if  ever  you  come  near  the  iiap}>inefs  of  Great 
Britain,  it  muft  be  by  fupporting  thofe  parts  of  the  legiflature  which  of  late  have  bc<?n 
too  much  deprcifed,  but  are  in  themftlves  neceffary  to  guard  the  liberties  and  prop- 
erties of  the  inhabitants,  as  well  as  the  houfe  oY  reprefentatives. 

As  to  the  cafe  of  other  plantations,  I  Ihall  only  fay,  if  you  enjoy  larger  privj^ 
leges  by  the  favour  of  the  crown  than  they,  and  by  confequencc  have  more  to  lofe 
by  his  majefty's  difpleafure,  the  arguments  both  of  gratitude  and  intereft  picad 
ftronger  with  you  for  a  compli:^ncc  with  an  inftruv^lon  in  Itfcif  fo  juft  and  rea- 
f«KabIe^ 

\  ociinot 


3oS  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  Ill, 

praflifed.  This  alfo  pafTed  in  the  negative,  and  was  thd 
iirlt  inftance  of"  the  houfe's  declaring  they  would  make  no 
advances ;  for  in  their  meflage  laft  preceding  they  only 
fay  they  do  not  think  it  advifeable  to  pafs  an  ad  for  fix- 
ing 

I  cannot  fee  why  you  apprehend  that  paffing  atfts  p-arfuant  to  the  inftrucftion 
lias  a  diredl  tendency  to  weaken  your  happy  conitltution,  efpecially  fince  you  now 
acknowledge  '»vhat  i  had  formerly  obferved,  "  that  each  branch  of  the  legiflaturc, 
and  coiifequently  the  governor,  ought  to  be  enabled  to  fupport  its  own  dignity 
and  freedcm,"  which  is  all  that  is  intended  by  the  inflrudbicn. 

I  had  obferved,  "  that  the  luual  way  of  fupporting  the  government  implied  na 
fort  of  confidence  in  the  governor."  You  offer,  '  that  if  I  would  take  notice  of 
yo!!r  grants,  I  fiiould  fee  that  the  very  method  itfelf  is  founded  upon  nothing  clfq, 
inafmuch  as  they  always  look  forward  and  arc  given  to  enable  the  gt>vernor  to 
go  on  and  manage  the  public  affairs.'  I  can  fcarce  believe  that  this  is  intended 
for  -i  ferious  argument,  fince  a  time  no  longer  ago  than  lad  winter  feflion  affords  * 
plain  proof  to  the  contrary.  The  lieutenant  governor  informed  tlxe  houfe,  in  an- 
iwer  "to  th:ir  meff'.ge  exprefling  their  defire  of  an  adjournment,  '  that  he  had 
:Conr(^nted  to  all  the  a  As  and  votes  pafTed  the  two  houfes,  except  the  bill  foi« 
emitting  bills  of  credit,  which  he  would  have  figned,  were  it  confiftent  with  his 
majeily''s  inftrucSlion,  whicJi  it  was  not,  in  the  opinion  of  the  council.'  And  he 
concludes  with  reminding  them, '  tiiat  the  proper  and  ufual  fcafon  for  granting  fal- 
aries  is  already  out-run,  and  that  he  expevSts  they  will^providc  for  the  honourable 
fupport  of  the  government  before  they  rife.'  The  hou'fe  entered  into  the  confid* 
-eration  of  the  above  meffige,  and  after  fome  debate  had  thereon,  the  (lueilion  was 
put,  whether  tlie  houfc  will  now  conie  to  the  confideration  of  allowances  ;  it  palT- 
ed  in  the  nec-ative.  Then  the  quefUon  was  put,  whether  the  confideration  of 
aliovvances  (hall  be  referred  to  tlie  n  ;xt  feflion  of  thij  court ;  rcfolved  in  the  af- 
firmative. In  tliis  manner  v;-as  this  method  of  grants, '  that  always  look  forward,' 
brought  to  look  dire.aiy  upon  the  prefent  bufinefs,  in  order  to  compel  a  compli- 
ance, or,  if  you  like  th^t  better,  to  look  backward  by  way  of  punilliment  for  a 
denial  ;^  and  fo  the  public  amiirs  were  left  tp  aianige  thsmfeives,  for  any  care 
that  was  taken  of  them. 

Your  next  oblervation  is  not  one  jot  a  jufccr  rcprefentation.  of  the  cafe  before 
jou.  You  fay,  you  are  not  for  iixing  a  falary,'  becaufeit  is  not  reafonable  or  pof- 
fible  you  fnould  confide  in  any  governor  whaufoever  fo  much  as  in  our  moft 
graciou?  king.'  As  if  this  iniliruaion  to  demand  a  falary  came  from  a  governor 
and  not  from  his  majefty  himfelf,  and  as  if  the  falary  was  to  be  given  direAly  to 
the  governor,  and  not  to  his  majefty,  for  the  ufc  of  his  governor  or  commander  in 
chief,  or  as  if  upon  .'juft  complaint  his  majefty  could  not  or  would  not  remove 
an  ill  governor,  and,  in  H-^ort,  as  ii  your  doing  the  thing  would  not  be  altogether 
upon  confidence  in  his  m.vefty,  and  not  in  any  governor  whatfoever.  The  words 
«f  refpec^  here  ufed  to  his  maj  lly  come  with  a  very-  ill  grace,  and  have  not 
that  gravity  in  them  which  v/ouid  be  more  becoming,  fince  in  the  fame  breath 
you  are  difregarding  his  own  demand  and  undervaluing  his  favour,  and  makin* 
light  of  his  d'eciaration,  '  that  if  you  do  not  pay  an  immediate  regard  to  his  in- 
ftrudion  he  will  look  upon  it  as  a  manifell  mark  of  your  undutifui  behaviour  to 
kimfeif.'  . 

You  carry  on  the  fame  kind  of  reafoning  to  the  end  of  your  paper,  which 
feems  much  better  adapted  to  amufe,  than  to  prove  any  thing. 

In  the  firft  place,  you  ma^-.e  a  very  pompous  reprefentation  of  the  governor's 
Authority,  anti  of  the  gi-eat  dependence  the  other  parts  of  the  general  court  have 
©n  his  difcretionary  pov/cr,  and  call  his  fupport  the  fmgle  inftance  in  which  he 
has  fome  dependence  on  the  affembly  ;  and  juft  after  you  give  an  odious  afperfion 
«n  an  undoubted  branch  of  the  power  lodged  in  the  governor,  which  is  '^to  keep 
the' general  court  together  as  long  as  he  thinks  the  public  affairs  require  it.'  I  am 
kt  a  lofs  to  know  whether  your  rnfiuu;:ti©n,  that  I  k^cp  you  here  in  order  to 


i728.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  309 

ing  a  falary  as  prefcribed.  Thefe  votes  caufed  the  gover- 
nor to  put  them  in  mind  of  a  letter  from  their  agent  in 
the  year  1722,  wherein  he  mentions  that  lord  Carteret, 
in  converfation,  defired  him  to  write  to  the  aflembly  not 
to  provoke  the  government  in  England  to  bring  their 
charter  before  the  parliament,  for  if  they  did,  it  was  his 
opinion  it  would  be  difTolved  without  oppofition,  and  the 
governor  advifed  them  to  take  care  their  proceedings  did 
not  bring  their  charter  into  danger  at  that  time.  This 
caution  did  not  prevent  the  houfe  from  preparing  a  flate 
of  the  controverly  between  the  governor  and  them,  con* 
cerning  his  falary,  to  tranfmit  to  their  feveral  towns,  in 
the  conclufion  of  which  they  fay,  that  they  dare  neither 
come  into  a  fixed  falary  on  the  governor  forever,  nor  for 
a  limited  time,  for  the  following  reafons. 

"  I  ft.  Becaufe  it  is  an  untrodden  path,  which  neither  they 
nor  their  predeceiTors  have  gone  in,  and  they  cannot  cer- 
tainly forefee  the  many  dangers  that  may  be  in  it,  nor  can 
they  depart  from  that  way  which  has  been  found  fafe  and 
comfortable.  ^ 

"  2dly.  Becaufe  it  is  the  undoubted  right  of  all  Engliih- 
inen,  by  Magna  Charta,  to  raife  and  difpofe  of  money  for 
the  public  fervice,  of  their  ow*n  free  accord,  without  com- 
pulfion.  »  ^j(y^ 

•onipel  you  to  aA  contrary  to  your  native  freedom  and  declared  judgnacnt,  lit 
tnore  injurious  to  me  or  yourfelvcs.  You  feem  to  allow  the  governor's  prm'eri 
•nly  fo  far  as  he  ufes  them  according  to  your  plcafure  ;  but,  in  uiing  your  own 
jpowers,  to  teke  it  very  ill  to  be  direded  by  any  body.  You  H-.id  before,  *  that' 
the  other  things  which  the  houfe  depends  on  a  governor  for  are  fo  vaftly  more 
than  a  counterbalance  to  his  fupport  (you  might  have  faid  fubfiftence,  and  then 
the  irony  would  have  appeared  more  openly)  that  it  cannot  be  thought  that 
the  commander  in  chief  c:;n  be  thereby  prevented  adling  according  to  his  judg- 
ment, or  remain  without  fupport.'  As  if  you  vrere  ignorant  of  the  aforemen- 
tioned proceedings  of  the  laft  winter ;  and  yet  you  are  very  ready  to  think, 
that  to  keep  you  fitting  here  is  a  compulficn  to  you  to  ad  contrary  to  your 
Hati'/e  freedom  and  declared  judgment,  and  fo  betray  the  great  truft  your*prin- 
cipals  have  repcfed  in  you.  But  I  perfuadc  myl'.-If  that  your  faithfulnefj  to  your 
country  put  you  above  any  fuch  temptation. 

And,  as  I  an^  ftill  of  opinion  that  you  have  aded  upon  miftaken  notions,  I 
•annot  give  ovef  the  hopes  of  your  coming  to  fee  things  in  that  true  light  in 
which,  I  flatter  myfelf,  I  have  ftated  the  point  in  queftion ;  and  as  !  am  difpof- 
cd  to  gratify  you  as  far  as  is  confiftent  with  my  duty  and  my  honour,  I  hope 
you  will  confidtr  what  advances  you  can  make  towards  a  compliance,  that  fo 
the  prefent  fellion  may  not  be  a  ncedlcfs  burden  to  the  pcopk,  but  ftill  have  • 
great  ifTue  to  his  majefty's  and  the  eountry's  f«rvis».  tf^.  BuriKt. 


31®  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Cha?.  IlL  " 

"  3dly.  Becaufe  It  muil  necefTarily  lelTen  the  dignity 
and  freedom  of  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  in  making 
acls  and  ralfing  and  applying  taxes,  &c.  and  confequently 
cannot  be  thought  a  proper  method  to  preferve  that  baL 
ance  in  the  three  branches  of  the  legiilature  which  feems 
nece'ffary  to  form,  maintain  and  uphold  the  conftitution* 
"  4thly.  Becaufe  the  charter  fully  empowers  the  gene- 
ral aflemlily  to  make  fuch  laws  and  orders  as  they  lliall 
judge  for  the  good  and  welfare  of  the  inhabitants,  and  if 
they  or  any  part  of  them  judge  this  not  to  be  for  their 
good,  they  neither  ought  nor  could  come  into  it ;  for,  as 
to  a6:  beyond  or  without  the  powers  granted  in  the  char- 
ter might  juftly  incur  the  king's  difpleafure,  fo  not  to  ad: 
up  and  agreeable  to  thofe  powers  might  juftly  be  deemed 
a  betraying  the  rights  and  privileges  therein  granted,  and 
if  they  Tnould  give  up  this  right,  they  would  open  a  door 
to  many  other  inconveniences.'* 

This  reprefentation  was  prepared  to  be  carried  home 
by  the  feveral  m.embers  upon  the  rifing  of  the  court,  in 
order  to  their  tov/ns  giving  their  inftrudions,  but,  the 
houfe  being  kept  fitting,  it  was  printed  and  fent  through 
the  Province.  The  governor  fent  a  meffage  to  the  houfe 
a  few  days  after,  in  which  he  takes  their  reprefentation  to 
pieces,  and  in  the  clofe  of  his  •  melTage  appeals  to  them 
whether  he  had  not  anfwered  all  their  objedions  except 
"  the  unknown  inconveniences  to  which  a  door  would 
be  opened,"  which  could  not  be  anfwered  until  they  could 
tell  what  they  were  ;  and  charges  them  with  calling  for 
help  from  what  they  had  not  mentioned,  from  a  fenfe  of 
the  imperfedion  of  what  they  had,  and  with  fending  to 
their  feveral  towns  for  advice,  and  declaring,  at  the  fame 
time,  they  did  not  dare  follow  it. 

It  would  be  tedious  to  recite  at  length  the  feveral  mef-^ 
fages,  which  palfed  during  the  remainder  of  the  contro- 
verfy,  from  the  chair  to  the  houfe,  and  from  the  houfe  to 
the  chair,  which  followed  quick  one  upon  the  back  of 
another.  The  fum  of  the  argument,  upon  the  part  of 
the  governor,  was  as  follows  :  that  it  was  highly  reafona- 
ble  he  fnould  enjoy  the  free  exercife  af  his  judgment  in 
|he  adminiftration  of  government,  but  the  grants,  made 

for 


ijii.^  MASSACHUSETTS.  ^tt- 

for  a  fhort  t:me  only  by  the  houfe,  were  thus  limited  for 
no  other  r.eafon  than  to  keep  the  governor  in  a  ftate  of 
dependence,  and  with  defign  to  withhold  from  him  the 
necelTary  means  of  fubfiflence,  unlefs  he  would  comply 
with  their  acls  and  refolves,  however  unreafonable  they 
might  appear  to  him  ;  that  in  fad  they  had  treated  gov- 
ernor Shute  in  this  manner,  and,  no  longer  fmce  than  the 
laft  year,  the  houle  had  refufed  to  make  the  ufual  grants 
and  allowances,  not  only  to  the  lieutenant  governor,  but 
to  other  officers,  until  they  had  compelled  him  to  give 
his  confent  to  a  loan  of  fixty  thoufand  pounds  in  bills  of 
credit ;  that  a  conftitution  which,  in  name  and  appear- 
ance, confided  of  three  branches,  was  ia  fact  reduced  to 
one  ;  that  it  was  a  profefl'ed  principle  in  the  confiitutjont 
of  Great  Britain,  to  preferve  a  freedom  in  eadi  r»f  the 
three  branches  of  the  legillature,  and  it  was  a  great  favour 
(hewn  the  Province,  when  king  Wiiiiam  and  queen  Mary 
cflablillied,  by  the  royal  charter,  a  form  of  government 
fo  analagous  to  the  government  of  Great  Britain  ;  a  prin- 
ciple of  gratitude  and  loyalty,  therefore,  ought  to  induce 
them  to  edablifh  a  falary  for  the  governor  of  this  Prov- 
ince, in  order  to  his  fupporting  his  dignity  and  freedom,. 
in  like  manner-as  the  parliament  always  granted  to  the 
king  what  was  called  the  civil  lift,  not  once  in  fix  months 
or  from  year  to  year,  but  for  life  ;  that  this  was  no  more 
than  other  Provinces  which  had  no  charters  had  done 
for  their  governors ;  that  there  was  nothing  in  the  Prov- 
ince charter  to  exempt  them  from  the  fame  obligation 
which  other  his  majefty's  colonies  were  under  to  fupport 
the  government ;  to  be  fure,  they  had  no  pretence  to 
greater  privileges  by  charter  than  the  people  of  England 
enjoyed  from  Magna  Charta,  and  yet  no  claufe  of  than 
was  ever  urged  as  an  objection  againft  granting  to  the 
king  a  revenue  for  life  ;  and  a  power  by  charter  to  grant 
monies  could  not  be  a  reafon  againft  granting  them  either 
for  a  limited  or  unlimited  time. 

On  the  part  of  the  houfe,  the  fubftance  of  their  defence 
againft  the  governor's  demand  and  his  reafons  in  fupport 
•f  it  was,  that  an  obligation  upon  au  aifembly  in  the  plan- 
tations 


gii  THE   HISTORY  OP  [Chap.  IIL 

tations  could  not  be  inferred  from  the  pradllce  of  the 
houfe  of  commons  in  Great  Britain  ;  the  king  was  the 
common  father  of  all  his  fubjeds,  and  their  interefts  were 
infeparably  united  ;  whereas  a  plantation  governor  was 
aiFecled  neither  by  the  adverfity  nor  profperity  of  a  colony 
when  he  had  once  left  it- — no  wonder  then  a  colony  could 
not  place  the  fame  confidence  in  the  governor  which  the 
nation  placed  in  the  king  ;  hov/ever,  the  grants  to  the 
governor  always  looked  forward,  and  were  made,  not  for 
fervices  done,  but,  to  be  done.  It  mud  be  admitted,  the 
governor  is  in  fom.e  meafure  dependent  upon  the  affembly 
for  his  falary,  but  he  is  dependent  in  this  inftance  only, 
whereas  he  has  a  check  and  control  upon  every  grailt  to 
any  perfon  in  the  government,  and  upon  all  laws  and  a61:s 
of  government  whatfoever  ;  nor  can  an  exa£l  parallel  be 
drawn  betv/een  the  conditution  of  Britain  and  that  of  the 
Province,  for  the  council  are  dependent  upon  the  gover- 
nor for  their  very  being  once  every  year,  whereas  the 
houfe  of  lords  cannot  be  difplaced  unlefs  they  have  crim- 
inally forfeited  the  rights  of  peers  ;  the  houfe  were  not  to 
be  governed  by  the  piadice  of  affemblies  in  fome  of  the 
oflier  colonies,  nor  were  they  to  be  dictated  to^  and  re- 
quired to  raife  a  certain  fum  for  a  certain  time  and  cer- 
tain purpofes ;  this  would  deftroy  the  free-i'om  which  the 
houfe  apprehended  they  had  a  right  to  in  all  their  a61:s 
and  refolves,  and  would  deprive  them  of  the  powers  giv^ 
en  to  them  by  charter  to  faife  money  and  apply  it  when 
and  how  they  thought  proper.*  Different  judgments 
will  undoubtedly  be  formed  upon  the  weight  of  thefe  rea^ 
fons  on  the  one  fide  and  the  other. 

The  mefiages  of  the  houfe,  at  firft,  v/ere  fliort,  fuppof-^ 
ed  to  have  been  drawn  by  Mr.  Cooke,  who  never  ufed 

many 

*  The  governor  liad  repeatedly  urged  againft  theln  their  compelling  lieutenant 
l^overacr  Bummer  to  fign  a  bill  for  ilTuing  6o,oool.  againft  his  inftru«Slion  and 
againft  kis  judgment,  which  they  had  palled  over  without  any  notice  ;  at  length 
they  tell  him,  "  We  doubt  not  but  the  true  ftate  of  the  cafe  is  this,  that  though 
his  honour,  in  the  the  beginning  of  the  fePaon,  thought  his  majeily's  inftruclion 
forbad  him  coming  into.it,  yet,  upon  deliberation  and  advice  ef  the  affembly,  his 
great  council,  he  was  otherwife  minded."  The  governor,  in  anfwer,  afks  them 
why  he  may  not,  with  exa(5tiy  the  fame  reafon,  fay,  "  that  1  doubt  not  but  the 
true  fcate  of  the  prelcnt  cafe  is  this,  that  though  the  affembly,  in  the  beginning  of 
this  feiF.on,  thought  that  their  charter  forbad  them  coming  into  a  falary  for  the 
governor,  yet,  upon  deliberation  and  advice  of  his  majefty,  their  moft  gracious 
kir.j,  by  his  inflrytJlion,  they  v/ill  bs  atherwifc  mindsil.." 


1728.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  313 

many  words  in  his  fpeeches  in  the  houfe,  which  generally 
difcovered  fomething  manly  and  open,  though  ibmetimes 
fevere  and  bitter,  and  often  inaccurate.  In  the  latter  part 
of  the  controverfy  they  were  generally  drawn  by  Mr. 
Welles,  another  member  from  Bofton,  the  fecond  year  of 
his  coming  to  the  houfe.  Thefe  were  generally  more 
prolix,  and  necefiarily  fo  from  the  length  of  the  mellages 
to  which  they  were  an  anfwcr.  The  houfe  had  juilice 
done  them  by  their  committees  who  managed  this  contro- 
verfy, and  they  were  then  willing  to  allow  that  the  gover- 
nor maintained  a  bad  caufe  with  as  plaufible  reafons  as 
could  be.  ' 

The  contending  parties,  for  a  little  whll'^,  endeavoured 
to  be  moderate  and  to  preferve  decorum,  but  it  was  im- 
pofTible  to  continue  this  temper. 

On  the  4th  of  September,  the  houfe  repeated  to  tlie^ 
governor  the  requell  they  had  formerly  made  to  rife  ;  but 
he  refufed  to  grant  it,  and  told  them,  that  unlefs  his  maj-  - 
elly's  pleafure  had  its  due  weight  with  them,  their  delires 
Ihould  have  very  little  weight  with  him. 

The  council,  who  had  been  for  fome  time  out  of  the 
queftion,  now  interpofed  and  paifed  a  vote  "  that  it  is  ex- 
pedient for  the  court  to  afcertain  a  fum  as  a  falary  for  his 
excellency's  fupport,-as  alfo  the  term  of  time  for  its  con- 
tinuance.*' This  was  fent  to  the  houfe  for  concurrence. 
The  council  feem  to  have  gone  a  little  out  of  their  line, 
but  the  houfe  took  no  other  notice  of  the  vote  than  to 
non-concur  it.  The  houfe,  being  kept  fitting  againll 
their  will,  employed  part  of  their  time  in  drawing  up  the 
flate  of  the  controverfy  which  we  have  mentioned. 

This  was  not  occafioned  by  any  doubt  they  had  them- 
felves,  but  to  convince  the  governor  that  the  people 
throughout  the  Province  were  generally  of  the  fame  mind 
with  the  houfe,  and  for  this  purpofe  they  thought  it  nec- 
eflary  to  obtain  from  their  towns  an  exprefs  approbation 
of  their  conduct.  It  was  well-known,  that  not  a  town  in 
the  Province  would  then  have  inftrucled  their  reprefenta- 
tives  to  fix  a  falary  upon  the  governor  for  the  time  being. 

One  of  the  king's  governments  (liarbadoes)  was  at  this 
time  warmly  contending  with  its  governor  againfl  fixing 
Vol.  IL  W  a  falary. 


Ji4  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  rfL 

a  falary.  The  aflembly  of  that  illand,  fome  years  before^ 
had  fettled  a  very  large  falary  upon  a  governor  againft 
v/hom  they  afterwards  made  heavy  complaints,  charg- 
ing him  with  rapacioufnefs  and  grievous  oppreffions  ;  and 
his  fucceflbr  having  demanded  the  like  I'ettlement  upon 
him,  they  refolved  to  withitand  the  demand,  and  the  fpirit 
feemed  to  be  as  high  there  as  in  Malfachufetts. 

This  had  no  fmall  tendency  to*  ftrengthen  and  confirm 
the  refolation  of  the  people  here,  who  fuppofed  their 
charter  rather  an  additional  privilege  and  fecurity  againfl 
this  demand.  *  There  was  a  minor  part,  however,  very 
defirous  of  an  accommodation.  The  ill  fuccefs  of  the 
controverfy  with  governor  Shute  v/as  frefh  in  their  minds. 
Many  amiable  quahties  in  Mr.  Burnet  caufed  them  to 
wifh  he  might  continue  their  governor,  and  employ 
thofe  powers  and  that  attention  which  were  now  wholly 
engaged  in  this  fmgle  point,  in  promoting  the  general 
welfare  and  profperity  of  the  Province. 

About  a  third  part  of  the  houfe  of  reprefehtatives  and 
a  major  part  of  the  council  would  have  been  content  tO' 
have  granted  a  falary  for  two,  or  perhaps  three  years.  If 
\ve  are  to  judge  by  his  declarations,  this  would  not  have 
fatisfied  him,  and  it  was  far  fhort  of  his  inftrudions ;  but 
his  friends  were  of  opinion,  that  fuch  a  partial  compliance 
■would  have  produced  a  relaxation  of  the  inftrudion,  and 
iiTued  in  lalling  agreement  and  harmony. 

The  houfe  made  what  they  would  have  th^  governor 
think  a  fmall  advance  towards  it.  Inftead  of  a  grant  for 
the  falary,  fuppofed^  though  not  exprefled,  for  half  a  year, 
they  made  a  grant  (Sept.  20th)  of  three  thoufand  pounds,- 
equal  to  one  thoufand  flerling,  in  order  to  enable  him  to 
manage  the  affairs  of  the  Province,  and,  although  it  w^as 
not  exprefsly  mentioned,  it  was  generally  underflood  to 
be  for  a  year.  This  was  concurred  by  the  council,  but' 
he  let  it  he  without  figning  his  confent,  which  caufed  the 
houfe  to  make,  at  lealf,  a  feeming  farther  advance  ;  for 
on  the  24th  of  Oftober  they  by  a  meifage  entreated  hint 
to  accept  the  grant,  and  added,  "  We  cannot  doubt  bu!) 
that  fucceeding  ailembhes,  according  to  the  abihty  of  the 

Province, 

*The  affcmbly  of  Barbadoes,  after.a  long  flruggle,  fubmitted,  but  leficiied  the 
fuia  which  had  been  fetdsd  befor?. 


i728.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  315 

Province,  will  be  very  ready  to  grant  as  ample  a  fupport,and 
if  they  fliould  not,  your  excellency  will  then  have  the  op- 
portunity of  (hewing  your  refentment/'  Still  this  had  no 
effed  ;  the  governor  knew  how  natural  it  would  be  for 
a  future  aifembly  to  refufe  being  governed  by  the  opinion 
of  a  former  ;  befides  the  referve,  "  according  to  the  ability 
of  the  Province,"  left  fuflicient  room  for  a  further  reafon 
for  reducing  the  fum  whenfoever  n  future  aifembly  lliould 
think  it  proper. 

A  little  before  this  meffage  from  the  hoiife,  the  gover- 
nor had  informed  them  that  he  was  of  opinion  the  ad!, 
which  pafled  the  lafl  year  ilTuing  fixty  thoufand  pounds  in 
bills  of  credit  by  way  of  loan,  would  be  difallowed,  the 
lieutenant  governor  having  given  his  confent  to  it  diredly 
contrary  to  a  royal  inflruclion  ;  and  recommended  to 
them,  as  the  moft  likely  way  to  obtain  his  majefly's  appro- 
bation, to  apply  the  interefl  of  the  money  arifing  from  the 
loan  towards  the  governor's  falary.  This  was  one  of 
thofe  a^ls  which  have  their  operation  fo  far,  before  they 
are  laid  before  his  majefty,  that  great  confufion  may  arife 
from  their  difailowance.  The  houfe  therefore  had  no 
great  fears  concerning  it,  but  it  w^ould  have  been  a  fuffi- 
cient  reafon  to  prevent  their  complying  with  the  propofal, 
that  it  would  be  a  fixing  the  falary  fo  long  as  the  loans 
continued,  and  for  this  reafon  they  refufed  it. 

The  country  in  general,  as  we  have  obferved,  v/as  averfe 
to  a  compliance  with  the  king's  inftruclion,  but  no  part 
more  fo  than  the  tow^n  of  Bofton.  Generally  in  the  col- 
onies where  there  is  a  trading  capital  town,  the  inhabit- 
ants of  it  are  the  mod  zealous  part  of  the  colony  in  affert- 
ing  their  liberties  when  an  opinion  prevails  that  they  are 
attacked.  They  follow  the  example  of  London,  the  cap- 
ital of  the  nation.  The  governor  had  frequently  faid, 
that  the  members  of  the  houfe  could  not  ad  with  freedom, 
being  influenced  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  town.  Befides, 
the  town,  at  a  general  meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  for  that 
purpofe,  had  palled  a  vote,  which  was  called  the  unani- 
mous declaration  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Bol- 
ton, againfl  fixing  a  falary  upon  the  governor,  and  this 
vote  they  ordered  to  be  printed.  The  governor  was  in 
W  2  great 


3i6  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Ckap.  IIL 

great  wrath,  and  called  it  *'  an  unnecelTary  forwardnefs, 
an  attempt  to  give  law  to  the  country."  This  feems  to 
have  determined  him  to  remove  the  court  out  of  town, 
and  on  the  24th  of  Oclober  he  caufed  it  to  be  adjourned 
to  the  3 1  ft,  then  to  meet  at  Salem,  in  the  county  of  ElTex, 
*'  where  prejudice  had  not  taken  root,  and  where,  of  con- 
fequence,  his  majefty's  fervice  v*^ould  in  all  probability  be 
better  anfwered/'  Joc?>feiy  he  faid  there  might  be  a 
charm  in  the  names  of  places,  and  that  he  was  at  a  lofs 
whether  to  carry  them  there  or  to  Concord. 

The  houfe  thought  their  being  kept  fo  long  fitting  at 
Bofton  a  great  grievance.  In  one  of  their  mellages  they 
afk  the  governor,  "  whether  it  has  been  cuftomary  that 
the  knights,  burgefTes  and  other  freemen  of  the  land 
fliould  be  told  that  they  are  met  to  grant  money  in  fuch 
a  peculiar  way  and  manner,  and  fo  they  fliould  be  kept 
till  they  had  done  it,  and  this  in  order  to  gain  their  good  will 
and  affent."  In  his  reply  he  tells  them  he  would  confider 
their  queftion  in  all  its  parts  ;  ift.  "  Whether  freemen, 
kc.  ihouid  be  told  they  are  met  to  grant  money."  I  an- 
.fwer,  the  crown  always  tells  them  fo.  2d.  "  In  fuch  a  par- 
ticular way  and  manner  ?"  I  anfwer.  If  you  mean  the 
way  and  means  of  raifmg  money,  the  crown  leaves  that 
to  the  commons,  but  if  you  mean  the  pnrpofe  for  which 
it  is  to  be  granted,  the  crown  always  tells  them  what  that 
is,  whether  it  is  for  an  honourable  fupport,  the  defence  of 
the  kingdom,  carrying  on  a  war,  or  the  like.  3dly. 
*'  And  fo  they  iliould  be  kept  till  they  had  done  it."  The 
crown  never  tells  the  parliament  fo,  that  I  know  of,  nor 
have  I  told  you  any  thing  like  this,  as  an  expedient  to  get 
the  thing  done.  I  have  given  you  a  very  different  reafon 
for  not  agreeing  to  a  recefs,  altogether  for  your  own  fakes, 
left  I  fhould  thereby  make  your  immediate  regard  to  his 
m'4Jefty's  pleafure  impofTible,  kc. 

The  houfe  could  not  eafdy  be  perfuaded  they  were  kept 
fo  long  together  merely  for  their  own  fakes,  and  thought 
this  part  of  the  governor's  anfwer  evafive  of  the  true  rea- 
fon, and  confidered  themfelves  as  under  dureffe,  whilfl  at 
Bofton,  and  their  removal  to.Salem  to  be  a  further  hard- 
fhip,  and  an  earneft  of  wh^t  was  ftiil  further  to  come, 

a  removal 


1728.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  317 

a  removal  from  place  to  place  until  they  were  harafied  in- 
to a  compliance.  1  remember  the  converfation  of  the 
members  of  the  general  court,  lamenting  the  meafures 
which  had  driven  away  governor  Shute,  who  would  have 
been  eafy  with  a  falary  of  about  500I.  fterling  granted 
from  year  to  year.  The  fame  perlons,  by  whole  iniiu- 
ence  his  fahyy  was  reduced,  were  now  prelling  Mr.  Bur- 
net to  accept  iooqI.  in  the  fame  way,  and  could  not 
prevail. 

The  houfe  met,  according  to  the  adjournment,  but 
immediately  complained  of  their  removal  from  Bollon  as 
illegal  or  uncontlitutional,  and  a  great  grievance.  The 
fame  and  the  only  reafon  which  was  no\v  given  had  been 
given  before  in  the  controverfy  with  governor  Shute. 
The  form  of  the  writ  for  calling  an  alTembly,  direiSled  by 
the  Province  law,  mentions  its  being  to  be  held*  at  the 
town-houfe  in  Boilon  j  but  this  had  been  determined  by 
the  king  in  council  to  be,  as  no  doubt  it  was,  mere  matter 
of  form  or  example  only,  and  that  it  did  not  limit  the 
power  which  the  crown  before  had  of  fummoning  and 
holding  affemblies  at  any  other  place.  They  prayed  the 
governor,  however,  to  adjourn  them  back  to  Boflon,  but 
without  fuccefs. 

I'hey  endeavoured  to  prevail  upon  the  council  to  join 
with  them,  but  the  council  declared  they  were  of  a  differ- 
ent opinion,  and  urged  the  houfe  to  proceed  upon  bufi- 
nefs,  which  occauoned  repeated  meffages  upon  the  fubjecl ; 
but  the  whole  ftrefs  of  the  argument  on  the  part  of  the 
houfe  lay  upon  the  form  of  the  writ  for  calling  the  affem- 
bly,  which  the  board  anfwered  by  faying,  the  houfe  might 
as  well  infift:  that  all  precepts  to  the  towns  iliould  go  from 
the  (heriff  of  Suffolk  becaufe  the  form  of  the  precept  in 
the  law  has  Suffolk  ff. 

The  alteration  of  place  had  no  effect  upon  the  members 
of  the  houfe.  Votes  and  meifages  paffcd,  but  no  new  ar- 
guments; the  fubjecl  had  been  exhauiled;  nothing  remain,- 
ed  but  a  determined  refolution  on  both  fides  to  abide  by 
their  principles,  and  the  houfe  met  and  adjourned,  day 
after  day,  without  doing  any  bufmefs  ;  the  governor  was 
the  principal  fuffercr,  not  being  allowed  by  the  king  to 

receive 


3i8  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  IIL 

receive  any  thing  towards  his  fupport,  except  in  a  way  in 
which  the  aiTembly  would  not  give  it.  The  members  of 
the  court,  in  general,  were  as  well  accommodated  at  Sa- 
lem as  Bofton,  and  the  members  of  Bollon,  who  had  not 
been  ufed  to  the  expenfe  and  other  inconvenience  of  ab- 
fence  from  home,  received  a  compenfation  from  their 
town,  over  and  above  the  ordinary  wages  pf  reprefenta? 
lives.  It  was  a  time  of  peace  without,  and  a  ceflation  of 
public  bufmefs,  for  that  reafon,  was  lefs  felt. 

The  houfe,  from  an  apprehenfion  that  their  caufe  was 
juft,  and  therefore  that  they  were  entitled  to  relief,  refolv- 
ed  to  make  their  humble  application  to  his  majefly.  Franr 
cis  Wilks,  a  New  England  merchant  in  London,  who  had 
been  friendly  to  Mr.  Cooke  in  his  agency,  and  v^ho  was 
univerfally  efteemed  for  his  great  probity  as  well  as  his 
humane  obliging  difpofition,  was  pitched  upon  for  their 
agent. 

Mr.  Belcher,  who  had  been  feveral  years  of  the  council, 
always  clofely  attached  to  governor  Shute,  and  in  general 
what  was  called  a  prerogative  man,  by  fome  accident  or 
other  became,  on  a  fudden,  the  favourite  of  the  houfe,  and 
he  was  thought  the  propereft  perfon  to  join  with  Mr. 
Wilks.  At  the  lafl  eledion  he  had  been  left  out  of  the 
council,  by  what  was  called  the  country  party,  but  now  de- 
clared againft  the  governor's  meafures,  and  became  inti- 
mate with  Mr.  Cooke  and  other  leading  members  of  the 
houfe.  Such  inftantaneous  converfions  are  not  uncom- 
mon. A  grant  was  made  by  the  houfe  to  defray  the 
charges  of  the  agency,  but  this  was  non-concurred  by  the 
council,  becaufe  it  was  for  the  ufe  of  agents  in  whofe 
appointment  they  had  no  voice.  I'he  want  of  money 
threatened  a  (top  to  the  proceeding,  but  the  public  fpirit 
of  the  town  of  Bofton  was  difplayed  upon  this  occafion, 
and,  by  a  fubfcription  of  merchants  and  other  principal 
inhabitants,  a  fum  was  raifed  which  was  thought  fufficient 
.for  the  purpofe,  the  houfe  voting  them  thanks,  and  prom- 
ifmg  their  utmoft  endeavours  that  the  fums  advanced 
fhould  be  repaid  in  convenient  time.  The  governor  de- 
fired  a  copy  of  their  addrefs  to  the  king,  but  they  re- 
fufed  it. 

The 


1728.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  319 

The  only  argument  or  reafon  In  the  king's  infi:ru<!l:ion 
for  fixing  a  falary  is,  "  that  former  alFemblies  have,  fVoni 
time  to  tinie,  made  fuch  allowances  and  in  fuch  proportion 
as  they  themfelves  thought  the  governor  defervcJ,  in  or- 
der to  make  him  more  dependent  upon  them."  The  houfe, 
in  the  firft:  part  of  their  memorial  or  addrefs,  declare  they 
cannot  in  faithfulnefs  fettle  or  fix  a  falary,  becaufe,  after 
that  is  done,  the  governor's  particular  interefc  will  be 
very  little  affected  by  ferving  or  differving  the  intereft  of 
the  people.  This  was  (liewing,  that  they  apprehended 
reafon  given  by  his  majefly  for  fettling  a  falary  was  infuf- 
iicient,  and  that  the  governor  ought  to  be  paid  according 
to  his  fervices  in  the  judgment  of  thofe  who  paid  him  y 
■  but  in  the  clofe  of  the  addrefs  they  fay,  "  We  doubt  not 
fucceeding  affemblies,  according  to  the  abihty  of  the  Prov- 
ince, will  come  into  as  ample  and  honourable  a  fupport, 
from  time  to  time  ;  and  fhould  they  not,  we  acknowledge 
your  majefly  will  have  jull  reafon  to  fliew  your  difpleafure 
with  them."  It  was  remarked  that,  in  order  to  make  the 
kfl  claufe  confiit  with  the  firft,  the  ample  and  honourable 
iupport  mufl  be  underifood  in  proportion  to  the  fervices 
jof  the  governor  in  the  judgment  of  the  houfe  ;  but,  in 
this  fenfe,  it  was  faying  nothing  and  trifling  with  majefly  ; 
for  no  cafe  could  happen,  at  any  time,  in  which  his  maj- 
efly would  have  jufl  reafon  to  fhew  his  difpleafure.  It 
would  always  be  enough  to  fay  that  the  houfe,  in  faithful- 
nefs to  the  people,  had  withheld  part  of  the  governor's 
fupport,  becaufe,  in  their  judgment,  he  had  negleclod 
their  interefl  and  his  duty**  ,^rv,  ^u 

*  It  having  been  fuggefted  that  the  people  of  Maflachufetts  were  aiming  at  inde- 
pendency, the  following  remark  was  made  in  the  brief  drawn  up  previous  to  tlic 
hearing  before  the  committee  of  council — '*  From  the  univerfal  loyalty  of  the  people, 
even  beyond  any  other  part  of  his  majefty's  dominions,  it  is  abfurd  to  imagine  they 
can  have  thoughts  of  independency,  and,  to  fliew  the  reverfe,  it  is  the  cuftuin  for  ail 
perfons  coming  from  thence  for  London,  though  they  and  thflr  fathers  and  grand- 
f.ithers  were  born  in  New  England,  to  fay  and  alv/ays  deem  it  coming  '  home,'  as 
naturally  as  if  born  in  London  ;  fo  that  it  may  be  faid,  without  being  ludicrous,  th.it 
it  would  not  be  more  abfurd  to  place  two  of  his  majefly's  becf-.at-'rs  to  watch  a  child 
in  the  cradle,  that  it  do  not  rife  and  cut  his  father's  throat,  than  to  guard  thefe  infant 
colonies  to  prevent  their  fliaking  off  the  Britiih  yoke.  Eefides,  they  are  fo  dillinA 
from  one  another  in  their  forms  of  government,  in  their  religious  rites,  in  their  em- 
ulation of  trade,  and  confequently  in  their  aflcclions,  that  diey  can  never  be  fupnof^d 
to  unite  in  fo  dangeroui*  aa  entecprife. 


320  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  lit 

Whether  this  remark  was  juft  or  not,  the  houfe  had 
great  encouragement  given  them  by  Mr.  Wilks,*  that 
their  addrefs  would  obtain  for  them  the  wifhed-for  relief. 
He  had  been  heard  by  council,  Mr.  Fazakerley  and  doc- 
tor Sayes,  before  the  board  of  trade,  Mr.  Belcher  not  be- 
ing then  arrived  ;  but  foon  after  they  received  letters  f 
from  their  joint  agents,  inclofmg  the  report  of  the  board 
of  trade,  highly  difapproving  the  conduft  of  the  houfe,  and 
their  agents  let  them  know  it  wastheir  opinion  that,  if  the 
houfe  Ihould  perfifl  in  their  refufal  to  comply  with  the 
king's  inftru6lion,the  affair  might  be  carried  before  the  par- 
liament j  but,  if  this  fliould  be  the  cafe, they  thought  it  bet- 
ter a  falary  fliould  be  fixed  by  the  fupreme  legiflature, 
than  by  the  legillature  of  the  Province  ;  better  the  liberties 
of  the  people  fliould  be  taken  away  from  them,  than  given 
up  by  their  own  ad.  The  governor  likewife  communi- 
cated to  the  houfe  his  letters  from  the  lords  of  trade  ap- 
proving his  condud.  All  hopes  of  fuccefs  from  the  agents 
feemed  to  be  over,  and  their  bufinefs  in  England  would 
have  been  very  fhort  if  the  governor  had  not  given  occa- 
fion  for  further  application.  His  admimftration  for  many 
months,  except  in  this  affair,  of  the  falary,  had  been  un- 
exceptionable. 

The  repeated  oppofition  to  inflruchions  from  the  crown  had  raifed  a  jealoufy  in 
the  minds  ef  fome,  that  there  was  danger  of  the  colonies  fetting  up  for  themfelves. 
Colonel  Bladen,  in  particular,  for  many  years  one  of  the  board  of  trade,  often  ex- 
preffed,  to  the  agents  and  other  perions  who  appeared  for  New  England,  his  appre- 
heniicns  of  fuch  defigns.  It  is  neverthelefs  certain,  that  fuch  a  fcheme  appeared  to. 
the  whole  country  to  be  altogether  as  wild  and  extravagant  as  the  foregoing  remark 
reprefents  it.  Bat  a  paragraph  in  the  report  of  the  lords  of  trade  to  the  lords  com- 
mittee of  council  was  the  more  immediate  occafion  of  this  remark.  "  The  inhabit- 
ants, far  from  m.aking  fultable  returns  to  his  majefty  for  the  extraordinary  privileges 
they  enjoy,  are  daily  endeavouring  to  wrefl  the  fmall  remains  of  power  out  of 
the  hands  of  the  crown,  and  to  become  independent  of  the  mother  kingdom.  The 
nature  of  the  foil  and  produ6l.  are  much  the  fame  with  thofe  of  Great  Britain,  the 
inhabitants  upwards  ot  ninety-four  thoufand,  and  their  militia,  confifting  of  fixteen 
regiments  of  foot  and  fifceen  troops  of  horfe,  in  the  year  1 71 8,  fifteen  thoufand  men, 
and,  by  a  medium  taken  from  the  naval  officer's  accounts  for  three  year^,  from  the 
S4th  of  June,  1714,  to  the  24th  of  June,  1717,  for  the  ports  of  Bofton  and  Salem 
only,  it  appears  that  the  trade  of  this  country  employs  continually  no  lefs  than  three 
thoufand  four  hundred  and  ninety-three  failors,  and  four  hundred  and  ninety-two 
jDhips,  making  twenty-five  thoufand  four  hundred  and  fix  tons.  Hence- your  excel- 
lencies v/ill  he  apprifed  of  what  importance  it  is  to  his  majefty's  fervice,  that  fo  pow- 
erful a  colony  fhould  be  rePcrained  within  due  bounds  of  obedience  to  the  crown,, 
and  more  firmly  attached  to  the  interefts  of  Great  Britain  than  they  now  feem  to  be, 
which  we  conceive  cannot  eiTe«flually  be  done  without  the  interpofition  of  the  Brit-, 
im  legifiafure,  wherein,  in  our  humble  opinion,  no  time  iliould  be  k>ft." 

*  In  his  letter  of  March  24th,  172,8-9. 

•|-  Dated  April  sj,  1729. 


1728.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  321 

exceptionable.  Indeed  the  members  of  the  honfe  thought 
themfelves  aggrieved,  that  he  would  not  iign  a  warrant 
upon  the  treafury  for  their  pay,  and  his  realon  for  refuhng 
it,  viz.  that  one  branch  of  the  legiflaturc  might  as  well  go 
without  their  wages  as  another,  they  thou(>Jit  infuflicient. 
Being  drove  to  (traits,  and  obliged  to  his  friends  to  aflKl 
him  in  the  fupport  of  his  family,  lie  thought  he  might  be 
juftiiied  in  eftablidiing  a  fee  and  perquifite  which  had  nev- 
er been  known  in  the  Province  before.  At  New  York, 
all  veifels  took  from  the  governor  a  let-pafs  for  which 
there  was  no  law,  but  the  owners  of  vellels  fubmnted  to 
it,  and  it  was  faid,  volenti  non  fit  iryuriti.  Lord  Coke,  per- 
haps, would  not  have  thought  even  this  a  jullihcation.*" 

The  governor  required  all  mafters  to  take  the  fame  paff- 
es  here,  againft  their  will,  and  demanded  6f,  or  2/J  fieri, 
for  every  vefTel  bound  a  foreig^f  voyage,  and  4/I  for  coafL- 
ers.  The  flated  fee  by  law  for  regi(l;ers  was  6/1  but  the 
bills  having  depreciated  more  than  one  half  in  value  fincc 
the  law  was  made,  he  required  12/I  This  was  a  very  dif- 
ferent cafe  from  the  other,  and  I  do  not  know  that  it  was 
exceptionable,  but  they  were  alike  complained  of  as  griev- 
ous and  oppreiTive,  and  the  governor's  enemies  were  not 
difpleafed  with  the  advantage  he  had  given  them  againft 
him  ;  and  upon  a  reprefentation  made  by  the  agents,  not- 
withflanding  the  hardfliip  of  being  retrained  from  receiv- 
ing a  falary  in  any  way  except  fuch  as  the  aflembly  would 
not  give  it  in,  yet  fuch  was  the  regard  to  law  and  juftice, 
that  his  conduct,  fo  far  as  related  to  the  let-pafi'cs,  was 
immediately  difapprovcd. f  There  were  other  matters, 
befides  that  of  the  falary,  to  be  fettled  before  Mr.  Burnet 
could  be  eafy  in  his  government,  but  this  grand  affair 
caufed  the  lefler  to  be  kept  off  as  much  as  poilible.  One 
was  the  appointment  of  an  attorney  general.  By  the 
charter  the  eledlion  of  the  civil  officers,  except  fuch  as  be- 
long 

^  "  K>ng  Edward  JU.  entered  into  a  new  device  to  get  money,  viz.  that  by  agree- 
ment and  confent  of  the  merchants  the  king  was  to  have  40/".  of  a  fack  of  wool,  &c. 
br.t  the  commons  (that  in  troth  were  to  bear  the  burden,  for  the  merchants  will  not 
be  the  lofers)  complained  in  parliament  for  that  the  grant  of  tiie  merchants  did  not 
bind  the  commons,  and  that  the  cuftom  might  be  taken  according  to  the  old  order, 
Tv'hich  in  the  end  was  granted,  and  that  no  grant  ihould  be  made  but  by  puriiameot." 
——Co.  2d  Inf..  p.  60. 

f  Nan  poiej}  rexfuhJirurK  rcniU-ntcm,  otter  an  impojitisnilus.      Fort«fcuc. 


3^^  THE   HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  IlL 

long  to  the  council  and  courts  of  juftice,  is  In  the  general 
allembly.  Until  after  governor  Dudley's  time  it  had  genr 
orally  been  allowed  that  the  attorney  general  was  an  offi- 
cer of  the  courts  of  juftice  and  included  in  the  exception, 
but  lieutenant  governor  Tailer,  in  the  year  1716,  con- 
Xented  to  an  eleclion  made  by  the  two  houfes,  and  the 
choice  had  been  annually  made  and  approved  ever  fince, 
not  wdthout  notice  from  Mr.  Shute  of  the  irregularity  of 
it,  but  he  had  fo  many  other  affairs  upon  his  hands  that 
he  waved  this.* 

Mr.  Burnet  was  determined  not  to  part  with  the  right  of 
nomination,  and  the  council  were  of  the  opinion  he  ought 
not,  and  refufed  to  join  with  the  houfe  in  the  eledionp 
There  was  fome  altercation  between  the  two  houfes  upon 
it,  and  both  adhered  to  their  principles. 

Another  affair  of  more  extenfive  influence  would  have 
been  more  ftrenuoufly  infifted  upon. 

In  governor  Shute's  adminiftration,  the  houfe,  after 
long  difpures  with  the  governor  and  wdth  the  council, 
carried  the  point  as  to  the  form  of  fupply  of  the  treafury, 
which  differing,  as  we  have  already  obferved,  from  the 
former  practice, and,  as  both  governor  and  council  infifted^, 
from  the  rule  prefcribed  by  the  charter,  Mr.  Burnet  had  de- 
termined to  return  to  the  firft  pradice.  The  houfe  paiTed  a 
voteforfupplyingthe  treafury  with  tv/enty  thoufand  pounds, 
which  the  council  concurred,  the  praftice  having  been  the 
fame  for  eight  or  nine  years  together  ;  but  the  governor 
refufed  his  confent,  and  allured  them  that  he  would  agree 
to  no  fupply  of  the  treafury  but  fuch  as  was  in  pradlice 
before  the  year  1 72 1 .  This  declaration  v^as  made  not  long 
before  his  death.  The  fettlement  of  the  point  in  contro- 
verfy  remained  for  his  fucceffor. 

The  court  was  allowed  a  recefs  from  the  20th  of  De- 
cember to  the  2d  of  April,  and  th^n  fat  until  the  i8th  a,t 
Salem  again,  without  any  difpofition  to  comply. 

The  new  affembly  for  the  eledion  of  counfellors  was 
held  at  the  fame  place  :  There  was  a  general  expedation 

th'4 

**  Governor  Dudley  brought  with  him  a  commiflion  from  the  queen  to  his  fon 
Paul  for  attorney  general,  with  powers  to  appoint  clerks  and  other  officers,  take 
fees,  &c.  i  do  not  knov/  that  it  was  pubilfhed.  He  was  attorney  general  many  ^ 
jsars,  but,  I  fuppofe,  with  a  copimiJion  from  the  governor  by  advice  of  couijcil. 


1729.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  323 

that  a  new  fet  of  counfellors  would  be  chofen.  The  coun- 
cil of  the  laft  year  had  been  of  very  different  opinion  from 
the  houfe  in  many  points.  They  had  no  doubt  of  the 
governor's  power  to  call,  adjourn  or  prorogue  the  alTem- 
bly  to  any  part  of  the  Province  he  thought  proper,  and 
although  they  were  not  for  a  fixed  falary  accordini'^  to  the 
inflru^tion,  yet  they  would  have  willingly  confented  to 
fettle  it  for  longer  term  than  a  year,  and  foine  of  ther.i, 
during  Mr.  Burnet's  adniiniftration  ;  but  the  houfe  were 
moll  offended  v/ith  the  non-concurrence  of  their  grant  of 
money'*'  to  their  agents.  After  all,  only  four  new  ccjii. 
fellers  were  elected.!  Immediately  after  the  council  was 
fettled,  the  court  w\as  prorogued  to  the  2<^th  of  June,  and 
having  fat  unto  the  loth  of  July,  he  prorogued  them  again 
unto  the  20th  of  Augult,  having  made  no  fpeech  at  either 
of  the  felTions,  or  taken  any  notice  of  any  bufniefs  he 
thought  proper  for  them  to  do.  The  reafon  of  this  omif- 
fion  appeared  at  the  fefTion  in  Augufl.     He  had  waitrd 

the 

•  "  April  10, 1729.  In  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives — Refoved,that  thf  treafurer  be 
dire<5ted  to  furnifn  and  fupply  Francis  Wilks,  cfijuire,  and  Jonatlian  Jickh>rr,  efqulre, 
with  the  fum  of  three  liundred  pounds  fterling,  in  x]\c  befl  manner  that  may  be,  to 
ferve  the  intereft  of  this  Province  in  the  affair  of  the  humble  addrefs  of  the  houlc 
which  has  been  prefented  to  the  king's  moft  excellent  majefly,  the  faid  gentlemen 
to  be  accountable  for  the  cxpenfe  of  the  faid  money.-' 

"  April  II.     In  council — Read  and  non-concurred." 

"  In  council — Ordered,  that  a  meflage  be  fent  down  to  the  honourable  houfe  of 
reprefentatives  to  acquaint  them  that  the  board  had  non-concurred  a  refolve  of  the 
houfe,  palfcd  the  loth  current,  for  fupplying  Francis  Wilks  and  Jonathan  Belcher, 
efquires,  with  the  fum  of  300I.  fteriing  to  enable  them  to  ferve  the  inttrcfl  of  this 
Province  in  the  affair  of  the  humble  addrefs  of  the  houfe,  &c.  and,  as  they  appre- 
hend, for  very  good  reafons.  ft  is  well  known  that  Mr.  Wilks  was  chofen  agent 
for  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  by  a  vote  of  the  houfe  only,  and  wa.i  accordingly  to 
obferve  fuch  inflruiflions  as  he  fliould  receive  from  them;  and  this  w?.s  one  of  the 
reafons  given  by  the  council  for  non-concurring  a  vote  for  allowing  rool.  flt^rlinor  to 
Francis  Wilk^,  efquire,  pafled  the  laft  feihon,  viz.  December  the  zoth  ;  and  it  may  be 
of  ill  confcquence,  as  tiie  council  judge,  for  them  to  join  in  fupporting  any  other 
agency  that  afFe6ts  this  Province  than  fuch  as  they  are  confultcd  with  and  have  confent- 
;ed  to  from  the  beginning  :  bcfidcs  which, the  board  look  upon  it  as  a  very  extraordinary 
pra(5ticein  the  honourable  houfe  to  fend  up  a  vote,  for  fupplying  Meffrs.  Will. 3  and 
Belcher  to  ferve  the  intereft  of  this  Province  in  the  affair  of  an  humble  addrefs,  Szc, 
for  concurrence,  v/hen  they  never  allowed  the  board  a  fight  of  faid  addrefs  till  fev- 
eral  months  after  the  fame  was  traiifmitted  to  Great  Britain  and  ac^.ually  prefented 
to  his  majcfty  in  council." 

t  Jonathan  Belcher,  William  Dudley,  Peter  Thacher,  and  Ifaac  Little,  in  the 
room  of  Nathanael  Byfield,  John  Cuftiing,  Symonds  Hjies,  and  John  Stoddard. 
The  governor  negatived  Belcher  and  Little.  Colonel  Byfu-ld  was  now  in  favour 
and  appointed  judge  of  admiralty  ?.ft"r  Meinzie's  death,  Mr.  Auchmuty  having 
iri^.  of£-:::t-r'  a  fc'.v  months. 


{24  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  III. 

the  iinal  determination  of  his  majefty  in  council,  upon  the 
report  of  the  lords  committee.  This  he  now  commmii- 
cated  to  the  houfe,  whereby  they  perceived  that  his  con- 
duel  v/as  approved,  that  of  the  houfe  condemned,  and  his 
Hiajefty  advifed  to  lay  the  cafe  before  the  parliament.'^ 

The 

*  At  I  be  totn-t  at  Kenfmgton^  the  IZd  day  of  May,  1 729. 

Prefcnt — tlie  tjaecn's  moft  excellent  majefty,  guardian  of  the  hing-dom  of  Great 
Britain  and  his  majefcy's  lieutenant  within  the  fame,  in  couxicil — his  royal  highnefs 
the  prince  of  Wales— archbifhop  of  Canterbnry,  lord  Chancellor,  lord  Privy  Seal, 
lord.  Stevvax-d,  lord  Chamberlain,  ditlceof  Somerfet,  duke  oi  Bolt 0:1,  dake  of  Rutland, 
duke  of  Argyle,  duke  of  Montrofs,  duke  of  Kent,  duke  of  Ai:scafttr,  duke  of  New- 
Cdftle,  earl  of  Wcflniorland,  earl  of  Burlington,  earl  of  Scarborough,  earl  of  Coven- 
ti-y,  earl  of  (Srantham,  earl  of  Godolphin,  earl  of  Loudoun,  earl  of  Finlater,  earl  of 
Marchraont,  eari  of  Hay,  earl  of  Uxbridg-e,,  earl  of  Suffex,  earl  of  Londfdale,  vifcoynt 
Cobham,  viicount  Falmauth,  lord  Vv^ilniington,  Mr.  Speaker,  Mr.  Chancellor  of  the 
exchequer.  Mailer  of  the  roils.  Sir  Paul  Methnen,  Henry  Pelham,  efquire. 

Upon  reading  thi»'day  at  the  board  a  report  to  his  majefty  from  the  lords  of  the 
cornmictee  of  his  majerty's  molt  honourable  privy  council,  dated  the  %zd.  of  the  laft 
month,  in  the  words  following,  viz. 

Your  majefly  having  been  pieafed,  by  your  order  in  council  of  the  firil  of  Febrn- 
fiTV,  to  refer  unto  this  committee  an  addrefs  from  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  of 
the  Froviace  of  Ma.ffachufetts,  offering  the  reafon  and  grounds  of  their  proceed- 
ings and  conclufions  againft  fettling  a  fixed  falary  of  loo®!.  per  annum  on  the 
governor  of  thai:  Province  for  die  time  being,  according  to  your  majcfty's  inilruc- 
tiions  to  the  preient  governor,  and  complaining  againft  the  governor  for  having  ad- 
journed the  ga^icrai  court  from  Bofton  to  Salem  ;  the  lords  of  the  committee  did, 
in  obedience  to  your  majefty's  fild  order,  proceed  the  fame  day  to  take  the  faid 
sddrefs  into  their  confideration  ;  but  being  informed  that  the  lords  commiffioner* 
for  trade  and  plantations  had  under  their  examination  feveral  letters  from  William. 
Eurnet,  efquire,  your  rnajefty's  governor  of  that  Province,  relating  to  the  behaviour 
of  the  faid  afientbly  in  this  affair,  the  lords  of  the  committee  did  thereupon  fend  a 
copy  of  the  faid  addrefs  to  the  faid  lords  commiflioners,  that  they  might  have  the 
whole  matter  before  them,  and  diretSled  them  to  report  their  opinion  thereupon  to 
this  committee.  And  the  faid  lords  commiflioners  having  accordingly  confidered 
the  faid  feveral  papers,  and  lieard  Mr.  attorney  and  Iblicitor  general  in  fupport  of 
your  majefty's  faid  inilrudiorfs,  and  alfo  council  m  behalf  of  the  faid  ailembly,  have 
reportev-!,  upon  the  whole — That  they  feeraed  entirely  averfe  to  fettle  a  certain 
falary  upon  the  prefent  governor  and  thofe  which  fhall  fucceed  him  ;  yet  the  faid 
lords  conimifiioners  judge  it  abfolutely  neceifary  that  the  affembly  fliould  fettle  a 
ft:?:ed  fakry  of  locol.  ftcrling  per  annum,  at  leail,  upon  the  governor,  during 
the  whole  time  of  his  government,  it  being  abfolutely  neceffary  for  your  majefty's 
fervice  that  the  independency  of  the  governor  upon  the  affembly  faould  be  pre- 
ferved  :  x\nd  that  as  to  the  complaint  againft  the  governor  for  removing  the  affem- 
bly from  BolKon  to  Salem,  his  majeft)''  in  council,  upon  a  former  complaint  of  this 
nature  againft  colonel  Shute,  had  determined  that  point  in  favour  of  the  governor, 
•and  therefore  the  lords  commiflioners  were  of  opinion  the  prefent  governor  had 
acled  in  this  matter  agreeable  to  that  determination. 

The  lords  of  the  committee  hereupon  beg  leave  to  acquaint  your  majefty  that, 
notwithftariding  the  faid  lords  commiffioners  for  trade  had  fully  heard  all  the  rea- 
fons  that  w^ere  offered  in  behalf  of  the  faid  affembly,  yet  the  agents  of  the  faid 
affembly  petitioned  this  committee  ,the  19th  inftant,  praying  that  they  might  be 
admitted  to  be  heard  before  their  lordfliips,  who  thought  it  proper  to  know  upon 
^vhat  terms  they  would  infift,  that  your  majefty's  attorney  and  folicitor  general 
might  be  prepared  to  anfwer  the  fame,  and  they  defiring  to  be  heard  upon  the  rea- 
foiis  tliey  had  to  offer  why  the  faid  affembly  iliouid  not  fettle  a  fixed  fafory  upoa 


1729.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  325 

The  houfe  received  a  letter  at  the  fame  time  from  their 
agents,  who,  it  feems,  had  altered  their  opinions,  and  now 
intimated  to  the  houfe  that,  notwithftanding  the  deter- 
mination or  advice  of  the  privy  council,  if  was  not  likely 
the  affair  would  ever  be  brought  before  the  parliament. 
This  letter  the  houfe  ordered  to  be  printed.  The  gover- 
nor in  one  of  his  melTages  calls  it  '*  an  undeniable  proof 
of  their  endeavours  to  keep  the  people  in  ignorance  of 
the  true  ftate  of  their  afl'airs."  It  feems  to  be  preferring 
a  prefent  temporary  convenience,  in  keeping  up  the  fpirit 
of  the  people  and  diffufmg  a  favourable  opinion  of  their 
reprefentatives,  to  the  future  real  advantage  of  the  caule  ; 
for  fuch  a  meafure  mull  weaken  the  hands  of  the  agents 
in  England  and  tend  to  bring  the  matter  before  the  parlia- 
ment, when  otherwife  it  might  have  been  avoided. 

The  governor  having  held  feveral  feffions  at  Sa- 
lem without  any  fuccefs,  he  adjourned  the  court,  to 
meet  the  21  ft  of  Auguft  at  Cambridge.     This  widened 

the 

his  tnajelly's  wovcroor  of  that  Province  rluring  the  whole  time  of  +11-.  o;ovrrnm?nt, 
their  lordfliips  appointed  this  diiy  for  hearing  them  thcrtu]von  ;  tJiey  have  acand- 
in^ly  attended  with  their  council,  their  lorddiips  heard  all  that  was  offered  oji  their 
behalf  agalnft  ittilin^  fuch  a  fixed  falary,  and  edfo  heard  Mr.  attorney  and  folicitmr 
general  in  fupport  of  your  majefty's  faid  inllru<5lions  rtcommendiug  it  to  them  ; 
and  do  thereupon  aojree  liximbly  to  report  to  your  majtily — 

That  by  the  charter  granted  to  Mafiachufetts  tiie  legiJlative  power  is  veiled  in 
a  gov/:rnor,  council  and  affembly,  of  whom  the  governor  alone  is  nominated  hy  your 
majefty ;  that  the  aflembly  h  chofcn  annually  by  the  people,  and  that  the  cotincil 
is  Ukewiie  chofen  annually  by  the  afTembly  in  conjimJcion  with  the  members  of 
the  council ;  that  by  the  realbns  infilled  on  by  the  council  fur  the  affembly  ia 
refuCng  ro  fettle  a  fixed  falary,  it  appeared,  ilie  point  contended  for  was  to  bring 
the  governor  appointed  by  your  majefty  over  them  into  a  dependence  on  their  good 
will  for  his  fubfillencc,  which  would  manifeflly  tend  to  a  leiVening  of  his  author- 
ity, and  confequently,  of  that  dependence  which  this  colony  ought  to- have  upon 
the  crown  of  Great  Britain,  by  bringing  the  whole  legiflative  jx^vvcr  into  the  har.ds 
of  the  people. 

The  power  of  ralfing  taxes  being  by  the  charter  granted  to  the  general  aflembly. 
It  was  from  thence  argued  that  they  ought  to  be  left  at  liberty  for  the  doing  or 
omitting  it  as  they  fhall  think  proper  ;  but  the  words  of  the  chaj-Lcr  ihew  the  intent 
of  granting  them  this  power  to  be,  that  they  fiiould  ufe  it  for  the  fervice  of  the 
crown,  in  the  neceffary  defence  and  fupport  of  your  majcily's  government  of  the 
faid  Province,  and  the  protedlion  and  prefervation  of  the  inhabitants ;  and  that, 
therefore,  the  refufing  or  negleding  to  make  due  provlGon  for  the  fupport  of  your 
tnajefly's  governor,  who  is  fo  effential  a  part  of  the  government,  muft  be  looked 
upon  as  a<5ting  contrary  to  the  terms  of  the  faid  charter,  and  inconfiftt-nt  with  the 
trull  repofed  in  them  thereby.  That,  befides  the  inftnuftion  given  to  the  prefent 
governor  by  your  majefty  for  this  purpofc,  inftrufitions  have  always  been  given" 
by  your  ra;ijffty's  prcdeccflbrs  to  former  governors  to  recommend  to  the  aflem- 
bly the  eftaiilifliing  a  falary  fuitable  to  the-  dignity  of  tiiat  poft  \  notwithftandin;^ 
which  the  aficmbly  have  hitherto  refufed  to  comply  therewith,  although  they 

«  have 


326  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IIL 

the  breach,  and  the  houfe  grew  warmer  in  their  votes  and 
inefTages,  and  complained  that  they  were  to  be  compelled 
to  meafures   againft  their  judgment,  by  being  harafled 
and  drov^e  from  one  part  of  the  Province  to  another. 
The  governor's  friends  obferved  the  elied:  the  eontrover- 
fy  had  upon  his  fpirits.     In  a  few  days  he  fell  fick  of  a 
fever,  and  died  at  Bofton  the  7th  of  September.     Some 
attributed  his  illnefs  to  his  taking  cold,  his  carriage  over- 
fetting  upon  the'caufev/ay  at  Cambridge,  the  tide  being 
high  and  he  falling  into   the  water.     The   refentment 
which   had  been  raifed   ceafed,  with   people   in  general, 
upon  his  death.     Many  amiable  parts  of  his  character' 
revived  in  their  minds.     He  had  been  fleady  and  inflexi- 
ble in  his  adherence  to  his  inflruclions,  but  difcovered 
nothing  of  a  grafping  avaricious  mind  5  it  was  the  mode, 
more  than  the  quantum,  of  his  falary  upon  which  he  infifl- 
ed.     The  naval  office  had  generally  been  a  poll  for  fome 
relation  or  favourite  of  ihe  governor,  but  colonel  Tailer 
having  been  lieutenant  governor,  and  in  circumflances  far 

frorri 

have  t)y  ac^  of  afTeml'.Iy  fettled  a  fixed  falary  or  allowance  of  fix  ftiillings  a  day 
on  themfclves,  and  ten  fhillings  a  day  on  the  council.  The  prefent  alTembly 
liave  indeed  offered  your  majeity's  governor  a  falary  equal  to  what  was  recom- 
mended, by  your  rnajefLy's  inllrudlions  for  the  time  he  has  been  with  them,  but 
it  is  apprehended  this  was  done  only  to  tempt  him  to  give  up  your  majefty's 
inftrudtions  for  fettling  it  for  the  whole  time  of  his  government. 

And  here  their  lardihlps  cannot,  in  juflice  to  Mr.  Burnet,  omit  taking  notice, 
that  by  his  lieady  purfuit  of  your  majefty's  infbrudllons  and  rejedling  the 
tempitations  offered  by  the  affembiy,  he  has  a<9;ed  with  the  utmofl  duty  to  your 
majefty  and  a  jiift  regard  to  the  truft  repofed  in  him  as  governor  of  that 
Province. 

Upon  a  dtie  conuderatlon  of  all  that  has  been  offered  on  the  part  of  the 
rt;ffembly  in  juftification  of  their  refufmg  to  comply  with  your  majefty's  inftruc- 
tions,  the  lords  of  the  committee  cannot  but  agree  in  opinion  with  the  lords 
commiffioners  for  trade  and  plantations,  that  it  is  abfolutely  neceffary  for  your 
majefty's  fervice,  and  for  preferving  that  dependency  which  this  colony  ought  to 
have  upon  Great  Britain,  and  better  fccuring  a  due  execution  of  the  laws  for 
trade  and  navigation,  that  a  falary  of  loccl.  fterling  per  annum  fhould  be  fettled 
upon  the  governor  during  the  wh©le  time  of  his  government ;  and  confidering 
that  the  affembiy  of  the  Province  have  faewn  fo  little  regard  to  your  majefty's 
inftruclions  or  to  thofe  of  your  royal  prcdeceffors  in  this  behalf,  which  the  gover- 
nors from  time  to  time  have  been  direCled  to  lay  before  them,  the  lords  of  the 
committee  do  advife  your  majefty  to  lay  the  whole  matter  before  the  parliament 
of  Great  Britain. 

Her  majefty  this  day  took  the  faid  report  into  confideration,  and  was  plcafed, 
with  the  advice  of  his  majefty's  privy  council,  to  approve  thereof,  and  to  order, 
as  is  hereby  ordered,  that  one  of  his  majefty's  principal  fccretaries  of  ftate  fhould 
receive  the  pleafure  of  the  crown  thereupon. 

A  true  copy.  Temple  Sianyan, 

Majfachufttts  general  court  records 


i729']  MASSACHUSETTS.  'y^j 

from  affluent,  he  generoufly  gave  the  poft  to  him,  without 
any  referve  of  the  iifues  or  profits.  The  only  inflance  of 
his  undue  exa6ling  money,  by  fome  was  thought  to  be 
palhated  by  the  eitabhflied  cultom  of  the  government  he 
had  quitted.  This  did  not  juftify  it.  In  his  difpofal  of 
pubhc  offices,  he  gave  the  preference  to  fuch  as  were  dif- 
pofed  to  favour  his  caufe,  and  difplaced  fome  for  not  fa- 
vouring it,  and  in  fome  inftances  he  w^ent  further  than 
good  pohcy  would  allow.  lie  did  not  know  the  temper 
of  the  people  of  New  England.  They  have  a  (Irong  fcnfe 
of  hberty,  and  are  more  eafily  drawn  than  driven.  He 
difobliged  many  of  his  friends  by  removing  from  his  pod 
Mr.  Lynde,  a  gentleman  of  the  houfe,  efleemed  by  botii 
fides  for  his  integrity  and  other  vakiable  quahties,  and  he 
acknowledged  that  he  could  aflign  no  other  reafon  except 
that  the  gentleman  had  not  voted  for  a  compliance  with 
the  inilruclion.  However,  an  immoral  or  unfair  charafter 
was  a  bar  to  office,  and  he  gave  his  negative  to  an  eledion 
of  a  counfellor,  in  one  inflance,  upon  that  principle  only. 
His  fuperior  talents  and  free  and  eafy  manner  of  commu- 
nicating his  fentiments  made  him  the  delight  of  men  of 
fenfe  and  learning.  His  right  of  precedence  in  all  com- 
panies facilitated  the  exercife  of  his  natural  dirpofuion  to 
a  great  fliare  in  the  converfation,  and  at  the  fame  time 
*  caufed  it  to  appear  more  excufable.'  His  own  account 
of  his  genius  was,  that  it  was  late  before  it  budded,  and 
that,  until  he  was  near  twenty  years  of  age,  his  father 
defpaired  of  hir  ever  making  any  figure  in  life.  This, 
perhaps,  might  proceed  from  the  exact  fevere  dilcipline  of 
the  bifhop's  family,  not  calculated  for  every  temper  alike, 
and  might  damp  and  difcourage  his.  To  long  and  fre- 
quent religious  fervices  at  home  in  his  youth,  he  would 
fometimes  pleafantly  attribute  his  indifpofition  to  a  very 
fcrupulous  exact  attendance  upon  public  worfhip  ;  bur. 
this  might  really  be  owing  to  an  abhorrence  of  oflentation 
and  mere  formality  in  religion,  to  avoid  which,  as  moft 
of  the  grave  ferious  people  of  the  Province  thought,  he 
approached  too  near  the  other  extreme.  A  little  more 
caution  and  conformity  to  the  different  ages,  manners^ 
cufloms  and  even  prejudices  of  dilTerent  companies,  would 

have 


3^8  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IIL 

have  been  more  politic,  but  his  open  undifguifed  mind 
Gould  not  fubmit  to  it.  Being  afKed  to  dine  with  an  old 
charter  fenator  who^  retained  the  cullom  of  faying  grace 
fitting,  the  grave  gentleman  defired  to  know  which  would 
be  more  agreeable  to  his  excellency,  that  grace  fliould  be 
faid  (landing  or  fitting  ;  the  governor  replied,  fcanding  or 
fitting,  any  way  or  no  way,  juft  as  you  pleafe.  He  fome- 
times  wore  a  cloth  coat  lined  w^ith  velvet.  It  was  faid 
to  be  expreffive  of  his  charader.  He  was  a  firm  believer 
of  the  truth  of  revealed  religion,  but  a  bigot  to  no  partic- 
ular profeffion  among  Chriftians,  and  laid  Uttle  ftrefs  upon 
modes  and  forms.  By  a  claufe  in  his  lad  will  he  ordered 
his  body  to  be  buried,  if  he  died  at  New  York,  by  his 
wife ;  if  in  any  other  part  of  the  world,  in  the  near  eft 
church-yard  or  burying  ground,  all  places  being  alike  to 
God's  all-feeing  eye. 

The  aifembly  ordered  a  very  honourable  funeral  at  the 
public  charge.  A  motion  at  another  time  was  made  in 
the  houfe  for  a  grant  to  a  governor  to  bear  the  expenfe 
of  his  lady's  funeral  ;  a  dry  old  reprefentative  objeded  to 
a  grant  for  a  governor's  lady,  had  the  motion  been  for  a 
grant  to  bury  the  governor,  he  fliould  have  thought  the 
money  well  laid  out. 

Mr.  Dummer  re-alTumed  the  adminiftration.  He  did  not 
intend  to  enter  into  the  controverfy  about  the  falary  ;  no 
advantage  could  arife  from  it,  no  new  arguments  could 
be  ufed,  the  king's  inftruftions  were  to  be  his  rule,  and 
he  would  not  depart  from  them  by  accepting  any  grant  as 
lieutenant  governor  ;  but  the  affair  having  been  under 
confideration  before  his  majefty  in  council  and  further 
proceedings  expected,  he  would  wait  for  further  intelli- 
gence and  diredions.  « The  houfe  were  not  wilhng  to  ad- 
mit that  the  inftrudion  had  any  refpect  to  the  falary  of  a 
lieutenant  governor  ;  but  if  it  had,  they  had  given  fuffi- 
cient  reafons  againfl  it,  and  were  determined  to  come  into 
no  ad;  for  fixing  a  falary.  Having  continued  the  fefTion 
at  Cambridge  until  the  26th  of  September,  he  ordered  an 
adjournment  to  the  29th  of  November,  at  Bofton,  which 
was  a  further  indication  that  he  did  not  intend  to  prefs 
the  inftrudion  j  however,  at  their  firft  coming  together, 

he 


1729.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  3-9 

he  recommended  to  them  a  compliance  with  it,  and  upon 
their  afluring  him  by  a  meflage,  that,  although  they  could 
not  fettle  a  falary,  yet  they  were  ready  to  give  him  an 
ample  and  honourable  fupport,  he  defired  them  to  lofe  no 
time  about  it,  for  he  would  accept  of  no  lupport  unlefs  it 
(hould  be  exactly  conformable  to  his  majefty's  inftruCtion. 
The  houfe,  notwithftanding,  made  a  grant  of  750I.  to  en- 
able him  to  manage  the  affairs  of  government.  The 
council  concurred  with  an  amendment,  addinf^  '  for  the 
half  year  current,'  but  this  being  fixing  a  falary  for  half  a 
year,  the  houfe  rcfufed  it. 

Upon  the  news  of  Mr.  Burnet's  death,  Mr.  Belcher 
applied  with  all  his  powers  to  obtain  the  commiffion  for 
the  government.  Governor  Shute  might  ha7e  returned, 
but  he  declined  it,  and  generoully  gave  his  interefl  to 
Mr.  Belcher,  who,  fourteen  years  before,  had  given  50CI. 
fterling,  which  was  never  repaid,  to  facilitate  colonel 
Shute's  appointment.  The  controverfy  which  it  was  fup- 
pofed  a  governor  muft  be  engaged  in  caufcd  fewer  com- 
petitors, and  the  miniftry  were  the  more  concerned  to  find 
a  proper  perfon.  Lord  Townfiiend  alked  Mr.  Wilks, 
who  had  much  of  his  confidence,  whether  he  thought 
Mr.  Belcher  would  be  able  to  inrluence  the  people  to  a 
compliance  with  the  king's  inflructions  ;  he  replied  that 
he  thought  no  man  more  likely.  Their  choofing  him 
agent  was  a  m.ark  of  their  confidence  in  him,  but  it  leemed 
natural  to  expect  that  they  would  be  under  fironger  prej- 
udices againft  him  than  againfl:  a  perfon  who  had  never 
engaged  in  their  favour.  Mr.  Belcher's  appointment  oc- 
cafioned  the  removal  of  Mr.  Dummer  from  the  place  of 
lieutenant  governor.  A  young  gentleman,  rvith  whofe 
family  Pvlr.  Wilks  was  connected,  (Mr.  Thc^mron)  Mr. 
Belcher  had  engaged  to  provide  for,  and  he  had  no  pofl 
in  his  gift  worth  accepting  befides  the  naval  office.  To 
make  a  vacancy  there,  colonel  Tailcr  was  appointed  lieu- 
tenant governor.  The  pleafure,  if  there  was  any,  in  fu- 
perfeding  Mr.  Dummer,  who  had  fuperfeded  him  before, 
could  be  no  equivalent  for  the  difference  between  a  pofh 
of  naked  honour,  and  a  pofl  of  profit  which  gave  him  a 
comibrtV:)le  living.  Mr.  Dummer 's  adminiftration  has 
YoL,  II.  X  been 


33a  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap. Tit 

been  juilly  well  fpoken  of.  His  general  aim  was  to  do 
public  fervice.  He  was  compelled  to  fome  compliances 
which  appeared  to  him  the  lead  of  two  evils.  It  leffened 
him  in  Mr.  Burnetts  efteem,  who  thought  he  Ihould  have 
fliewn  more  fortitude  ;  but  he  retired  with  honour,  and 
after  fome  years  was  eleded  into  the  council,  where,  from 
refpeft  to  his  former  commiirion,  he  took  the  place  of 
prefident  j  but  being  thought  too  favourable  to  the  pre- 
rogative, after  two  or  three  years  he  was  left  out.  He 
feemed  to  lay  this  flight  more  to  heart  than  the  lofs  of  his 
commilTion,  and  aimed  at  nothing  more,  the  reft  of  his 
lifjs,  than  otitwi  cum  digniiaie^  felecting  for  his  friends  and 
acquaintance  men  of  fenfe,  virtue  and  rehgion,  and  enjoy- 
ed in  W^Q  for  many  years,  that  fame  which,  for  infinitely 
wife  reafons,  the  great  Creator  has  implanted  in  every 
renerous  breaft  a  defire  of,  even  after  death. 

Colonel  Tailer's  commiffion  was  received  and  publifhed 
before  Mr.  Belcher's  arrival,  and  it  gave  him  an  opportu- 
nity of  doing  a  generous  thing  for  Mr.  Dummer.  A 
vote  had  palfed  the  two  houfes  granting  him  900I.  which, 
from  a  regard  to  his  inftrudions,  he  had  not  figned,  nor 
had  he  exprefsly  refufed  it,  and  the  court  having  been  ad- 
journed only,  not  prorogued,  the  next  meeting  was  con- 
fidered  as  the  fame  feffion,  and  colonel  Tailer  ventured  to 
fign  it,  not  being  a  grant  to  himfelf  and  not  againft  the 
letter  of  his  inftrudions,  and  it  was  really  faving  money 
to  Mr.  Dummer  ;  the  grant  being  intended  for  fervices  to 
come  as  well  as  paft,  would  not  have  been  renewed,  or 
in  part  oiJy. 


CHAP. 


4-730.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  33 


CHAP.      IV. 

From  the  arrival  of  governor  Belcher^  in  1730,  to  the  rei?n- 
burfemeni  of  the  charge  of  the  expedition  aguinjl  Cape  Bre^ 
tony  and  the  abolition  of  paper  money,  in  1749. 

J\1r.  Belcher  arrived  the  beginning  of  Augufl  in  the 
Blandford  man-of-war,  captain  Prothero.  We  approach 
fo  near  to  the  prefent  day,  that  for  this  reafon,  as  well  as 
thofe  I  have  mentioned  in  my  preface,  I  fliall  give  a  more 
general  account  of  affairs. 

No  governor  had  been  received  wiih  a  iOiew  of  greater 
joy.  Both  parties  fuppofed'they  had  an  intereit  in  him. 
For  men  to  alter  their  principles  and  pradice  according 
to  their  wintered,  was  no  new  thing.  A  flvetch  of  Mr. 
Belcher's  life  and  character  v/ill  in  Ibme  meaiure  account 
for  his  obtaining  the  government,  for  the  principal  events 
in  his  adminiflration,  and  for  the  lofs  of  his  commifiion. 

Being  the  only  fon  of  a  wealthy  father,  he  had  high 
views  from  the  beginning  of  life.  After  an  academical 
education  in  his  own  country,  he  travelled  to  Europe, 
was  twice  at  Hanover,  and  v/as  i.itroduced  to  the  courti 
there,  at  the  time  when  the  princefs  Sophia  was  the  pre- 
fumptive  heirefs  to  the  Britlih  crown.  The  novelty  of  a 
Britlih  American,  added  to  the  gracefulnefs  of  his  perfon, 
caufed  difliinguifhing  notice  to  be  taken  of  him,  which 
tended  to  increafe  that  alpirhig  turn  of  mind  which  was 
very  natural  to  him.  Some  years  after,  he  made  another 
voyage  to  England,  beings  then  engaged  in  mercantile 
affairs,  which,  after  his  return  home,  proved  in  the  gen- 
eral courfe  of  them  rather  unfuccefsful,  and  feem  to  have 
fuppreffed  or  abated  the  ruHng  pafilon  ;  but  being  choTcn 
agent  for  the  houfe  of  reprefentat--,  is,  it  revived  and  was 
gratified  to  the  utmoft,  by  his  appointment  to  the  gov- 
ernment of  Maffachufetts  and  Nev;  Hanipfliirc,  and  dil- 
covered  itfelf  in  every  part  of  his  adminiflration.  Before 
he  was  governor,  except  in  one  inflance,  he  had  always 
been  a  favourer  of  the  prerogative,  and  afterwards  he 
X   2  .did 


33^  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IV. 

did  not  fail  of  ading  up  to  his  principles.  A  man  of  high 
principles  cannot  be  too  jealous  of  himfelf,  upon  a  fuddeii 
advancement  to  a  place  of  power.  The  council  never 
enjoyed,  lefs  freedom  than  in  his  time.  He  propofed 
matters  for  the  fake  of  their  famSlion  rather  than  advicey 
rarely  failifig  of  a  majority  to  approve  of  his  fentiments. 

He  lived  elegantly  in  his  family,  was  hofpitable,  made 
great  fhew  in  drefs,  equipage,  &g.  and  although  by  the 
depreciation  of  the  currency  he  was  curtailed  of  his  falary, 
yet  he  difdained  any  unwarrantable  or  mean  ways  of  ob- 
taining money  to  fupply  his  expenfes.  By  great  freedom 
in  converfation  and  an  unreferved  eenfure  of  perfons 
whofe  principles  or  condu£b  he  difapproved,  he  made 
himfelf  many  enemies.  In  a  private  perfon,  this  may 
often  pafs  with  Htile  notice,  but  from  a  governor  it  is 
,  very  hardly  forgot,  and  fome  never  ceafed  purfuing  re- 
venge until  they  law  him  difplaced. 

The  general  court  met  the  9th  of  September.*  The 
people  v/aited  with  impatience  the  governor's  firft  fpeech. 
Many  flattered  themfelves^  that  the  inflrudion  for  a  fixed 
falary  was  withdrawn  ;  others  that,  if  it  was  continued, 
he  would  treat  it  rather  as  Dudley  and  Shute  had  done 
than  as  his  immediate  predecefTor  ;  others  who  did  not 
expect  a  relaxation  were,  from  curiofity,  wifhing  to  know 
how  he  would  acquit  himfelf  with  the  people,  who  fent 
him  to  England  to  oppofe  the  inftrudion.  After  pre- 
mifing,  that  the  honour  of  the  crown  and  inter  eft  of 
Great  Britain  are  very  compatible  with  the  privileges  and 
libenies  of  the  plantations,  he  tells  the  two  houfes  that 
he  had  it  in  command  from  his  royal  mafter  to  compiuni- 
cate  to  them  his  27th  inftruclion,  refpeding  the  govern- 
or's fupport  ;  that  whilft  he  was  in  England  he  did  every 
thing  confiftent  with  reafon  and  jufticc  for  preferving  and 
lengthening  out  the  peace  and  welfare  of  the  Province  ; 
that  they  were  no  ftrangers  to  the  fteps  taken  by  his  maj- 
efty  with  refpe(3:  to  the  unhappy  difpute  between  the  late 
governor  and  them,  and  he  hoped,  after  fuch  a  ftruggle, 
they  would  think  it  for  the  true  intereft  of  the  Province 
to   Jf.i  l;  ;i.^.\  might  be  perfedly  acceptable  j  that  nothing 

prevented 

"*  At  Cambridge,  the  fmall-pox  being  in  Bofton, 


J730.J  MASSACHUSETTS.  2>33 

prevented  this  controverfy^  and  feveral  other  matters 
of  dangerous  confcquence,  being  laid  before  the  parlia- 
ment, but  his  majefty's  great  lenity  and  goodnefs,  v/hich 
incHned  him  to  give  them  one  opportunity  "more  of  paying 
a  due  regard  to  what  in  his  royal  wifdom  he  thinks  fo  jufl 
and  reafonable.  Had  he  flopped  here,  perhaps,  Icfs  could 
not  have  been  expeded  from  him  ;  but  he  unfortunately  at- 
tempted to  fhew  the  finiilitude  between  the  cafe  of  Cato  fhut 
up  inUtica,andMafrachufetts  under  the  reftraint  of  the  roy- 
al inflrudlion ;  commended  the  wifdom  of  Cato  in  making 
fo  brave  a  (land  for  the  liberties  of  his  country,  but  con- 
demned his  putting  an  end  to  his  Hfe,  when  affairs  became 
defperate,  rather  than  fubmit  to  a  power  he  could  no 
longer  refill  ;  which  inftance  he  brought  as  fome  illuftra- 
tion  of  the  late  controverfv,  thouo^h  he  would  not  allow  it 
to  run  parallel,  Ca^far  being  a  tyrant,  and  the  king  the 
protedor  of  the  hberties  of  his  fubjects. 

It  was  faid,  upon  this  occafion,  that  the  governor  muft 
allow  that  the  Malliichufetts  aifembly  had  done  vvifely 
hitherto  in  defending  their  liberties,  for  otherwife  he  had 
brought  an  inftance  of  a  cafe  in  no  one  refpe<^  fimilar  to 
theirs  ;  and  if  they  had  done  fo,  it  was  becaufe  the  iii- 
ftrudion  was  a  mere  exertion  of  power,  and  then  the  par- 
allel would  run  farther  than  he  was  willing  to  allow. 

The  inftrudion  v/as  conceived  in  much  ftronger  terms 
than  that  to  governor  Burnet,  and  it  is  declared  that  in 
cafe  the  affembly  refufes  to  conform  to  it,  "  his  majefry 
will  hnd  himfelf  under  a  neceflity  of  laying  the  undutiful 
behaviour  of  the  Province  before  the  legifiature  of  Great 
Britain,  not  only  in  this  Tingle  inftance,  but  in  many  oth- 
ers of  the  fame  nature  and  tendency,  whereby  it  manifeft- 
!y  appears  that  this  aftemblv,  for  fome  years  laft  paft,  have 
attempted  by  unwarrantable  practices  to  weaken  if  not 
caft  off  the  obedience  they  owe  to  the  crown,  and  the  de- 
pendence which  all  colonies  ought  to  have  on  their  moth- 
er country."  And  in  the  clofe  of  the  inftrucfion  his  maj- 
efty  expeds,  "  that  they  do  forthwith  comply  with  this 
propofal  as  the  laft  fignification  of  our  royal  pleafure  to 
them  upon  this  fubjed,  and  if  the  faid  affembly  fliall  not 
think  fit  to  comply  therewith,  it  is  our  will  and  pleafure, 

and 


334  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IV. 

and  you  are  required  immediately  to  come  over  to  this 
kingdom  of  Great  Britain,  in  order  to  give  us  an  exad 
account  of  all  that  {hall  have  paffed  upon  this  fubjeO:,  that 
we  may  lay  the  fame  before  our  parliament." 

The  houfe  proceeded  jull  as  they  had  done  with  gover- 
nor Burnet.  They  made  a  grant  to  Mr.  Belcher  of  loooL 
currency  for  defraying  the  expenfe  of  his  voyage  to  New 
England,  and  as  a  gratuity  for  fervices  while  in  England  ;* 
and  fome  time  after  they  voted  him  a  fum  equal  to  a 
thoufand  pounds  fterling^  to  enable  him  to  manage  the 
public  affairs,  &c.  but  would  fix  no  time.  The  council 
concurred  it  with  an  amendment,  viz.  "  and  that  the 
fame  fum  be  annually  allowed  for  the  governor's  fupport." 
This,  without  a  fund  for  the  payment  of  it,  was  doing 
little  more  than  the  houfe  had  repeatedly  done  by  their 
declarations,  that  they  doubted  not  future  afferablies 
would  make  the  Hke  honourable  piovifion  for  the  gover- 
nor's fupport,  according  to  the  ability  of  the  Province  ; 
the  amendment,  notwithftanding,  was  not  agreed  to,  and 
the  houfe  adhered  to  their  own  vote.  This  produced  a 
fecond  amendm.ent,  viz.  "  that  the  fame  fum  Ihould  be 
annually  paid  during  his  excellency's  continuance  in  the 
government  and  refidence  here  ;"  but  this  alfo  was  non- 
concurred.  The  tv/o  houfes  then  conferred  upon  the 
fubje^L,!  the  governor  being  prefent,|    and  before  they 

parted 

*  Five  hundred  pounds  was  alfo  granted  to  the  governor  for  his  fervices  in 
England,  as  agent  for  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives,  and  the  fum  of  1503L  i/l, 
which  had  been  advanced  by  merchants  in  Bofton  and  others  and  fupplied  the 
agents,  was  alfo  granted  to  be  paid  out  ©f  the  public  treafury,  and  to  the  feveral 
perfons  refpe6lively.  The  honour  of  the  governor  who  had  fpent  the  money,  as 
Well  as  that  of  the  houfe,  was  concerned.  The  council,  although  in  general  the 
fam.e  perfons  who  had  refufed  to  conent  to  any  grant  of  money  for  the  ufe  of  an 
agent  in  the  choice  of  whom  they  had  no  ihare,  were  prevailed  upon  by  the  gover- 
nor and  the  influence  of  a  great  number  of  the  principal  merchants  of  Eollon  wh» 
had  advanced  the  money,  to  confent  to  a  gi'ant  for  the  re-payment  of  it.  The  houfe 
expelling  the  like  difficulty  might  arife  upon  a  like  occafion  in  future  time,  took  this 
favourable  opportunity  of  pafling  a  vote  for  the  taking  the  fum  of  five  hundred 
pounds  Ilerling  out  of  the  Province  treafury,  and  depofiting  it  in  the  bank  of 
England  for  the  ufe  of  the  houfe.  To  this  vote  the  council  gave  their  concurrence 
and  the  governor  his  confent.  H,e  repented  of  it  afterwards,  when  he  found  the 
agent  employed  by  the  houfe  and  fupported  with  this  money  was  the  principal  pro- 
moter of  the  complaints  againfl:  him  which  caufed  his  removal  from  the  gov- 
ernment. "  - 

f  This  was  a  matter  of  money  which  the  houfe  fometimes  refufe  to  confer  upon, 
hut  they  have  been  unfteady  in  this  refped:. 

\  It  is  unufual  for  governors  to  be  prefent  at  a  conference  between  the  two  houfes. 
"Mj.  Shirley  being  defirous  of  acc^uainting  hinnfelf  with  the  aro liracuts  on  both  fides 


1730.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  335 

parted  he  made  a  long  fpeech,  expreiTing  the  great  pleaf- 
ure  the  council  had  given  him  in  the  part  they  had  taken, 
and  his  concern  and  furprife  at  the  condu6l  of  the 
houfe,  in  running  the  rifk  of  the  confequences  of 
their  refufal  to  comply  with  the  inflruclion ;  reminded 
them  of  the  vaft  expenfe  which  their  former  unfucccfsful 
difputes  with  their  governors  had  occafioned  to  the  Prov- 
ince, but  ufed  no  arguments  to  convince  them  of  the 
reafonablenefs  of  the  demand  and  its  compatibility  with 
their  rights  and  privileges. 

The  fmall-pox  being  in  the  town  of  Cambridge,  where 
the  court  fat,  the  houfe  defired  to  rife,  but  the  governor 
let  them  know  he  would  meet  them  in  any  other  town, 
and  the  fame  day  ordered  an  adjournment  to  Roxbury, 
where  a  bill  paffed  both  houfes  for  the  fupport  of  the  gov- 
ernor, but  not  coming  up  to  the  inflrudion,  the  gover- 
nor could  not  confent  to  it.  The  country  party  in  the 
houfe,  as  much  a  foleclfin  as  it  is,  were  the  moll  zealous 
for  the  prerogative,  and,  except  a  few  prerogative  men 
who  were  always  willing  to  fix  the  falary,  none  went  fo 
great  a  length  at  this  time  towards  fixing  it  as  thofe  who 
oppofed  any  one  ftep  towards  it,  under  Mr.  Burnet. 

The  people  in  general  were  well  pleafed  with  the  gov- 
ernor. It  is  not  improbable  that  he  would  have  obtained 
the  fettlement  of  a  falary  during  his  adminiftration,  if  it 
had  not  been  in  effecl  a  fettlement  for  his  fucceffors  alfo, 
for  fuch  a  orecedent  could  not  eafilv  have  been  refilled. 
The  two  parties  which  had  long  fubfifted  in  the  govern- 
ment were  vying,  each  with  the  other,  in  m.eafures  for  an 
expedient  or  accommodation.  The  prerogative  men  were 
Mr.  Belcher's  old  friends,  who  were  pretty  well  fatisfied 
that  his  going  over  to  the  other  fide  was  not  from  any 
real  affedion  to  the  caufe,  and  that  he  mud,  fooncr  or 
later,  differ  with  thofe  who  adhered  to  it,  and  for  this 
event  they  waited  patiently.     The  other  party,  by  whofe 

intered 

jn  fome  affair  in  controverfy  between  the  two  houfes,  intimated  to  the  council  h's 
inclination  to  be  prefent.  When  the  houfe  came  up,  the  fpcaker,  Mr.  Cufhing,  fee- 
ing the  governor  in  the  cliair,  ft.irtcd  back,  and  remaining  at  the  door  of  the  couiKil 
chamber,  exprtiTed  his  furprife  at  feeing  his  excellency  in  the  chair,  the  conference 
being  intended  between  the  two  houfc-s  only  ;  but  if  his  excellency  intended  to  reniaiq 
in  the  chair  only  to  hear  the  argunicn's,  he  imagined  the  houfe  would  have  no  ob- 
jection to  conferring  in  his  prcfencc.  This  the  governor  confcnted  to,  declaiirj  he 
■77©ald  not  iiucrfcre. 


335  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IV, 

intereft  he  had  been  fent  to  England,  adhered  to  him, 
expeding  their  reward.  Accordingly,  Mr.  Cooke  was 
foon  appointed  a  juftice  of  the  common  pleas  for  the  coun- 
ty of  Suffolk.  To  make  way  for  him  and  another  favour^ 
ite,  colonel  Byfie|d,  to  whom  Mr.  Belcher  was  allied, 
two  gentlemen,  colonel  Hutchinfon  and  colonel  Dudley, 
were  difplaced.  They  were  both  in  principle  fleady 
friends  to  government,  and  the  firfl  of  them  was  a  fall 
friend  to  the  governor,  Mr.  Belcher  would  not  have 
been  able  to  advance  fo  many  of  his  friends  as  he  did,  if 
he  had  not  perfuaded  the  council  that,  upon  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  new  governor,  it  was  neceffary  to  renew  all  civil 
commiffions.  Having  obtained  this  point  he  took  the 
moll  convenient  time  to  fettle  the  feveral  counties.  Be- 
fore he  fettled  the  county  of  York,  he  recommended  to 
the  judges  a  perfon  for  clerk  of  the  court.  This  officer 
the  Province  law  empowers  the  judges  to  appoint.  Some 
of  them  fent  their  excufe,  being  well  fatisfied  with  the 
clerk  they  had,  who  was  a  faithful,  well-approved  officer  ; 
but  the  governor  let  the  judges  know,  if  he  could  not  ap- 
point a  clerk  he  could  a  judge,  and  accordingly  removed 
thofe  who  were  not  for  his  purpofe  and  appointed  others 
in  their  (lead.  *  There  was  an  inconfiftency  in  delaying 
appointments,  with  the  principles  he  advanced.  If  new 
commiffions  were  neceffary,  they  were  neceffary  immedi- 
ately, and  they  might  as  well  be  delayed  feven  years  as 

«"^-+  "  Two 

*  It  was  faid  that  when  Mr.  Belcher,  fome  years  after,  was  ordered  by  the  king 
to  remove  hisfon-ln-Iaw,  Mr.  Lyde,from  the  naval  office,  the  power  of  appointment 
to  which  ofhce  is,  by  a6l  of  parliament,  given  to  the  governor,  he  was  advifed  to 
'make  an  excufe,  Mr.  Lyde  being  an  officer  who  gave  general  fatisfadion  ;  but  Mr. 
Belcher  replied,  that  although  the  king  could  not  make  a  naval  officer,  yet  he  could 
make  a  governor,  and  he  v/as  forced  to  give  up  his  fon-in-law.  Ncc  lex  ejl  pijllor 
ulla.  Tills  was  the  firft  inftance  of  an  appointment  made  by  the  crown  immediately 
to  this  office,  and,  I  t^nnk,  to  any  office  in  the  Province,  the  nomination  to  which 
is  by  the  charter  and  royal  cpmmiiffion  left  to  the  judgment  and  difcretion  cf  the 
governor. 

f  The  commlfilons  to  civil  officers  being  in  the  king's  name  and  tefled  by  the 
governor,  the  renewal  of  fueh  commiffions  upon  the  appointment  of  a  governor 
has  not  been  praelifed  fmce  'Mr.  Belcher's  time.  It  was  propofed  in  council  by 
his  fucceflbr  ;  but  Mr.  Read,  a  very  eminent  lawyer,  and,  which  is  more,  a  perfon 
of  great  integrity  and  firmnefs  of  mind,  being  then  a  member  of  the  council, 
brought  fuch  arguments  againfl:  the  pravflice  that  the  majority  of  the  board  refufed 
to  confent  to  it.  Befides  this  general  new  appointment,  Mr.  Belcher,  in  the 
courfe  of  his  admini^ration,  made  more  frequent  removal*  of  pcrfens  from  office 


1731.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  337 

-  Two  or  three  feflions  palled,  when  little  more  was 
done,  on  the  governor's  part,  than  repeating  iiis  demand 
for  a  fixed  falary,  and  intimating  that  he  fliould  be  obliged 
to  go  to  England  and  render  an  account  of  their  beha- 
viour to  the  king.  The  major  part  of  the  honfe  were 
very  defirous  of  giving  fatisfadlon  to  the  governor  and 
to  their  conflituents  both,  but  that  could  not  be.  I\'Jr, 
Cooke's  friends  in  the  town  of  Bofton  began  to  be  jealou.^ 
of  him.  A  bill  was  prepared,  which  lets  forth  in  the  pro- 
amble,  that  fettling  a  falary  would  deprive  the  people  of 
their  rights  as  Englifhmen.  In  the  purview,  after  grant- 
ing 3400I.  which  was  about  equal  to  loool.  {i:erling,  it  is 
further  ena^ed,  that  as  his  majedy  had  been  gracioully 
pleafed  to  appoint  J.  B.  efquire,  to  be  the  governor,  who 
was  a  native  of  the  country,  whole  fortune  was  here,  who, 
when  a  member  of  the  council,  as  well  as  when  in  a  pri- 
vate ftation,  has  always  confulted  the  true  intereit  of  his 
country  as  well  as  the  honour  and  dignity  of  the  crown  ; 
therefore,  it  is  mofl  folemnly  promifed  and  engaged  to 
his  mod  excellent  majefty,  that  there  Ihall  be  granted  the 
like  fum  for  the  like  purpofe  at  the  beginning  of  the  M- 
fions  in  May  every  year  during  the  governor's  continuance 
in  the  adminiflration  and  refidence  within  the  Province, 
provided  this  act  fliall  not  be  pleaded  as  a  precedent,  or 
binding  on  any  future  aircmbly  for  fixing  a  falary  on  any 
fucceeding  governor.  The  bill  is  in  Mr.  Cooke's  hand- 
writing, and  it  is  minuted  at  the  bottom  that  the  governor 
approved  of  it.  The  governor  could  not  imagine  fo  eva- 
five  a  thing  could  be  approved  in  England.  He  might 
hope  to  improve  it  as  being  a  farther  advance  than  had  been 

before 

than  any  governor  before  or  fnice.  .This  was  owiii^^  to  the  pufillanlmity  of  the 
council.  No  appointment  can  be  made  v/ithcut  their  advice.  The  v^overnor,  it 
is  true,  can  refufe  his  confent  eveiy  year  to  their  eleclion,  but  the  emolument.-;  of 
a  Maffachufetts  counfcUor  arc  very  Huall,  and  caii  caufc  no  great  temptation  to 
facrilice  virtue.  It  is  faid  that  one  of  the  judges  of  the  fuperior  court,  expeiSiing^ 
to  be  removed,  in  the  latter  part  of  IVIr.  Belcher's  adminiltration,  applied  by  a 
friend  in  England  to  lord  chief  jullice  Willes,  who  fignifiel  his  rcfoluiion  that  it 
any  judge  fliould  be  removed,  without  good  reafon  afligncd,  he  would  himfclf 
complain  to  his  majefty  againfl  the  governor.  The  freedom  and  independence  of 
the  judges  of  England  is  always  enumerated  among  tlie  excellencies  of  the  con- 
ftitution.  The  Malfachufetts  judges  are  far  from  independent.  In  Mr.  Belcher's 
adminiftration  they  were  peculiarly  dependent  upon  the  governor.  Before  and 
fmce  they  have  been  dependent  upon  the  affembly  for  their  falary,  grunted  annu- 
ally, which  fometimcs  has  been  delayed,  fom. times  diminilhcd,  and  rai'ely  cfcapc* 
kcing  a  fubjc6t  •£  Ucbatc  and  altercation. 


33S  THE   HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  IV. 

before  made,  and,  by  ufmg  this  argument,  that  it  would  be 
much  more  rational  for  the  houfe  to  do  what  they  now 
had  fully  in  their  power  to  do,  than  to  make  a  folemn  prom- 
ik  that  another  houfe  fhould  do  the  fame  thing,  the  per- 
formance of  which  promife  they  would  not  have  in  their 
own  pov/er.     The  fcheme  failed,  the  bill  did  not  pafs,  and 
from  that  time  Mr.  Belcher,  defpairing  of  carrying  his 
point,  turned  his  thought  to  obtaining  a  relaxation  of  his 
inftrudion.     Indead  of  applying  himfelf,  he  advifed  to  an 
addrefs  from  the  houfe,  not  for  the  withdraw  of  the   inr 
ftruction,  but  that  the  governor  might  have  leave  to  re- 
ceive the  fum  granted.     This  was  allowed,  but  it  was  to 
be  underitood   that  he  was  to  infill  upon  a  compliance 
with  his  inftruclion  as  much  as  ever.      Leave  for  confent 
to  particular  grants  was  obtained  two  or  three  years,  and 
at  len^nh  a  p-eneral  order  of  leave  to  receive  fuch  fums  as 
fhould  be  granted.     This  was  the  iffue  of  the  controverfy 
about  a  fixed  falary.     Until  Mr.  Belcher*s  arrival,  Mr. 
Cooke  had  differed  from  mod  who,  from  time  to  time, 
have  been  recorded  in  hiftory  for  popular  men.      Gener- 
ally, to  preferve  the  favour  of  the  people,  they  mufl  change 
with  the  popular  air,  and  when  we  (urvey  a  courfe  of  ac- 
tion it  will  not  appear  altogether   confident.      He  had 
the  art  of  keeping  the  people  fleady  in  the  applaufe  of  his 
meafures.     To  be  careful  never  to  depart  from  the  ap- 
pearance of  maintaining  or  enlarging  rights,  liberties  and 
privileges  was  all  he  found  neceifary.     As  foon  as  he  was 
defedive  in  this  refped,  and  tried  to  fecure  his  intereft 
both  vnth  the' governor  and  town  of  Bofton,  he  had  like 
to  have  loft  both.     In  the  eledion  of  reprefentatives  for 
Bofton,  in  1733  or  1734,  the  governor's  party  appeared 
againft  him  ;  he   had  loft  many  of  the  other  party  by 
w^hat  they  called  too  great  a  compliance,  and  he  had  a 
majority,  after  feveral  trials,  of  one  or  two  votes  only  in 
fix  or  feven  hundred. 

The  difpute  about  the  manner  of  iiTaing  money  out  of 
the  treafury  v/as  fettled  unfavourably  for  the  houfe.  The 
charter  provides,  that  all  money  fhall  be  iffaed  by  warrant 
from  the  governor  v;ith  advice  and  confent  of  the  council. 
Until  the  year  1720  the  money  was  brought  into  the  treaf- 
ury, 


iy^2.']  MASSACHUSETTS.  33^ 

ury,  by  a  vote  or  a6t  originating  in  the  houfe,  and  dcflined 
to  certain  purpofes,and  drawn  out  for  thofe  purpofcs  by  war- 
rant from  the  governor  w^th  advice,  ^:c.  but  after  that,  the 
houfe  not  only  deftined  the  money,  when  put  into  the  treafu- 
ry,but  provided  that  none  of  it, except  fome  trifling  fums  for 
exprefles  and  the  like,  fhould  be  iffued  without  a  vote  of  the 
whole  court  for  payment.  After  fuch  a  vote  they  were  will- 
ing the  governor  fhould  give  his  warrant.  This  appeared  iu 
the  king  to  render  his  governor  contemptible,  and  entire- 
ly to  defeat  the  provifion  in  the  chartev,  and  there  was  no 
profpedt  of  any  relaxation  of  the  inflrudion  to  the  gov- 
ernor. When  the  fervants  of  the  government  had  fuf- 
fered  a  long  time  for  want  of  their  money,  the  houfe  pafT- 
ed  a  bill  which  fupplied  the  treafury  in  a  way  not  mate- 
rially differing  from  what  had  been  in  practice  before  1720. 
Mr.  Belcher  had  another  inflruction  not  to  confent  to 
the  ifluing  any  bills  of  credit  for  a  longer  term  than  thofe 
were  to  remain  current  which  had  before  been  ifiued, 
none  of  which  extended  beyond  the  year  1741.  It  would 
have  been  but  a  fmall  burden  upon  the  inhabitants  to 
have  paid  the  charges  of  every  year  and  the  debt  which 
lay  upon  fuch  year  befides,  but,  inftead  of  that  v/ife  meaf- 
ure,  they  fuffered  one  year  after  another  to  pafs  with  light 
taxes,  and  laid  heavy  burdens  upon  diftant  years  ;  and 
the  lafl  year,  1741,  had  more  laid  upon  it  than  any  four 
or  five  preceding  years  ;  and  although  even  this  was  far 
fhort  of  what  has  been  paid  in  fome  fucceeding  years,  yet 
it  was  deemed  an  infupportable  burden,  and  it  was  gene- 
rally fuppofed  the  promifes  made  by  the  acls  of  govern- 
ment to  draw  in  the  bills  in  that  year  would  by  fome 
means  or  other  be  evaded  or  openly  violated.  Mr.  Bel- 
cher feemed  determined  to  adhere  to  his  initrudion,  and 
there  was  an  expe^lation  of  fome  great  convulfion,  which 
was  prevented  by  his  being  fuperfeded  before  that  period 
arrived. 

The  proje^:  we  have  taken  notice  of,  for  fettling 
the  eaitern  country,  captain  Coram  purfued  until  he  pro- 
cured an  order  or  inflru6.ion  to  colonel  Phillips,  the  gov- 
ernor of  Nova  Scotia,  in  1730,  to  take  poiiefiion  of  the 
land  between  St.  Croix  and  Kennebeck,  and  thirty  men 

with 


34©  THE   HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  IV. 

with  an  officer  were  fent  to  the  fort  ?1  Pemaquid,  built  by 
Mafiachufetts.     Colouel  Dunbar,  a  gentleman  out  of  em- 
ploy, came  over  about  the  fame  time,  took  the  command 
of  the  fort,  and  alTumed  the  government  of  that  part  of 
the  Province,     Mr.  Belcher  was  appKed  to  by  the  propri- 
etors of  the  lands  there,  and  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives 
aflerted  the  right  of  the  Province.     The  governor  with 
advice  of  council  jHued  a  proclamation,  requiring  the  in^ 
habitants  to  remain  in  their  obedience  and  due  fubjedion 
to  the  laws  and  government  of  the  Province.    This  feems 
to  have  been  all  that  in  prudence  he  could  do.     Some 
were  for  taking  further  meafures  to.  remove  Dunbar, 
which,  as  he  had  a  royal  commiffion,  however  liable  to 
exceptions,  Mr.  Belcher  thought  by  no  means  warranta- 
ble.    The  minds  of  the  people  were  inflamed,  and  when 
Dunbar  came  up  to  Boilon  he  perfiiled  in  his  claim  to  the 
country,  which,  with  reports  of  fohie  not  very  decent  ex- 
preflions  of  the  governor,  raifed  the  refentment  of  many. 
Perfcns  of   ill   defign,  perhaps,  might   have  been  able 
to   have   caufcd  a   tumult.      The    lands    indeed     were 
claimed   by   a   few    particular    perfons,    but     it     v/as 
fpread  abroad  that  when  this  country  Ihould  be  detached 
from  the  red  of  the  Province,  the  fupplies  of  fuel  to  the 
fea-port  towns   would  ceafe,  or  be  burdened  with  heavy 
duties,  and  the  poor  opprelTed.     It  happened  that   Mr, 
Samuel  Waldo,  a  gentleman  of  good  capacity  and  who 
would  not  eafily  relinquiili  his  right,  undertook  for  the 
proprietors  of  the  principal  tra6t  of  the  country  claimed, 
and  upon  reprefentation  to  his  majefly  in  council,  the  or- 
der to  Phillips  and  the  authority  to  Dunbar  were  revoked 
in  i732,<and  the  government  of  the  Province  afterv/ards 
thought  it  proper  to  place  a  garrifon  in  their  own  pay  at 
Fort  Frederick,  the  name  given  by  Dunbar  to  the   fort 
at  Pemaquid. 

I  fliall  take  notice  of  two  or  three  only  and  thofe  the 
mod  remarkable  events  during  the  red  of  Mr.  Belcher's 
admmiilration. 

In  1733  tfiere  was  a  general  complaint  throughout  the 
four  governments  of  New  England  of  the  unufual  fcarcity 
of  money.     There  was  as  large  ^  fum  current  in  bills  of 

credit 


x733-i         Massachusetts.  341^ 

credit  as  ever,  but  the  bills  having  depreciated  they  an- 
fvvered  the  purpofes  of  money  fo  much  Ids  in  proportion. 
MalTachufetts  and  New  Hampfliire  were  clogged  with  royal 
inftrudions.     It  was  owing  to  them  that  thole  govern- 
ments had  not  iffued  bills  to  as  great  an  amouilt  as  Rhodes 
liland.     Conne6ticur,  although   under  no  reitraint,  yet, 
confifting  of  more  hufbandmen  and  fewer  traders  than  the 
reft,  did  not  fo  much  feel  the  want  of  money.     The  Maf- 
fachufetts  people  were  dilfatisiied  that  Rhode  Ifland  fliould 
fend  their  bills  among  them  and  take  away  their  fubftance 
and  employ  it  in  trade,  and  many  people  wiflied  to  fee  the 
bills  of  each  government  current  within  the  limits  of  fuch 
government  only.     In  the  midft  of  this  difcontent,  Rhodtj 
liland  palled  an  acV.  for  ifluing   ioo,ocol.  upon  lo?n,  for, 
I  think,  twenty  years  to  their  own  inhabitants,  who  v^^ould 
immediately  have  it   in  their  power  to  add  ioo,oooL   tt> 
their  trading  flock    from  the  horfe.-,  flieep,  lumber,  fifh, 
&c.  of  the  MalTachufetts  inhabitants.     The  merchants  of 
Bofton  therefore  confederated  and  mutually  promifed  and 
engaged  not  to  receive  any  bills  of  this  new  emillion  ;  bur, 
to  provide  a  currency,  a  large  number  formed  themfelves 
into  a  company,  entered  into  covenants,  chofe  diredors, 
&c.  and  ilTued  i  io,cocl.  redeemable  in  ten  years,  in  filvcr 
at  10/i  per  oz.  the  then  current  rate,  or  gold  in  proportion, 
a  tenth  part  annually.     About  the  fame  tim.e  the  MalTa- 
chufetts treafury,  which  had  been  long  fhut,  was  opened, 
and  the  debts  of  two  or  three  years  were  all  paid  at  on-v? 
time  in  bills  of  credit  ;  to  this  was  added  the  ordinary 
emillions  of  bills  from  New  Hampfhire  and  Conneclicut  ; 
and  fome  of  the  Bofton  merchants,  tempted  by  an  oppor- 
tunity of  felling  their  EngliHi  goods, having  broke  through 
their  engagements  and  received  the  Rhode  liland  bills,  all 
the  reft  foon  fallowed  the  example.      All  thefe  emilTions 
made  a  flood  of  money,  filver  rofe  from  ig^C  to  zyf.  the  oz. 
and  exchange  with   all   other  countries  confequently  rofe 
alio,  and  every  creditor  was  defrauded  of  about  one  third 
of  his  juft  dues.     As  foon  as  filver  rofe  to  27/'.   the  notes 
ilTued  by  the  merchants  payable  at  igf.  were  hoarded  up, 
and  no  longer  anfwered  the  purpofes  of  money.   Although 
the  currency  was  leftened  by  taking  away  the  notes,  yet 


342  tHE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IV. 

what  remained  never  increafed  in  value,  filver  continuing 
feveral  years  about  the  fame  rate,  until  it  took  another 
large  jump.  Thus  Very  great  injuftice  was  caufed  by  this 
wretched  paper  currency,  and  no  relief  of  any  fort  obtain- 
ed ;  for  by  this  finking  in  value,  though  the  nominal  fum 
was  higher  than  it  had  ever  been  before,  yet  the  currency 
would  produce  no  more  (lerling  money  than  it  would 
have  done  before  the  late  emiiiions  were  made.* 

In  1 737,  a  controverfy  which  had  long  fubfifted  betweeri 
the  two  governments  of  MaiTachufetts  and  New  Hamp- 
fliire  was  heard  by  commillioners    for  that    purpofe   ap- 
pointed by   the    crov/n.       Various    attempts    had   been, 
been  made  to  fettle  this  difpute,    and    it    had  been  often 
recommended  by  the  crown  to  the  affemblies  of  the  two 
Pfovinces  to  agree   upon  arbitrators    from   neighbouring 
governments,  and   to    pafs  acls  v;hich   fliould  bind   each 
Province  to   be  fubjc^^  to  their   determinations.     Several 
fuch  ads  paued,  but  they  were  not  exadly  conformable 
one  to  tlie  other,    or  the  operation  of  them  was  by  fome 
means  or  other  obftruded.     MaiTachufetts   refufed  terms 
which  afterwards  they  would  gladly  have  accepted.     They 
have  done  the  like  in  other  controverfies.     Long  poUef- 
fion  caufed  them    to  be  loth  to  concede   any  part  of  the 
territory.     New  Hampfnire  took  its  name  from  the  grants 
made  by  the  council  of  Plymouth  to  captain  John  Mafon. 
Of  thefe  there  had  been  four  or  five,  all  containing  more  or 
lefs  of  the  fame  lands.     Exceptions  were  taken  to  all  of 
them,  and  that  which  was  the  leafl:  imperfed  was  dated 
after  the  grant  of  Maflachufetts,  fo  that  the  Vv^hole  contro- 
verfy turned  upon  the  conftrudion  of  the  MaiTachufetts 
charters.     The  firfl  charter  made  the  northern  boundary 
to  be  three  miles  to  the  northward  of  Merrimack  river,  or 
to  the  northward  of  any  and  every  part  thereof.     After 
running  weflward  about  thirty  miles  from  the  fea,   the 
river  alters  its  courfe,  and  tends  to  the  north,  or,  to  fpeak 
with  more  propriety,  having  run  from   its  crotch  or   the 
meeting  of  PemigewafTet  river  and  Winnepifliauke  pond 

to 

*  William  Taikr,  efquire,  the  lieutenant  governor,  dying  in  I732,in  1733  Spen-v 
eer  Phips,  efquire,  nephew  by  the  fitter  and  adopted  fon  to  Sir  William  Phips,  fuc- 
ceeded.  Mr.  Belcher  nfed  his  intereft  for  Adam  Wlnthrop,  effjuire.  Both  Winthrop 
and  Phips  ha.d  been  leveral  years  oiembers  of  the  cowncil. 


T7J7-1  MASSACHUSETTS.  34^ 

to  the  fouthward  about  fifty  miles,  it  then  tends  to  the 
eaftward  about  thirty  miles,  until  it  empties  into  the  iea. 
It  was  urged  by  the  advocates  for  Mailiichufctts  colony 
that  their  boundary  was  to  be  three  miles  to  the  north- 
ward of  the  northernmod  part  of  the  river,  and  to  extend 
eafl:  and  weft  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  South  Sea.  This 
fwallowed  up  all  New  Hampfiiire  and  the  greateft  part  of 
the  Province  of  Maine.  At  a  hearing  before  the  king  m 
council  in  1677,  the  agents  for  MaHTachufetts,  by  advice, 
difclaimed  all  right  of  jurifdiclion  beyond  the  three  miles 
north  of  the  river  according  to  the  coiirfe,  and  it  W2s  de- 
termined they  had  a  right  as  far  as  the  river  extended, 
but  how  far  the  river  did  extend  was  not  then  cxpreTsly 
mentioned.  It  feems  however  not  to  have  been  doubted  ^ 
for  although  at  the  time  of  the  grant  of  the  firll  charter 
it  does  not  appear  that  the  courfe  v/as  knov/n  any  great 
diitance  from  the  fea,  yet,  foon  after  the  government  was 
transferred  from  Old  ICngland  to  New,  it  was  as  well 
known  by  the  name  of  Merrimack  as  *ar  as  Penicook  a;> 
it  is  at  this  day,  and  the  tribe  of  Indians  which  dwelt  there 
had  a  correfpondence  with  the  Englifli  ;  and  in  1639, 
perfons  were  employed  by  the  government  of  Maflachu- 
fetts  to  explore  that  part  of  the  country,  and  there  are 
flill  preferved  the  tePiimonies  of  divers  perfons,  declaring 
that  they  before  that  time  alv/ays  underllood  the  river  ta 
be  called  by  the  fame  name,  from  the  crotch  to  the  mouth. 
If  the  firft  charter  cf  Maflachufetts  had  continued,  it  is 
not  probable  any  different  conftruclion  would  ever  have 
been  ilarted  ;  but  in  the  new  charter  the  boundary  is- 
thus  expreffed,  "  extending  from  the  great  river,  com- 
monly called  Monomack,  alias  Merrimack,  on  the  north 
part  and  from  three  miles  northward  of  the  faid  river,  to 
the  Atlantic  or  Weftern  Sea  or  ocean  on  the  fouth  part, 
&c."  The  whole,  however,  of  the  old  colony  being  in- 
cluded in  the  new  Province,  many  years  pafied  without 
any  thought  of  a  different  conftruclion  of  bounds  in  the 
two  charters,  and  the  difputes  between  Ncvvt  Hampfliire 
and  Maffachufetts,  have  been  principally  concerning  the 
towns  of  SaHft)ury  and  Haverhill,  which,  when  firft 
granted  by  Maffachufetts,  were  made  to  extend  more  than 

three 


144  "I'^-^S   HISTORY   OP  [Chap.  IV, 

three  miles  from  the  river,  and  the  part  beyond  the  three 
miles  remained  under  the  jurifdidion  by  which  they  had 
been  granted,  which  New  HampHiire  complained  of.  A  new 
line,  to  begin  three  miles  north  of  the  mouth  of  Mernmack 
and  fo  run  well  to  the  South  Sea,  is  a  modern  conil:ru£lion. 
Some  hints  had  been  given  of  fuch  a  line,  before  or  about. 
the  year  1726^  and  it  was  fuppofed  by  New  Hampfhire 
that  MafTachufetts  were  induced  thereby  to  make  grants 
of  townOiips  betv/een  Merrimack  and  Connedicut  river, ' 
in  order  to  Ilrengthen  their  title  by  pofTeiTion.  Still  there 
was  a  profpecl  of  accommodation,  and,  in  the  year  1 73 1  ,the 
committees  from  the  aiTemblies  of  thetwoProvinces  differed 
only  upon  the  point  of  equivalents,  the  Maifachufetts  defir- 
ing  toretain  under  th^'fr  jurifdidion  the  whole  of  thofe  towns 
which  lay  upon  tne  river,  and  to  give  other  lands  as  an  , 
equivalent  for  the  property  ;  but  about  the  fame  time  the 
gentlemen  of  New  Hampfhire,  who  had  for  m.any  years 
before  been  at  the  helm,  thhiking,  and  perhaps  jultly, 
that  they  were  not  well  treated  by  Mr.  Belcher,  determin- 
ed to  exert  themfelves  to  obtain  a  governor  for  that  Prov- 
ince, and  to  remain  no  Jonger  under  the  fame  governor 
with  MaiTachufetts.  They  had  but  little  chance  for  this 
unlefs  they  could  enlarge  their  bounds.  The  very  pro- 
pofal  of  a  diilind  government,  as  it  increafed  the  number 
of  onicers  of  the  crown,  they  thought  would  be  a  favour- 
able circumilance  in  fettling  the  controverfy  with  Maffa- 
chufetts. 

The  houfe  of  reprefentatives  of  New  Hampfhire,  Od.  7, 
3731,  by  a  vote  appointed  John  Rindge,  efquire,  a  mer- 
chant there,  who  was  bound  to  England,  their  agent  to 
fohcit  the  fettlement  of  the  boundaries.  But  their  main 
dependence  was  upon  Mr.  Thomlinfon,  a  gentleman  who 
had  been  in  New  Hampihire,  and  was  then  a  merchant  of 
note  in  London,  and  perhaps  was  as  capable  of  conduc- 
ing their  caufe  as  any  perfon  they  could  have  pitched 
upon.  He  had  the  friendfliip  of  colonel  Bladen,  who  at 
that  day  had  great  weight  in  the  board  of  trade,  and  had 
conceived  very  unfavourable  fentiments  of  Maifachufetts 
in  general,  and  did  not  like  Mr.  Belcher  the  governor. 
He  cmoloved  a  folicitor,  Ferdinando  Paris,  one  of  the 
^     '  firft 


t737-!]  MASSACHUSETTS.  345 

firft  rate,  and  who  had  a  peculiar  talent  at  flurring  the 
characters  of  his  antagonifts.  Many  of  his  briefs  which  I 
have  [Qen  abound  in  this  way.  The  firfl  ilep  in  confe- 
quence  of  Mr.  Rindge's  petition  was  a  queftion  fent  by 
the  lords  of  trade  to  the  attorney  and  folicitor  general  for 
their  opinion,  "  From  what  part  of  Merrimack  river  the 
three  miles  from  whence  the  dividing  line  between  the 
Province  of  New  Hampfliire  and  the  Province  of  MafTa- 
chufetts  is  to  begin,  ought  to  be  taken  according  to  the 
intent  of  the  charter  of  William  and  Mary."  This  was 
Ja  plain  intiirKition,  that  if  the  point  where  to  begin  could 
be  fettled,  nothing  more  was  necelfary,  the  wefl  Une 
daimed  by  New  Hampfhire  was  to  follow  of  courfe.  i  The 
Maifachuletts  agent  (Mr.  Wilks)  by  his  council  would 
fay  nothing  upon  the  queilion,  becaufe  it  would  not  de- 
termine the  matters  in  difpute.  Report  was  made,  how- 
ever, that  it  ought  to  begin  three  miles  iiorth  of  the  mouth 
of  Merrimack  river.  It  was  then  propofed  that  commif- 
fioners  fhould  be  appointed  to  fettle  this  controverfy.  This 
the  Malfachufctts  people  were  averfe  to,  Unlefs  they  knew 
who  they  were  to  be.  They  were  at  the  fame  time  afraid 
of  its  being  determined  in  England,  ex  parte,  if  they 
fliould  refufe  to  confent=  A  committee  of  the  general 
court  reported,  that  the  agent  fhould  be  inflru6:ed  that 
the  Province  would  agree  to  commiilioners  to  be  appoint- 
ed, to  fettle  the  controverfy,  here.  This  report  was  ac- 
cepted, the  houfe  intending  the  commlffioners  fliould  be 
agreed  upon  by  the  two  governments,  fome  of  the  com- 
iiiittee  intending  the  agent  fhould  underftand  his  inflruc- 
tions,  to  conferit  to  the  appointment  of  commiilioners 
provided  they  fat  here  or  in  one  of  the  two  governments. 
A  comma  after  the  word  appointed,  and  after  the  word 
controverfy ,  "^ould  give  the  fenfe  of  the  houfe,  the  lad 
comma  left  but  it  might  be  taken  in  the  fenfe  of  the  com- 
mittee ;  but  as  it  Is  mod  probable  the  letter  had  no  regu- 
lar pointing,  their  meaning  was  to  be  guelTed  at. 

This  was  treating  the  agent  ill,  and  he  was  cenfured  by 
the  houfe  for  not  obferving  his  inftruftions.  I  have  heard 
this  account  of  the  affair  from  fome  of  the  committee, 
who  excufed  theraielves  for  this  equivocal  report  as  being 
Vol,  II,  Y  neceflary 


346  THE   fllSTORY  OF         .  [Chap..  IIT.. 

necelTary  for  the  public  fervice,  the  houfe  not  being  will-* 
ing  to  confent  to  an  explicit  fubmiffion.  It  was  made  a 
condition  of  the  fubmiffion  that  private  property  fhould 
not  be  affected.  The  miniftry  in  later  inilances  have  not 
waited  for  an  exprefs  fubmiffion,  but  have  appointed  com- 
miflioners  upon  application  from  one  party  only. 

The  commiffioners  were  all  fuch  as  the  New  Hampfhire. 
agent  propofed,  five  counfellors  from  each  of  the  govern- 
ments of  New  York,-  Rhode  Ifland  and  Nova  Scotia. 
With  the  two  former  governments,  Maifachufetts  were 
then  in  controverfy  about  hnes.  The  letter,  it  was  faid,, 
was  difafFecled  to  charter  government.  Connedicut,  pro- 
pofed by  Maifachufetts,  was  rejeded  becaufe  of  a  bias- 
from  their  trade,  religion,  &c.  which  New  Hampfhire 
\^as  afraid  of.  The  place  for  the  meeting  of  commiffion- 
ers was  Hampton  in  New  Hampfhire,  the  firfl  of  Auguft. 

The  commiffioners  from  Nova  Scotia^  with  fome  of 
Rhode  liland,  met  at  the  time  appointed,  and  were  after- 
wards joined  by  Mr.  Livingftone  from  New  York,  who 
prefided.  After  many  weeks  fpent  in  hearing  the  parties 
and  examining  their  evidence,  the  only  doubt  in  the  com- 
miffioners' minds  was,  whether  the  Maifachufetts  new 
charter  comprehended  the  whole  of  the  old  colony.  Not 
being  able  to  fatisfy  themfelves,  and  perhaps  not  being 
unwilling  to  avoid  the  determination,  they  agreed  to 
make  a  fpecial  judgment  or  decree,  the  fubftance  of  which 
was,  that  if  the  charter  of  William  and  Mary  grants  to 
Maifachufetts  all  the  lands  granted  by  the  charter  of 
Charles  I.  they  then  adjudge  a  curve  hne  to  begin  three 
miles  north  of  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  to  keep  the 
jfame  diflance  from  the  river  as  far  as  the  crotch  or  part- 
ing at  Pemigewaffet  and  Winnepiffiaukee,  and  then  to  rua 
weft  towards  the  South  Sea  until  it  meets  with  his  majef- 
ty's  other  governments  ;  but  if  the  charter  of  Wilham 
and  Mary  did  not  contain,  &c.  then  they  adjudge  a  weft 
line  to  begin  at  the  fame  place  three  miles  north  of  the 
mouth  and  to  run  to  the  South  Sea.  This  point  in  doubt 
they  fubmitted  to  his  majefty's  royal  pleafure. 

The  people  of  Maifachufetts  were  fure  of  their  caufe. 
It  was  impoffible,.  they  thought,  confiftent  with  common 

fenfe,, 


\rj2J-']  MASSACHUStTtS.  347 

f(^nfe,  that  the  point  in  doubt  fliould  be  determined  againft 
them.  They  thought  it  fafefl,  however,  to  fend  to  ; En- 
gland a  fpecial  agent,  EJmunJ  Quincy,  enquire,  one  of 
the  council,  who  had  been  one  of  the  court's  a<^ents  be- 
fore the  commifTioners.  He  was  joined  with  Mr.  Wilks^ 
a^id  Mr.  Belcher  by  his  intereft  prevailed  upon  :he  aiTem- 
bly  to  add  a  third,  his  wife's  brother,  Richard  Partridge. 
Exceptions,  called  an  appeal,  were  offered  to  the  judgment 
of  the  commifTioners.  Mr.  Quincy  died  of  the  Imall-pox 
by  inoculation,  foon  after  his  arrival  in  London  ;  the 
other  two  knew  little  or  nothing  of  the  controverfy. 
The  commillioners,  however,  had  rendered  it  as  difficult 
to  determine  a  line  againft  Maffachufetts  as  if  they  had 
given  a  general  judgment  in  their  favour.  The  New 
Hampfliire  agent  and  folicitor  thought  of  no  expedient. 
In  their  brief,  they  pray  the  lords  committee  to  report 
"  that  all  the  lands  lying  to  the  northward  of  Merrimack 
river,  which  were  granted  by  the  charter  of  king  Charles  1. 
to  the  late  colony  ef  Maffachufetts^  are  not  granted  to  the 
prefent  Province  of  Maffachufetts  by  the  charter  of  king 
William  and  queen  Mary;"  This  never  could  have  been 
done;  At  the  hearing,  it  was  thought  proper  to  lay  afide 
all  regard  to  to  the  judgment  of  the  commiffioners,  and  to 
proceed  upon  an  entirely  new  plan.  No  doubt  was  made^ 
that  the  old  colony  was  all  included  in  the  new  ProvixicCi 
The  queffion  was,  what  w-ere  the  northern  bounds  of  the* 
colony  of  Maffachufetts,  which  the  council  of  Plymouth 
when  they  fold  the  territory  to  the  patentees,  and  x\\c 
king  when  he  granted  the  jurifdi6:iori,  had  in  contempla- 
tion. This,  it  was  faid,  muft  be  a  line  three  miles  north 
of  a  river  not  fully  explored,  but  whofe  general  courfe 
was  fuppofed  to  be  eafl  and  weft.  So  far  therefore  as  it 
afterwards  appeared  that  the  river  kept  this  courfe,  fo  far 
it  was  equitable  the  line  ftiould  continue  ;  but,  as  on  the 
one  hand  if  the  river  had  altered  its  courfe  and  turned  to 
the  fouth,  it  would  have  been  inequitable  to  have  reduced 
the  grant  to  a  very  fmall  traft,  fo  on  the  other  hand, 
when  it  appeared  to  turn  to  the  north,  it  was  inequitable 
to  extend  the  grant  and  make  a  very  large  territory,  and 
Y  7,  therefore 


^4^  THE  HISTORY  Of  [Chap.  IV. 

therefore  defeat  other  grants  made  about  the  fame  time.^ 
It  was  therefore  determined  that  the  northern  boundaries 
of  Maflachufetts  fhould  be  a  Hne  three  miles  from  the 
I'iver  as  far  as  Pantucket-Falls,  then  to  run  W.  lo  dt:g.  N. 
Until  it  meets  New  York  line. 

The  people  of  Maifachufetts  thought  themfelves  ag- 
grieved. They  fubmitted  the  controverfy  to  commifiion- 
ers  to  be  appointed  by  the  crown,  and  had  been  fully 
heard.  The  whole  proceedings  of  the  commiffioners 
were  fet  afide,  and  without  any  notice  to  the  government^ 
the  controverfy  was  determined  by  a  committee  of  coun- 
cil upon  a  new  point  on  v/hich  their  agent  had  never  been 
inilru61ed.  And,  however  there  might  belhe  appearance' 
of  equity  in  the  principle  upon  which  their  lordfhips  pro- 
ceeded, yet  MaffachufetJis  people  fuppofed,  if  their  poflef- 
fion  for  one  hundred  years,  together  with  the  determina- 
tion of  the  king  in  council  in  1677,  and  the  acquiefcence 
of  ail  parties  in  this  determination  for  about  fifty  years, 
had  been  urged  and  duly  weighed,  the.  balance  upon  the- 
fole  principle  of  equity  would  have  been  in  their  favour. 
It  increafed  their  mortification  to  find  that  they  had  loft 
by  this  new  line  feveral  hundred  thoufand  acres  more 
than  the  utmofl  claim  ever  made  by  New  Hampfliire  ;  for 
Merrimack  river  from  the  mouth  to  Pantucket-Falls  tend- 
ing to  the  fouth,  it  made  a  difference  of  four  or  five  miles 
in  breadth,  the  whole  length  of  the  Hne,  between  a  line  t&' 
run  weft  from  Pantucket-Falls  and  a  Hue  weft  from  t-he 
Black  Rocks. 

The  difpute  about  the  bounds  of  the  Province  of  Maincj 
"which  lies  on  the  other  fide  of  New  Hampfhire,  was  upon 
the  conftrudion  of  the  word  northwejiward.  Maflachu- 
fetts  urged  that  it  was  the  evident  defign  of  the  grantors- 
of  the  Province  of  Maine  to  defcribe  a  territory  about  one 
hundred  and  twenty  miles  fquare.  At  that  day  this  was? 
probably  the  reputed  diftance  from  Newichawannock  or 
Pifcataqua  river  to  Kennebeck,  along  the  fea  coaft,  the 
general  courfe  of  which  was  northeaft  and  fouthweft,  after 

going 

*  The  grant  to  Sir  Henry  Rofwell  and  others  was  March  19th,  1627.  That  to 
Mafon  was  November  7th,  1629,  and  was  to  extend  fixty  miles  froni  the  fea.  But 
the  river  Merrimack  turning  to  the  north  after  about  thirty  miles  from  the  fea,  if 
tlie  Maffachufetts  bounds  had  continued  three  miles  diftant  from  the  river  to  the' 
Trratcb,  it  v/ould  comprehend  more  ti»an  half  of  Mafon's  graut. 


I737-]  MASSACHUSETTS.  349 

going  up  the  two  rivers  to  the  heads,  the  lines  were  to 
run  northweftward  until  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles 
were  finiflied,  and  then  a  line  back  parallel  to  the  line  up- 
on the  fea.  The  agents  for  New  Hampfhire,  at  the  court 
of  commifTioners,  infilled  that  every  body  underflood 
northweflward  to  be  north  a  little,  perhaps  lefs  than  a 
quarter  of  a  point,  weft.  It  not  being  pofTible  to  think 
of  any  reafon  for  a  line  to  run  upon  this  courfe,  MafTa- 
chufetts  could  fcarce  fuppofe  the  New  Hampfliire  agents 
to  be  ferious,  and  imagined  the  commiffioners  would  need 
no  other  reply  than  that  every  body  underftood  a  line 
running  weftward  to  be  a  line  from  eafl:  to  weft,  and  by 
the  fame  rule  of  conftruchion  they  fuppofed  northwcft- 
ward  to  be  from  foutheaft  to  north  weft;  that  northeaftward 
being  explained  in  the  fame  grant  to  be  as  the  coaft  lay, 
proved  in  fa6l  to  be  from  fouthweft  to  northeaft.  They 
were,  however,  furprifed  with  the  determination  of  the 
commiflioners,  that  northweftward  intended  north  two 
degrees  weft.  Why  not  one  degree  or  three  degrees  as 
well  as  two  ?  From  this  part  of  the  judgment  Maffachu- 
fetts  appealed.  The  agents  in  England  obtained  the  cel- 
ebrated doctor  Halley's  opinion,  in  writing  under  his 
hand,  that  in  the  language  and  underftanding  cf  mathe- 
maticians, a  line  to  run  northweftward  is  a  liiie  to  run 
northweft  ;  but  this  opinion  did  not  prevail,  and  the 
judgment  of  the  commiflioners  upon  this  point  was  con- 
firmed by  his  majefty  in  council. 

It  behoved  Mr.  Belcher,  the  governor  of  both  Prov- 
inces, to  carry  an  even  hand.  It  happened  that  the  gen- 
eral court  of  Mafllichufetts,  whilft  it  fat  at  Saliftjury  on 
the  occafion  of  this  controverfy,  made  him  a  grant  of  800I. 
currency,  in  confideration  of  the  deficiency  of  their  for- 
mer  grants,  for  his  falary  and  his  extraordinarj^  expenfe 
and  trouble  in  attending  the  court 'at  a  diftance  from  his 
houfe  and  family.  Soon  after  this  grant,  he  adjourned 
the  general  courts  of  both  Provinces,  in  order  to  their 
determining  whether  to  abide  by  the  remit  of  the  com- 
mifiioners  or  to  appeal  from  it  ;  but  the  court  of  New 
Hanipfliire  was  adjourned  to  a  day  or  two  after  the  Maf- 
(^chufetts  court,  and  it  w^a&  faid  they  were  prevented  en- 
tering 


350  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.IV, 

tering  the  appeal  within  the  time  limited.  He  did  not 
care  that  either  affembly  fhould  do  any  bufmefs  when  he 
was  abfent,  and  therefore  intended  firft  to  finifh  the  Mat- 
fachufetts  bufmefs,  and  immediately  after  proceed  to. 
New  Ilampiliire. 

This  afforded  matter  of  complaint  from  that  Province, 
which  Mr.  Belcher  was  called  upon  to  anfwer,  and  it  was 
determined  the  complaint  w^as  well  founded,  and  it  being 
urged  that  the  800I.  was  intended  as  a  bribe  to  influence 
him  to  this  meafure,  Maflachufetts  thought  their  own 
honour  concerned,  and  joined  with  him  in  his  defence, 
which  perhaps  increafed  the  fufpicion  of  guilt  and  haften- 
ed  his  removal.  That  I  may  finifli  what  relates  to  the 
controverfy  between  the  two  Provinces,  I  muft  take  no- 
tice of  the  conduct  of  Maffachufetts  upoij  the  receiving 
his  majefly's  order  in  council.  The  lines,  by  the  order^^ 
were  to  be  run  by  two  furveyors,  one  on  the  part  of  eacK 
Province,  but  if  either  Province  refufed,  the  other  was  to 
proceed  ex  parte.  New  Hampfhire,  whofe  higheft  expec- 
tations were  exceeded,  propofed  to  join,  but  were  refufed 
by  Maffachufetts,  and  thereupon  appointed  furveyors  tQ 
run  the  lines  of  Maffachufetts  and  Province  of  Maine  ex 
parte.  Both  lines  were  complained  of  as  being  run  fa- 
vourably for  New  Hampfhire ;  that  of  the  Province  of 
Maine  is  a  fubjed  of  new  controverfy,  it  having  been 
fuggefled  that  the  furveyor  miftook  the  main  branch  of 
the  river  N'ewichawannock,  which  if  he  had  purfued  would 
have  made  five  or  fix  miles  In  breadth  to  the  advantage 
of  Maffachufetts.  This  refufal  to  join  proceeded  from 
the  feeble,  irrefolute  ftate  of  tlpe  minds  of  the  houfe  of 
reprefentatives.  Unwilling  by  any  ad  of  their  own  to 
exprefs' their  fubmifTion  to  what  they  called  an  unequal 
decree,  they  ran  the  rifl^  of  its  being  carried  into  execu? 
tion  ftill  more  unequally  ;  and  yet  fucceeding  houfes,  by 
a  fubfequent,  long-continued,  paflive  fubmiffion,  as  effec- 
tually fubjeded  the  Province  as  if  it  had  been  expUcitly 
acknowledged  at  firft.  *  *  After 

*  I  may  not  omit  mentioning  tjie  death  of  Thomas  Hutchinfon,  efquire,  Decem- 
ber 3d,  1730,  who  had  been  of  the  council  except  two  years  from  I7I4'  J  "vvifli 
that  many  of  his  pojlerity  may  fo  juftly  deferve  the  characTter  of  true  friends  to  their 
country.  Regsrdlcfs  of  the  frowns  of  a  governor  or  the  threats  of  the  people,  he 
fpcke  and  voted  according  to  his  judgment,  attaching  himfelf  to  no  party  any  furthe^^ 
Jhaji  he  found  their  meafures  tended  tp  promote  the  public  iatereil. 


:1739-1  MASSACHUSETTS.  351 

After  the  controverfy  about  the  governor's  falary  2lnd 
the  fupply  of  the  treafury  was   finifhed,  there  feemed  to 
be  a  general  difpofuion  to  reft,  and  we  hear   little  of  a 
party  in  oppofition  to  the  governor  for  feveral  years  to- 
gether.    Whilft   the    controverfy    with  New  Hampfhire 
was  depending,  all  of  every  party  engaged  in  defence  of 
the  right  of  the  Province.     Befides,  Mr.  Cooke,  who  had 
been  many  years  at  the  head  of  the  popular  party,   was 
worn  out  with   fervice,  and  having  been  fome  time  in  a 
declining  ftate,  died  in  the  fall  of  1737,  and  the  town  of 
Bofton  were  fo  far  from   an  apprehenfion  of  danger  to 
their  liberties,  that  they  chofe  in  his  ftead  Mr.  Wheel- 
wright, the  commiflary-general,  w^ho  depended  upon  the 
governor  every  year  for  his  approbation  after  being  ele6l- 
ed  by  the  council  and  houfe,  and  in   1738   three  of  the 
reprefentatives  of  the  town  had  the  .character  of  friends 
to  government  ;   but  towards  the  end  of  the  year  a  great 
clamour  arofe  againft  the  governor  for  adhering   to    his 
inftrudion  about   paper  maney,   and  a^ainil:   the   three 
reprefentatives,    for  their  pernicious  principles   upon  the 
fubjeft  of  paper  money,    and  at  the  town    eleclion  for 
1739  three  others    were   chofen  in  their  ftead,  two*  of 
them  profefledly  difafteded  to  the  governor  and  promoters 
of  popular  meafures,  the  thirdf  although  of  great  integ- 
rity, and  for  that  reafon  defirous  of  a  fi;s:ed  -currency,  yet 
in  his  judgment  againft  reducing  the  paper  money,  and  a 
favourer  of  fchemes  for  preventing  its  depreciation.    Many 
country  towns   foHowed  the  example  of  Bofton,   and   it 
appeared  that  a  majority  of  the  houfe  were  of  the  fame 
principles  with  the  town  members.     After  Mr.  Belcher's 
arrival,  the  houfe,  as  we  have  obferved,  had  pafled  a  vote 
for  depofiting  500I.  fterhng  in  the  bank  of  England,  to 
be  ufed  as  they  or  their  fucceftbrs  fliould  think  proper.  This 
was  concurred  in  council  and  conlented  to  by  the  gover- 
nor.    This  money,  it  was  faid,  could  not  be  better  applied 
than  in  foliciting  a  relaxation  of  the  governor's  inftruction 
concerning  paper  money,  and  Mr.  Kilby,  one  of  the  Bol- 
ton reprefentatives,   was  chofen  agent  for  the  houfe,  and 
a  petition  was  by  him  prefented  from  the  houfe   to   his 
majefty  in  council,  but  it  had  no  eftecl. 

A  general 

*  James  Allen  and  Chriflopher  Kilby,        t  Edward  BromfjclU. 


35^  THE   HISTQRY   QF  [Ckap.  IV. 

A  general  dread  of  drawing  in  all  the  paper  money 
without  a  fubflitution  of  any  other  inftrument  of  trade  in 
the  place  of  it,  difpofed  a  great  part  of  the  Province  to 
favour  what  was  called  the  land  bank  or  manufadory 
fcheniej  which  was  began  or  rather  revived  in  this  year 
1739,  and  produced  fuch  great  and  lading  mifchiefs,  that 
a^articular  relation  of  tlie  rife,  progrefs  and  overthrow 
orit  may  be  of  ufe  to  difcourage  and  prevent  any  attempts 
of  the  like  nature  in  future  ages.  By  a  flrange  conduct 
in  the  general  court,  they  had  been  ifluing  bills  of  credit 
for  eight  or  ten  years  annually  for  charges  of  government, 
and  being  willing  to  eafe  each  pref^nt  y^ar,  they  had  put 
off  the  redemption  of  the  bills  as  far  as  they  could  ;  but 
the  governor  being  reftrained  by  his  inftrudion  from  go- 
ing beyond  the  year  1 741,  that  year  was  unreafonably 
loaded  with  thirty  or  forty  thoufand  pounds  (terling  taxes, 
which,  according  to  the  general  opinion  of  the  people,  it 
\vas  impoflible  to  levy,  not  only  on  account  of  the  large, 
fum,  but  becaufe  all  the  bills  in  the  Province  were  but 
jull  fyfficient  to  pay  it,  and  there  was  very  little  filver  or 
gold,  which  by  an  act  of  government  was  allowed  to  be 
paid  for  taxes  as  equivalent  to  the  bills,  A  fcheme  was 
laid  before  the  general  court  by  the  author  of  this  hiftory, 
then  one  of  the  reprefentatives  of  Bofton,  in  which  it  wa§ 
propofed  to  borrow  in  England  upon  intereft,  and  to  im- 
port into  the  Province,  a  f\im  in  filver  equal  to  all  the  bills 
then  extant,  and  therewith  to  redeem  them  from  pofief- 
fors,  and  furnifh  a  currency  for  the  inhabitants,  and  to 
repay  the  filver  at  diftant  periods,  which  would  render 
the  biirden  of  taxes  tolerable  by  an  equal  divifion  on  a 
number  of  future  years,  and  would  prevent  the  diflrefs  of 
trade  by  the  lofs  of  the  only  inftrument,  the  bills  of  credit, 
without  another  provided  in  its  place.  Bu^  this  propofal 
was  rejeded.  "One  great  frailty  of  human  nature,  an 
inability  or  indifpofition  to  compare  a  diftant,  though 
certain  inconvenience  or  diftrefs  with  a  prefent  conveni- 
ence or  delight,  is  faid  by  feme  ftrangers,  who  come  among 
us  from  Europe,  to  be  prevalent  in  Americans,  fo  as  to 
make  it  one  of  their  diftjnguifliing  charaderiftics.  Be 
that  as  it  may,  it  is  certain  that  at  this  time  a  great  »um-= 
'■^'  '   '         '    ■     ■'  ^ /"'■ '    ■-■        ■  '      '"'  ber 


I740.3  MASSACHUSETTS.  353 

ber  of  private  perfons,  alleging  that  the  preceding  general 
court  having  fuffered  the  Province  to  be  brought  into  dil- 
trefs  from  which  it  was  not  in  the  power  of  their  fiiccef- 
fors  to  aflbrd  relief,  the  royal  initrudion  being  a  bar  to 
any  future  eniiffions  of  bills  until  all  that  w^ere  then  extant 
fliould  be  redeemed,  refolved  to  interpofe.  Royal  inflruc- 
tions  were  no  bar  to  the  proceedings  of  private  perlbns. 
The  projed  of  a  bank  in  the  year  1714  was  revived.  'I'hc 
projector  of  that  bank  now  put  himfelf  at  the  head  of  Icv- 
en  or  eight  hundred  perfons,  fome  few  ol  rank  and  good 
eftate,  but  generally  of  low  condition  among  the  plebei- 
ans, and  of  fmall  eflate,  and  many  of  them  perhaps 
infolvent.  This  notable  company  were  to  give  credit  to 
150,000k  lawful  money,  to  be  iiiued  in  bills,  each  perfon 
being  to  mortgage  a  real  eflate  in  proportion  to  the  fums 
he  fubfcribed  and  took  out,  or  to  give  bond  with  two. 
fureties,  but  perfonal  feeiirity  was  not  to  be  taken  for 
more  than  iqoI.  from  any  one  perfon.  Ten  directors 
^nd  a  treafurer  were  to  be  chofen  by  the  company.  Kv- 
^ry  fubfcriber  or  partner  w^as  to  pay  three  per  cem.  interefl 
for  the  fum  taken  out,  and  five  per  cent,  of  the  principal ; 
and  he  that  did  not  pay  bills  might  pay  the  produce  and 
inanufadure  of  the  Province  at  fuch  rates  as  the  diredlors 
from  time  to  time  fi:iould  fet,  and  they  fliould  commonly 
pafs  in  lawful  money.  The  pretence  was  that,  by  thus 
furnifhing  a  medium  and  inftrument  of  trade,  not  only 
the  inhabitants  in  general  would  be  better  able  to  procure 
the  Province  bills  of  credit  for  their  taxes,  but  trade,  for^ 
^ign  and  inland,  would  revive  and  flouriih.  The  fate 
of  the  projeCL  was  thought  to  depend  upon  the  opinion 
which  the  general  court  fliould  form  of  it.  It  was  necef- 
fary  therefore  to  have  a  houfe  of  reprefentatives  w^ell  difr 
pofed.  Befides  the  eight  hundred  perlbns  fubfcribers, 
the  needy  part  of  the  Province  in  general  favoured  the 
fcheme.  One  of  their  votes  will  go  as  far  in  popular 
elections  as  one  of  the  moil  opulent.  The  former  are 
niofl  numerous,  and  it  appeartd  that  by  far  the  majority 
9f  the  reprefentatives  for  1740  were  fubfcribers  to  or 
favourers  of  the  fcheme,  and  they  have  ever  iince  been 
qiftinguiflied  by  the  name  of  the  land  bank  houfe. 

Men 


354  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IV. 

Men  of  efhates  and  the  principal  merchants  in  the  Prov- 
ince abhorred  the  project  and  refufed  to  receive  the  bills, 
but  great  numbers  of  Ihop-keepers,  who  had  lived  for  a 
long  time  before  upon  the  fraud  of  a  depreciating  curren- 
cy, and  many  fmall  traders,  gave  credit  to  the  bills.     The 
.^iredors,  it  was  faid,  by  a  vote  of  the  company,  became 
traders,  and  ililied  juft  what  bills  they  thought  proper 
without  any  fund  or  fecurity  for  their  ever  being  redeemed. 
They  purchafed  every  fort  of  commodity,  ever  fo  much  a 
drug,  for  the  fake  of  pulhing  off  their  bills,  and  by  one 
means  or  other  a  large  fum,  perhaps  fifty  or  fixty  thou- 
sand pounds,  was  abroad.     To  leflen  the  temptation  to  re- 
ceive the  bills,  a  company  of  merchants  agreed  to  iflue 
their  notes,  or  bills  redeemable  by  filver  and  gold  at  difr 
tant  periods,  much  hke  the  fcheme  in  1733,  and  attended 
with  no  better  effed.     The  governor  exerted  himfelf  to 
blaft  this  fraudulent  undertaking,  the  land  bank.     Not 
only  fuch  civil  and  military  officers  as  were  directors  or 
partners,   but  all  who  received  or  paid  any  of  the  bills, 
were  difplaced.     The  governor  negatived  the  perfon  cho^ 
fen  fpeaker  of  the  houfe,  being  a  director  of  the  bank, 
and   afterwards    negatived  thirteen   of  the   Hew-ele6led 
counfellors  who  were  dire6lors  or  partners  in  or,  reputed 
favourers  of  the  fcheme.     But  all  was  infufficient  to  fup^ 
prefs  it.     Perhaps  the  major  part,  in  number,  of  the  in- 
iiabitants  of  the  Province,  openly  or  fecretly  were  well- 
wifliers  to  it.     One  of  the  directors  afterwards  acknowl- 
edged to  me,  that  although  he  entered  into  the  company 
with  a  view  to  the  public  intereft,  yet  when  he  found 
what  power  and  influence  they  had  in  all  public  concerns, 
he  was  convinced  it  was  more  than  belonged  to  them, 
more  than  they  could  make  a  good  ufe  of,  and  therefore 
unwarrantable.     Many  of  the  moft  fenfible  difcreet  per- 
fons  in  the  Province  faw  a  general  confufion  at  hand. 
The  authority  of  parliament  to  control  all  public  and  pri- 
vate perfons  and  proceedings  in  the  colonies  was,  in  that 
day,  queflioned  by  nobody.     Application  was  therefore 
made  to  parliament  for  an  ad  to  fupprefs  the  company, 
which,   notwithilanding    the   oppofition  made   by  their 
agent,  was  very  eafily  obtained,  and'thereiji  it  was  declar- 
ed 


1740.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  355 

ed  that  the  act  of  the  6th  of  king  George  I.  chapter' the 
eighteenth,  did,  does  and  fliall  extend  to  the  colonies  and 
plantations  in  America.  It  was  faid  the  act  of  George  I, 
when  it  palTed,  had  no  relation  to  America,  but  another 
act  twenty  years  after  gave  it  a  force  even  from  the  paif-? 
ing  it,  which  it  never  could  have  had  without.  This  was 
fard  to  be  an  inlfance  of  the  tranfce^dent  power  of  par  ha-, 
inent.  Although  the  company  was  dillolved,  yet  Ihe  ad: 
of  parliament  gave  the  polTeffors  of  the  bills  a  right  of 
ad;ion  againfl  every  partner  or  director  for  the  fums  ex- 
prefTed  with  intereft.  The  company  were  in  a  maze. 
At  a  general  meeting  fome,  it  was  faid^  were  for  running 
all  hazards,  although  the  a<^  fubjected  them  to  a  prasmu- 
nire,  but  the  diredtors  had  more  prudence,  and  advifed 
them  to  declare  that  they  confidered  themfelves  difTolved, 
and  rnet  only  to  confult  upon  fome  method  of  redeeming 
their  bills  from  the  poflefTors,  which  every  man  engagecl 
to  endeavour  in  proportion  to  his  intereft,  and  to  pay  in 
to  the  directors  or  fome  of  them  to  burn  or  deftroy.  Had 
the  company  iflued  their  bills  at  the  value  expreffed  in  the 
face  of  them,  they  would  have  had  no  reafon  to  complain 
of  being  obhged  to  redeern  them  at  the  fame  rate  ;  but  as 
this  was  not  the  cafe  iu  general,  and  many  of  the  poifelfors 
of  the  bills  had  acquired  them  for  half  their  value,  as  ex- 
prelTed,  equity  could  not  be  done,  and  fo  fiir  as  refpected 
the  company,  perhaps,  the  parHament  was  not  very  anx- 
ious, the  lofs  they  iuitained  being  but  a  juft  penalty  for 
their  unwarrantable  undertaking  if  it  had  been  properly 
applied.  Had  not, the  parhament  interpofed,  the  Province 
would  have  been  in  the  utmolt  confufion,  and  the  author- 
ity of  government  entirely  in  the  land  bank  company. 

Whilft  Mr.  Belcher,  by  his  vigorous  oppofition  to  the 
land  bank,  was  rendering  hiinfelf  obnoxious  to  one  half 
the  people  of  the  Province,  mcafures  were  purfuing  in 
England  for  his  removal  from  the  government.  Belides 
the  attempts  which  we  have  mentioned  from  New  Hamp- 
{hire,  v/hich  had  never  been  laid  afide,  there  had  always 
been  a  difaffecled  party  in  Maflachufetts  who  had  been 
ufmg  what  intereft  they  had  in  P^ngland  againil  him. 
Lord  Wilmington,  prefident  of  the  council,  the  fpeake^ 

of 


35^  THE   HISTORf  OF  [Chap.  IV, 

of  the  houfe  of  cammons,  and  Sir  Charles  Wager,  firfl 
lord  of  the  admiralty,  all  had  a  favourable  opinion  of  Mr. 
Belcher,  fo  had  Mr.  Holden,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the 
diffenters  in  England,  and  all  upon  one  occafion  or  an- 
other had  appeared  for  him. 

The  mod  unfair  and  indireO:  meafures  were  ufed  with 
each  of  thefe  perfons  to  render  Mr.  Belcher  obnoxious 
and  odious  to  them.  The  firft  inftance  was  feveral  years 
before  this  time.  A  letter  was  Tent  to  Sir  Charles  Wager 
in  the  name  of  five  perfons  whofe  hands  were  counter- 
feited, with  an  infmuation  that  Mr.  Belcher  encouraged 
the  deflrudion  of  the  pine  trees  referved  for  mafts  for  the 
navy,  and  fuffered  them  to  be  cut  into  logs  fofi)oards. 
Forgeries  of  this  for.t  ftrike  us  with  more  horror  than  falfe 
infinu  itions  in  converfation,  and  perhaps  are  equally  mif- 
chievous  in  their  efFeds.  The  latter  may  appear  the  lefs 
criminal  becaufe  abundantly  more  common. 

An  anonymous  letter  was  fent  to  Mr.  Holden,  but  the 
contents  of  it  declared  that  it  was  the  letter  of  many  of  the 
principal  miniders  of  New  England,  who  were  afraid  to 
publifh  their  names  left  Mr.  Belcher  fhould  ruin  them. 
The  charge  againft  him  was  a  fecret  undermining  the 
congregational  intereft  in  concert  with  commiiTary  Price 
and  dodor  Cutler,  whilft  at  the  fame  time  he  pretended 
to  Mr.  Holden  and  the  other  diffenters  in  England  to  have 
it  much  at  heart.  To  remove  fufpicion  of  fraud,  the  let- 
ter was  fuperfcribed  in  writing,  either  in  imitation  of  doc- 
tor Colman's  hand,  a  correfpondent  of  Mr.  Holden,  or, 
which  is  more  probable,  a  cover  of  one  of  his  genuine 
letters  had  been  taken  off  by  a  perfon^  of  not  an  unblem- 
ifhed  character,  to  whofe  care  it  was  committed,, and  made 
ufeof  to  inclofe  the  fpurious  one.  Truth  and  right  arc 
more  frequently,  in  a  high  degree,  violated  in  poHtical 
contefts  and  animofities  than  upon  any  other  occafion. 
It  was  well  known  that  nothing  would  more  readily  induce 
a  perfon  of  fo  great  virtue  as  the  fpeaker  to  give  up  Mr. 
Belcher  than  an  inftance  of  corruption  and  bribery.  The 
New  Hampfhire  agents  therefore  furnifhed  him  with  the 
votes  of  the  Maifachufetts  alfembly,  containing  the  grant 
pf  800I.  and  evidence  of  the  adjournment  of  New  Hamp- 

jQiire 


i74o.]  MASSACHUSETtS.'  357 

/hire  afTembly,  alleged  to  be  done  in  confequence,  nor 
was  he  undeceived  until  it  was  too  late. 

Mr.  Wilks,  the  Mailachufetts  agent,  who  was  in  great 
efteem  with  lord  Wilmington,  and  was  really  a  perlon  of 
a  fair  upright  mind,  had  prevented  any  impreflions  to  Mr. 
Belcher's  prejudice  ;  but  it  unluckily  happened  that  the 
land  bank  company  employed  Richard  rartridQ;e,  brother 
by  marriage  to  Mr.  Belcher  as  their  agent.  He  had  been 
many  years  agent  for  his  brother,  which  fact  was  well 
known  to  his  lordfhip,  but,  from  an  expedlation  of  obtain- 
ing the  fole  agency  of  the  Province  by  the  intered  of  the 
prevailing  party  there,  engaged  zealoufly  in  oppoling  the 
petitioners  to  the  houfe  of  commons,  and  gave  out  bilij? 
at  the  door  of  the  houle.  It  was  faid  that  all  Mr.  Belcher's 
oppofition  to  the  fcheme,  in  the  Province,  was  mere  pre- 
tence ;  had  he  been  in  earnefl:,  his  agent  in  England  Would 
never  venture  to  appear  in  fupport  of  it,  and  this  was  im- 
proved with  lord  Wilmington  to  induce  him  to  give  up- 
Mr.  Belcher,  and  it  fucceeded.  Still,  the  remov<il  was 
delayed  one  week  after  another,  two  gentlemen  front 
Mailachufetts  continually  foliciting.  At  length,,  it  being 
known  that  lord  Eufton's  eletlion  for  Coventry  was  dubi- 
ous, one  of  thefe  gentlemen  undertook  to  the  duke  of 
Grafton  to  fecure  the  election,  provided  Mr.  Belcher 
might  immediately  be  removed ;  and,  to  accomplifli  his 
defign,  he  reprefented  to  Mr.  Maltby,  a  large  dealer  in 
Coventry  ftuffs  and  a  zealous  diifenter,  that  Mr.  Belcher 
"U'as,  with  the  epifcopal  clergy,  eonfpiring  the  ruin  of  tho 
congregational  intereft  in  New  England,  and  unlefs  he 
Was  immediately  removed  it  would  be  irrecoverably  loft  ; 
that  the  duke  of  Grafton  had  promifed,  if  lord  J^ufton.^s 
cledion  could  be  fecured,  it  (hould  be  done  ;  that  lettei^ 
to  his  friends  in  Coventry  would  infalHbly. fecure  it;  that 
he  could  not  better  employ  his  intereft  than  in  the  caufe 
of  God  and  of  religion.  MaltUy  fwallowed  the  bait,  ufed  all 
his  intereft  for  lord  Eufton,  the  two-gentlemen  fpcnt  three 
weeks  at  Coventry,  and  having  fucceeded,  agreeable  to 
the  duke's  promile  Mr.  Belcher  was  removed  a  day  or 
two  after  their  return.  This  account  I  received  from- 
Mr.  Maltby  himfelf,  who  lamented  that'  he  had  fuffered 
himfelf  to  be  fo  cafily  impofed  on.  A  f  -  - 


358  "TEE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap,  m 

A  few  weeks  longer  delay  would  have  baffled  all  the 
fchemes.  The  news  arrived  of  his  negativing  thirteeri 
cDunfeliors  and  difplacing  a  great  number  of  officers  con- 
cerned in  the  land  bank,  and  his  2:eal  and  fortitude  were 
highly  applauded  when  it  was  too  late.  Being  in  London 
at  this  time,  I  had  opportunity  of  fully  informing  myfelf 
of  thefe  fads.  Certainly,  in  public  employments  no  man 
ought  to  be  condemned  from  the  reports  or  accufations 
of  a  party  without  a  fufficient  opportunity  given  him  to 
exculpate  himfelf,  a  plantation  governor  efpecially,  whoj 
be  he  without  guile,  or  a  conlummate  poHtician,  will 
infallibly  have  a  greater  or  leifer  number  difalfeded 
to  him. 

Mr.  Shirley,  fucGeflbr  to  Mr.  Belcher,  was  a  gentle- 
man of  Sullex,  bred  in  the  law,  and  had  been  in  office  in 
the  city^  but  having  profped  of  a  numerous  offsprings 
was  advifed  to  remove  to  Bollon  in  Malfachufetts,  where 
he  had  refided  fix  or  eight  years  and  acquired  a  general 
efteem,  and  if  there  mud  be  a  change,  it  was  faid  to  be 
as  acceptable  to  have  it  in  his  favour  as  any  perfori 
\vhofoever*  His  lady  was  then  in  London,  and  had  ob^ 
tained  the  promife  of  the  colledor's  place  for  the  port  of 
Boflon,  and  would  have  preferred  it  to  the  government  ; 
but  a  llrong  interefl:  being  made  for  Mr.  Frankland,  fmce 
Sir  Henry  Frankland,  there  was  no  way  of  providing 
for  both,  except  by  giving  the  government  to  Mr.  Shirley* 

The  news  came  to  Boflon  the  firfl  week  in  July-  Mr. 
Shirley  was  at  Providence  in  Rhode  Ifland  government, 
council  for  MafTachufetts  before  a  court  of  commiffioners 
appointed  to  fettle  the  line  between  the  two  governments* 
As  I  was  not  then  in  America  and  the  records  of  that  time 
are  burnt,  I  cannot  give  fo  particular  an  account  of  the 
proceedings  ofthofe  commiffioners  as  otherwife  I  fhould 
have  done.  It  is  certain,  that  for  divers  years  paft  the 
only  part  in  controverfy  between  the  two  governments 
was  a  fmall  gore  of  land  between  Attleborough  in  MafTa- 
chufetts and  the  old  townlhip  of  Providence.  A  great 
part  of  the  Maffachufetts  affembly  wifhed  it  might  be  ceded 
to  Rhode  Ifland,  but  a  few  tenacious  men,  who  do  not 
always  regard  confequeaces,  influenced  a  majority  againft 

it. 


1741.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  ^^^ 

it.  Beficks  a  fettlement  made  by  commiffioners  in  1664- 
or  6^^  another  fettlement  had  been  made  or  the:  old  one 
confirmed  in  1708,  but  Rhode  Ifland,  encouraged  by  the 
ill  fuccefs  of  Maflachufetts  in. the  controverTy  with  Ne^v 
Hampfhire,  applied  to  his  majeily  to  appoint  commillion- 
ers  to  fettle  the  line  between  the  two  governments.  The 
confent  or  fubmiflion  of  Maflachufetts  to  fuch  appoint- 
ment was  not  thought  necellury,  and,  if  they  would  not 
appear,  the  commiflioners  were  to  proceed  ex  partc^ 
The  Maflachufetts  alfembly  thought  proper  to  appear  by 
their  committee,  having  no  appreheufions  the  controverfy 
would  turn,  in  the  judgment  of  the  commillioners,  upon 
a  point  never  before  relied  upon,  viz.  that  the  colony  of 
New  Plymouth  having  no  charter  from  the  crown,  Rhode 
Ifland  charter  mud  be  th-e  fole  rule  of  determining  the 
boundary,  although  the  patent  from  the  council  of  Plym- 
outh to  Bradford  and  aflbciaLes  was  prior  to  it.  The" 
colony  of  New  Plymouth  was  a  government  de  faBoy  and 
confidered  by  king  Charles  as  fuch  in  his  letters  and  or- 
ders to  them  before  and  after  the  grant  of  Rhode  Kland; 
charter,  and,  when  the  incorporatioii  was  made  of  New 
Plymouth  with  MaiTachufetts,  &c.  the  natural  and  legal 
conftrudion  of  the  Province  charter  feems  to  be  that  it 
fhould  have  relation  to  the  time  when  the  feveral  govern- 
ments incorporated  refpectively,  in  fact,  became  govern- 
ments. A  gentleman  of  the  council  of  New  York  had  great 
influence  at  the  board  of  commlflloners.  The  argument 
which  had  been  made  ufe  of  in  former  controverfies,  that 
Maflachufetts  was  too  extenfive,  and  the  other  govern- 
ments they  were  contending  with,  of  which  New  York 
was  one,  were  too  contradled,  w^as  now  revived.  To  the 
furprife  of  Maflachufetts,  a  line  was  determined  which 
not  only  took  from  them  the  gore  formerly  \\\  difpute,. 
but  the  towns  of  Bridol,  Tiverto'n  and  Little  Compton, 
and  great  part  of  Swanzey  and  Barrington.*  An  appeal 
Was  claimed  and  allowed  to  his  majeily  in  council,  where, 
after  lying  four  or  five  years,  the  decree  of  the  court  of 
commiflioners  was  confirmed.  In  the  profecution  and. 
defence  of  this  title,   it  has  been  faid,   that  fome  material 

evidence- 

*  All  this  country  was  conquered  by  MafTachufetts  and  Plymouth  from  Pkili^ 
*r4,  to  prevent  d>fpute,  wa*  cxi>rcf>!y  graatsd  to  Plymouth  by  Charles  IL- 


56d  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IT.. 

evidence  was  never  produced  which  would  have  fupport- 
ed  the  Mailachuletts  claim. 

Mr.  Shirley  found  the  afFairs  of  the  Province  in  a  per- 
plexed llate.  The  treafury  was  Oiut  and  could  npt  be  open- 
ed without  fonie  deviation  from  the  royal  inilru£lions  ; 
the  bills  of  credit  were  reduced,  and  nothirig  fubteuted 
as  a  currency  in  their  ftead  ;  the  land  bank  party  carried 
every  point  in  the  houfe,  there  feemed  to  be  a  necellitjr 
of  fecuring  them,  the  great  art  was  to  bring  them  over 
to  his  meafures  and  yet  not  give  in  to  their  meafures  io 
as  to  lofe  his  intereft  with  the  reft  of  the  Province  and' 
w>ith  the  miniftry  in  England.  Some  of  the  principal  of 
them,  who  knew  their  own  importance,  w'ere  willing  to 
have  fome  affurance  of  favour  from  him,  at  the  fame 
time  they  engaged' to  do  every  thing  to  ferve  him.  The 
firfl;  flep,  on  their  part,  was  the  advancement  of  the  gov- 
ernor's falary  to  the  full  value  of  loool.  flerling  per  an- 
nunii  This  had  been  m oft  unjuflifiably  evaded  all  the  lat- 
ter part  of  Mr.  Belcher's  adminiilration,  by  granting  a  funl 
in  bills  of  credit  without  a  due  regard  to  their  deprecia- 
tion. Mi'.  Kilby,  who  had  been  very  a£tive  for  Mr;  Shir- 
ley's interefl  and  againlf  Mr.  Belcher,  in  England,  was 
chofen  agent  for  the  Province  in  England^  and  Mr.  Wilks^ 
who  had  been  agent  the  whole  of  the  lall  adminiftration, 
was  laid  afide;  Mr.  Auchmuty,  who  li^id  been  one  of  the 
land  bank  directors,  was  joined  with  Mr.  Kilby  in  the 
affair  of  the  Rhode  Ifland  line.  A  grant  of  about  200I. 
fieri iiig  was  made  to  John  Sharpe,  efquire,  for  hh  account 
of  charge  in  defending  Mr.  Belcher  againft  New  Hamp- 
fhire's  complaint  to  the  king  in  council.  This  had  beeil 
repeatedly  refufed  in  Mr.  Belcher's  time,  which  gave 
great  offence  to  Mr.  Sharpe.  It  was  thought  extraordi- 
nary that  Mr.  Shirley  fliould  make  it  a  point  with  the 
land  bankers  that  this  debt  for  his  predecefTor  fhoutd  be 
paid  ;  but  to  take  Mr.  Sharpe  off  from  Mr.  Belcher  and 
engage  him  for  Mr.  Shirley,  the  friends  and  folicitors  for 
the  latter  in  England  had  engaged  that  if  he  was  appoint- 
ed governor  Mr.  Sharpens  account  fliould  be  paid. 

But  the  grand  atTair  to  fettle  was  that  of  the  bills  of 
credit.     The  iniiruction  was  exprefs  not  to  confent  to 

any 


i74i.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  36! 

any  a£l  which  fhould  continue  the  bills  beyond  the  time 
fixed  for  their  being  brought  in.  If  this  was  complied 
with,  a  tax  mufl  have  been  made  for  the  whole  fum  extant 
in  that  year  1741.  This,  it  was  faid,  would  be  a  burden  that 
the  people  would  nevet  bear.  Mr.  Shirley  was  lenfiblc  that 
the  intent  of  his  inflrudion  v/as  the  prevention  of  a  de- 
preciating currency.  No  matter  how  large  a  fum  in  bills 
was  current  if  their  value  could  be  fecured.  If  the  fpirit 
of  the  inflrudion  could  be  preferved,  an  exact  conformity 
to  the  letter  would  not  be  required.  Every  fchem.e  for  fix- 
ing the  value  of  the  bills  had  failed.  A  new  projecl  was  re- 
ported by  a  committee  of  the  houfe  and  accepted,  and  after- 
wards concurred  by  the  coun-cii  and  confented  to  by  the  gov- 
ernor. This  was  a  fcheme  to  eftablifli  an  ideal  meafure  in  all 
trade  and  deahngs,  let  the  inflrument  be  what  it  would.  The 
acl  which  pafTed  the  court  declared  that  all  contracts  fliould 
be  underifood  payable  in  filver  at  6/.SiL  the  ounce,  or  gold 
in  proportion.  Bills  of  a  new  form  Were  ifaied,  20/'!  of 
which  expreffed  in  the  face  of  the  bill  three  ounces  of 
fdver,  and  they  were  to  be  received  accordingly  in  all 
public  and  private  payments,  with  this  faving,  that,  if 
they  fliould  depreciate  in  their  value,  an  addition  fliould 
be  made  to  all  debts  as  much  as  the  depreciation  from 
the  time  of  contract  to  the  time  of  payment.  Hov/  to  af- 
certain  the  depreciation  from  time  to  time  was  the  great 
difficulty  in  framing  the  ad.  To  leave  it  to  a  common 
jury  would  never  do.  There  was  fome  doubt  whether  a 
houfe  of  reprefentatives  would  be  v/holly  unbiaiTed.  At 
length  it  was  agreed  that  the  eldeft  counfellor  in  each 
County  fhould  meet  once  a  year  and  afcertain  the  depre- 
ciation. This  is  faid  to  have  been  the  fchem.e  of  colonel 
Stoddard  of  Northampton,  a  gentleman  of  good  fenfe 
and  great  virtue,  who  probably  faw  the  defeds,  but  hoped 
to  fubftitute  a  lefTer  evil  in  the  place  of  a  greater. 

This  at  bed  muft  have  been  a  very  partial  cure.  It  did 
not  prevent  the  lofs  from  the  depreciation  of  the  bills  in 
thofe  perfons'  hands  through  which  they  were  continually 
paffmg.  All  debts,  which  were  contracted  and  paid  be- 
tween the  periods  when  the  value  of  the  bills  were  fixed 
annually,  could  not  be  affected  bv  fuch  fisSnz  ;  and  un- 
VoL.  IL  Z  '  lefs 


^6^  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Cha?.  IV, 

lefs  in  debts  of  long  ftaiiding,  which  the  debtor  could  not 
pay  v/ithout  an  attion  at  law,  demand  was  not  ordinarily 
made  for  depreciation  ;  and  what  rendered  it  of  little 
eited:  in  all  other  cafes,  the  counfellors  appointed  to  efli- 
mate  the  depreciation  never  had  firmneis  enough  in  any 
inflance  to  make  the  full  allowance,  but  when  filver  and 
exchange  had  rofe  20  per  cent,  or  more,  an  addition  was 
made  of  four  or  five  only.  The  popular  cry  was  againft ' 
it,  and  one  year  when  Nathaniel  Hubbard,  efquire,  the 
{^Ideft  counfellor  for  the  county  of  Briflol,  a  gentleman 
of  amiable  charader,  and  who  filled  the  feveral  pofts  he 
fiiftained  with  applaufe,  en'deavoured  to  approach  nearer 
to  a  juil  allowance  than  had  been  made  in  former  years, 
he  felt  the  refentment  of  the  houfe,  who  left  him  out  of 
the  council  the  next  elecl:ion.  In  ihort,  the  ad  neither 
prevented  the  depreciation  of  the  bills,  nor  afforded  relief 
m  cafe  of  it,  and  was  of  no  other  fervice  than  to  ferve  as  a 
warning,  when  an  ad  palTed  for  the  eftabiiihing  a  fixed 
currency  a  few  years  after,  to  leave  nothing  to  be  done 
by  any  perfcn  or  bodies  of  men,  or  even  future  legiflatures, 
to  give  the  ad  its  defigned  efi'ed,  but  in  the  ad  itfelf  to 
make  full  provifion  for  its  execution  in  every  part. 

Even  this  ttd,  which  with  its  fair  appearance  juftified 
Mr.  Shirley  in  departing  from  his  inftrudion,  and  afford- 
ed a  fupply  of  the  treaiury  for  the  payment  of  debts  and 
future  lupport  of  government,  could  not  have  been  ob- 
tained if  he  had  not  prevailed  with  the  land  bank  party, 
contrary  to  the  inclinations  of  many  of  them^  to  join  in 
promoting  it,  . 

He  made  them  return,  by  confenting  to  any  new  elec- 
tions that  were  made  of  any  of  them  into  the  council,  by 
reiloring  now  and  then  one  and  another  to  the  polls  they 
had  been  deprived  of,  which,  though  it  was  done  by  de- 
crees, cavued  many  who  condemned  the  land  bank  and 
all  who  were  concerned  in  it,  to  be  very  free  in  their  cen- 
fures  upon  hirfi. 

But  the  great  favour  they  expeded  was  relief  from  the 
■feverity  of  the  ad  of  parliament.  This  was  to  be  touch- 
ed with  great  tendernefs  and  delicacy.  Every  perfon  con- 
cerned was  liable  to  the  demands  of  the  poffeffors  of  the 

bills. 


1741.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  2>^^ 

bills.  If  large  demands  fhould  be  made  upon  any  partic- 
ular perfons,  it  fecmed  but  jufl  that  the  reft  fhould  contrib- 
ute their  proportion  ;  but  no  demand  was  given  by  the 
act  to  one  partner  againfl  another  in  fuch  cafe.  A  bill 
was  therefore  prepared  with  aprofefTed  defign  to  carry  the 
a(5t  of  parliament  equitably  into  execution.  Three  com^ 
miflioners  were  appointed  by  the  bill,  with  power  to  tax 
all  who  had  been  concerned  in  the  fcheme  in  proportion 
to  their  interefl  in  it,  and  with  the  monies  thus  raifed  to 
redeem  the  company's  bills  from  the  poffefibrs,  and  after 
the  redemption' of  the  bills  to  make  an  equitable  adjuft- 
ment  between  the  members  and  the  company.  Great 
care  was  taken  to  avoid  all  oppofitlon  to  the  a6l:  of 
parliament ;  Mr.  Shirley,  however,  did  not  think  proper 
to  fign  the  bill  until  he  had  fent  a  copy  of  it  to  England, 
and  received  direclions  concerning  it.  After  it  had  paif- 
ed  both  houfcs,  to  oblige  the  principal  land  bankers,  he 
continued  the  fefTion  of  the  court  by  long  repeated  adjourn- 
ments many  m^onths,  and  before  the  expiration  of  the  year 
gave  his  confent  to  the  bill.  Having  thus  fecured  a  con- 
fiderable  party  in  the  government  without  lofmg  thofe 
who  had  been  in  oppofition  to  them,  he  rendered  his  ad- 
miniftration  eafy,  and  generally  obtained  from  the  afTem- 
bly  fuch  matters  as  he  recommended  to  them.  . 

From  the  Spanifli  war  in  1740,  a  French  war  was  ex- 
pected every  year  to  follow.  Caftle  William,  the  key  of 
the  Province,  was  not  only  effedually  repaired,  but  a  new 
battery  of  tv\'enty  forty-two-pounders,  which  takes  the 
name  of  Shirley  battery,  was  added  to  the  works,  with  a 
larger  magazine  than  any  before,  and  a  large  fupply  of 
powder,  all  at  the  expenfe  of  the  Province.  Thke  cannon, 
mortars,  fliot  and  other  (lores  were  the  bounty  of  the 
crown.  The  forts  upon  the  frontiers  were  alfo  put  into 
good  order,  and  upon  a  reprefentation  from  Mr.  Mafca- 
rene,  commander  in  cliief  at  Annapolis  in  Nova  Scotia,  of 
the  defencelefs  ftate  of  that  Province  and  the  danger  they 
were  in  from  the  enemy,  Mr.  Shirley,  in  1 744,  prevailed 
upon  the  Manachufetts  aifembly  to  vote  pay,  kc.  for  two 
hundred  men  which  were  fent  there,  and  who  were  the 
probable  means  of  faving  that  country  from,  falling  into 
the  enemy's  hands.  -d,,^ 


364  THE    HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  TV, 

But  the  great  event  In  this  adminlRration  was  the  fiege 
and  redudlion  of  Louifbourg.     Canfo  had  been  furprifed 
and  taken  by  nine  hundred  men  under  Duvivier  from 
LouifbouTg,*    before  the  war  with  Fra;nce  was  known  at 
Eofton.f     With  another  party,  Duvivier  made  an  attempt 
the  fame  fummer  upon  Annapohs,  but  was  difappointed. 
Many  of  our  velfels  had  been  taken  by  the  French  men- 
of-war  and  privateers  and  carried  intb  Louifbourg.     The 
fiihermen  had  no  intention  to  go  upon  their  voyages  the 
next  fumm'er,"and  every  branch  of  trade,  it  was  luppofed, 
mull  be  carried  on  by  vellels  under  cohvoy.     It  was  the 
general  voice,  in  the  fall  of  the  year,  that  Louifbourg  mull 
be  taken,  but  nobody  fuppofed  that  the  united  force  of 
the  colonies  could  take  it ;  application  mail  be  made  to 
his  majefly  for  fea  and  land  forces  fuflRcient  for  the  pur- 
pofe.     As  winter  approached,  it  began  to  be  fuggelled 
that  it  v/as  not  improbable  the  place  might  be  furprifed  or 
taken  by  a  mip  du  main^  the.  inhabitarits  and  garrifon  be- 
ing fliut  up  within  the  v/alis.     Some  of  the  garrifon  of 
Canfo,  who  had  been  prifoners,  and  v^ho  profefled  to  be 
well  acquainted  wrth  the  fortifications  and  garrifon  at 
Louifbourg,  favoured  this  opinion,  and  declared  that  in 
winter  the  fnow  often  lay  in  dj'ifts  or  banks  againff  a  par- 
ticular part  of  the  wall,  where  there  were  no  embrazures 
nor  any  cannon  mounted  ;   that  the  cruft  would  bear  a 
man's  weight,  and,  in  that  part  at  leaft,  the  walls  might 
be  fcaled,  and  perhaps  by  the  help  of  ladders  It  would 
not  be  diilicult  in  Other  parts  ;  that  the  grand  battery,  in- 
tended for  defence  in  cafe  of  an  attack  by  fea,  would  not 
be  capable  of  long  refif^ing  if  attacked  by  land.     Mr. 
Vaughan,];  w^ho  had  been  a  trader  at  Louifbourg,  was  very 
fanguine  alfo  that  the  place  might  be  taken  by  furprife, 
and  it  was  generally  agreed  that  if  they  fhould  be  rnifla- 
ken  yet  it  w'ould  not  be  poflible  for  the  enemy,  who  were 
fcant  of  provifions,  to  fland  a  fiege  until  the  time  the  fup- 
plies  ufually  arrived  to  them  from  France  ;  and,  to  prevent 
any  chanGe-vefTels  from  entering,  a  fufficient  naval  force 

might 

*  May    13,    I?44. 

f  June  ?d.  war  proclaimed  at  Bofton. 

\  Mr.  Vaughan  was  called  the  projc(ftor  of  the  expedition.     It  is  probable  he 
laid  before  the  governor  a  propofal  for  it,  and  it  is  certain  he  took  great  pains  tt 
•  jndu'je  the  people  to  think  favourably  of  it. 


1744.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  365 

might  be  provided  to  cruife  before  the  harbour.  Whilfl  this 
y/as  the  converfation  abroad,  Mr.  Shirley  was  diligently  in- 
quiring of  thofe  perfons  who  had  been  traders  and  of  oth- 
ers who  had  been  priibners  there,  into  the  condition  of 
the  place,  the  ufual  time  for  the  arrival  of  fupplies  from 
Europe,  the  practicability  of  cruifing  off  the  harbour,  &c. 
He  had  before  wrote  to  the  miniftry,  and  repreftnted  the 
neceflity  of  a  naval  force  early  in  the  fpring,  for  the  prcl- 
ervation  of  Annapolis.  If  this  fhould  arrive  he  might  be 
able  to  prevail  with  the  commander  to  cover  our  forces 
with  it.  Commodore  Warrea  was  with  feveral  fhips  at 
the  Leeward  Iflands.  It  was  poflible,  when  he  was  ac- 
quainted with  the  expedition^  he  would  come  with  or 
fend  part  of  his  force  to  (Irengthen  it.  Thefe  were  the 
only  chances  for  a  naval  flrength  fufficient  to  cope  with  a 
fmgle  capital  French  fliip  that  might  be  bound  to  Louii- 
bourg  in  the  fpring.  The  miniftry,  indeed,  would  bv 
€xprefs  be  immediately  acquainted  with  the  expedition,  if 
engaged  in^  but  Europe  w^as  at  too  great  diftance  to  expect 
timely  aid  from  thence.  The  plan  of  the  expedition  was, 
a  land  force  of  four  thoufand  m.en  in  fmall  tranfports  to 
proceed  to  Canfo,  and  the  firft  favourable  opportunity  to 
land  at  Chapeaurouge-bay,  with  cannon,  mortars,  ammu- 
nition and  warlike  (lores,  ancj  all  other  neceffaries  for  car- 
rying on  a  fiege  j  and  to  prevent  a  fiipply  of  provifion  and 
ftores  to  the  enemy,  feveral  veifels  were  to  cruife  oft  tiic 
harbour  of  Louilbourg,  as  foon  as  the  feafon  of  the  year 
would  permit.  An  eftimate  w^as  made  of  all  the  naval 
force  which  could  be  procured  in  this  and  the  neighbour- 
ing colonies,  the  largelt  veflel  not  exceeding  twenty  guns. 
With  this  land  and  lea  force,  it  v/as  faid  there  was  a  good 
chance  for  fuccefs,  and  if  the  men-of-war  fhould  arrive, 
which  there  was  good  reafon  to  hope  for,  there  was  all 
imaginable  grounds  to  depend  upon  the  reduction  of  the 
place.  The  general  court  being  fitting  the  beginning  of 
January,  the  governor  fent  a  melTage  to  the  two  houfes  to 
let  them  know  he  had  fomething  to  communicate  to  them 
of  very  great  importance,  but  of  fuch  a  nature  that  the 
publiihing  it,  before  they  fhould  come  to  any  refolutioii 
;Upon  it,  might  wholly  defeat  the  defign ;  he  therefore 

defired 


366  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IV. 

defired  they  would  lay  themfelves  under  an  oath  of  fecre- 
cy  for  fuch  time  as  each  houfe  fhould  think  proper. 
This  they  did,  although  it  was  the  firfl  inftance  in  the 
houfe  of  reprefentatives,  without  any  fcruple,  and  then 
he  communicated  to  them  his  propofed  plan  of  the  expe- 
dition. Many  of  the  members,  who  had  heard  little  or 
nothing  of  the  converfation  upon  the  fubjed,  were  ftruck 
with  amazement  at  the  propolal.  The  undertaking  they 
thought  to  be  vaftly  too  great,  if  there  was  a  rational  prof- 
peft  of  fuccefs.  However,  in  deference  to  the  recommen- 
dation of  the  governor,  a  committee  of  the  two  houfes 
were  appointed  to  confider  the  propofal.  Here,  the 
propofal  v/as  for  fever^^l  days  deliberated  and  weighed, 
Louifbourg,  if  left  in  the  hands  of  the  French,  would 
infallibly  prove  the  Dunkirk  of  New  England  ;  their  trade 
had  always  been  inconfiderable,  their  hfhery  was  upon  the 
decline,  and  for  feveral  years  pad:  they  had  bought  hfh  of 
the  Englifh  at  Canfo  cheaper  than  they  could  catch  and 
cure  it  themfelves,  both  trade  and  fiiliery  they  might  well 
lay  afide,  and  by  privateering  enrich  themfelves  with  the 
fpoils  of  New  England ;  and  to  all  thefe  dangers  was 
added  that  of  lofmg  Nova  Scotia,  which  v/ould  caufe  an 
increafe  of  fix  or  eight  thoufand  enemies  in  an  inftant. 
The  garrifon  of  Louifbourg  was  difafFeded,  provifions 
were  leant,  the  works  mouldering  and  decayed,  the  gov- 
ernor an  old  man  unflvilled  in  the  art  of  war  ;  this  there- 
fore was  the  only  time  for  fuccefs,  another  year  the  place 
wDuld  be  impregnable.  We  had  nothing  to  fear  from 
the  forces  at  Louifbourg ;  before  additional  ftrength 
could  arrive  from  France  they  would  be  forced  to  furren- 
der.  We  had,  it  muft  be  owned,  no  fhips  of  ftrength 
fufFicient  to  match  the  French  men-of-war,  unlefs,  perhaps, 
a  fmgle  fhip  fhould  fall  in  by  herfelf,  and  in  that  cafe  five 
or  fix  of  ours  might  be  a  match  for  h?r  ;  but  there  was 
no  probability  of  men-of-war  fo  early,  and  it  was  very 
probable  Englifli  men-of-war  from  Europe  or  the  Weft 
Indies  v,'ould  arrive  before  them.  There  was  always  un- 
certainty in  v/ar,  a  rifk  muft  be  run  :  if  v/e  failed  we 
fhould  be  able  to  grapple  with  the  difappointment, 
although    we    fliould    bear   the    whole    expenfe  j    but 

if 


I745-]  MASSACHUSETTS.  3^7 

if  we  fucceetled,  not  only  the  ccafts  of  New  England 
would  be  free  from  moleflation,  but  fo  glorious  an  acqui- 
fition  would  be  of  the  greateft  importance  to  Great  Brit* 
ain  and  might  give  peace  to  Europe,  and  we  might  de- 
pend upon  a  reimburfement  of  the  whole  charge  we  had 
been  at. 

On  the  other  hand  it  was  replied,  that  we  had  better 
fuffer  in  our  trade  than  by  fo  expenfive  a  meafiire  deprive 
ourfelves  of  ail  means  of  carrying  on  any  future  trade  ; 
that  we  were  capable  of  annoying  them  in  their  filhery 
as  much  as  they  could  annoy  us  in  ours,  and  in  a  ihori 
time  both  fides  would  be  willing  to  leave  the  fifhery  un- 
moiefted  ;  that  the  accounts  given  of  the  works  and  the 
garrifon  at  Louifbourg  could  not  be  depended  upon,  and 
it  was  not  credible  that  any  part  of  the  walls  Ihouki  be 
unguarded  and  expofed  to  furprife  ;  that  inftances  of  dlC- 
affection  rifing  to  mutiny  were  rare,  and  but  few  inftances 
were  to  be  met  with  in  hidory  where  fuch  expectation  has 
not  failed.  The  garrifon  at  Louifbourg  confided  of  reg- 
ular experienced  troops,  who,  though  unequal  in  number, 
would  be  more  than  a  match  in  open  field  for  all  the  raw 
unexperienced  militia  which  could  be  fent  from  Ne\Y 
England  ;  that  twenty  cruifers  at  that  feafon  of  the  year 
would  not  prevent  fupplies  going  into  the  harbour,  it  be- 
ing impoOible  to  keep  any  ftation  for  any  length  of  time, 
and  the  weather  being  frequently  fo  thick,  that  a  venel 
was  not  to  be  difcovered  at  a  quarter  of  a  mile's  diftance  ; 
that  there  was  no  room  to  expe6l  any  men-of-war  for 
the  cover  of  our  troops  ;  that  if  only  one  lixty-gun  du'p 
fhould  arrive  from  France,  or  the  French  illands,  ihe 
would  be  more  than  a  match  for  all  the  armed  veifels  we 
could  provide,  cur  tranfports  at  Chapeaurouge-bay  would 
be  every  one  deilroyed,  and  the  army  upon  Cape-Breron 
obliged  to  fubmit  to  the  niercy  of  the  French  ;  that  we 
fliould  be  condemned  in  England  for  engaging  in  fuch 
an  afRiir  without  their  diredion  or  approbation,  and  v/e 
fnould  be  no  where  pitied,  our  misfortunes  proceeding 
from  our  own  raOi  and  wild  meafureG.  To  thefe  argu- 
ments were  added  the  uncertainty  of  rainng  a  fufBcient 
.number  of  men,  or  gf  beinj  able  to  procure  provifions, 

warlii^e 


568  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IV. 

warlike  ftores  and  tranfports,  difcouragement  from  the 
feafon  of  the  year,  when  frequently,  for  many  days  to- 
gether, no  bufmefs  could  be  done  out  of  doors.  Money 
indeed  could  be  furnilhed,  or  bills  of  credit  in  lieu  of  it, 
but  the  infallible  confequence  would  be  the  fmking  the 
value  of  the  whole  currency,  to  what  degree  no  man, 
could  determine,  but  probably  in  proportion  to.  the  fum 
iffued  ;  and  finally,  if  we  fhould  fucceed,  a  general  na- 
tional benefit  would  be  the  confequence,  in  which  we 
fiiould  be  but  fmall  fharers,  and  far  fliort  of  the  vaft  ex- 
penfe  of  treafure,  and  perhaps  of  lives  in  obtaining  it  j 
and  if  vjq  failed,  fuch  a  fhock  would  be  given  to  the  Prov- 
ince, that  half  a  century  would  not  recover  us  to  our 
prefent  ftate.  After  mature  deliberation,  a  majority  of 
the  committee  disapproved  the  propofal,  and  their  report 
was  accepted,  and  for  a  few  days  all  thoughts  of  the  ex- 
pedition with  the  members  of  the  court  were  laid  afide. 
In  the  mean  time,  the  governor,  who  wiflied  his  propofal 
had  been  agreed  to,  but  did  not  think  it  proper  to  prefs  it 
any  further  by  meffage  or  by  privately  urging  the  mem- 
bers, either  directed  or  encouraged  the  carrying  about  a 
petition  which  was  figned  by  many  of  the  merchants  in 
the  town  of  Bofton,  but  principally  by  thofe  of  Saleni 
and  Marblehead,  direded  to  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives, 
or  to  the  two  ho\ifes,  praying,  for  reafons  fet  forth,  among 
others  the  faving  th°  fifliery  from  ruin,  they  would  re- 
confider  their  vote,  and  agree  to  the  governor's  propofal 
of  an  expedition  againfc  Louiibourg.  A  fecond  com- 
mittee, appointed  upon  this  petition,  reported  in  favour 
of  it,*  and  the  26th  of  January  their  report  came  before 
the  houfe,  who  fpent  the  day  in  debating  it,  and  at  night 
a  vote  was  carried  in  favour  of  it  by  a  majority  of  one 
voice  only.  Never  was  any  affair  deliberated  upon  with 
greater  calmnefs  and  moderation  ;  the  governor  indeed 
laid  the  affair  before  the  court,  but  left  the  members  free 
to  aft  their  judgment  without  any  folicitationi>  and  there 
appeared  no  other  divifion  than  what  was  caufed  by  a 
real  difference  in  opinion  upon  the  true  intereft  of  the 
Province.  Thp 

*  It  v/as  accompanied  with  a  mefTage  from  the  governor  recommending  it,  and 
defivinj  they  wcuiu  hear  the  pcrfons  from  whom  he  had  received  his  intelligence. 


I745-J  MASSACHUSETTS.  369 

The  point  once  fettled,  there  was  immediately  a  union 
of  both  parties  in  the  necelTary  meafures  for  carrying  the 
defign  into  execution,  thofe  who  had  oppofed  it  before 
being  employed  upon  committees,  and  exeriing  thcmfclvos 
with  zeal  equal  to  that  of  the  principal  promorers.  An 
embargo  was  laid  upon  every  harbour  in  tlie  Province, 
and  meflengers  were  immediately  difpatched  to  the  fev- 
eral  governments,  as  far  as  Pennfylvania,  to  entreat  an 
embargo  on  their  ports,  and  that  they  would  join  in  the 
expedition.  All  excufed  them.felve3  from  ai:y  ihare  in 
the  adventure,  except  Connedicut,  who  agreed  to  raife 
five  hundred  men.  New  HampHiire  three  hundred, 
and  Rhode  Ifland  three  hundred.  Conneclicut  and 
Rhode  Ifland  alfo  confenrcd  their  colony  floops  Ihould  be 
employed  as  cruifers.  A  fmall  privateer  fliip,  about  tv;o 
hundred  tons,  and  a  fnow  of  leis  burden,  belonging  to 
Ncv/port,  were  hired  there  by  Maflachufetts,  a  nev/  fnow 
captain  Roufe,  a  fnip,  captain  Snelling,  were  taken  into 
the  fervice  at  Boilion,  which,  with  a  fnow,  captain  Smeth- 
urft,  and  a  brig,  captain  Fletcher,  three  Hoops,  captains 
Sanders,  Donahew  and  Bofch,  and  a  fliip  of  twenty  guns, 
purchafed  on  the  (locks,  captain  Tyng  the  commodore, 
made  the  whole  naval  force. 

From  the  day  the  vote  paiTed  until  the  place  was  redu- 
ced, a  feries  of  favourable  incidents  contributed  to  our 
fuccefs.  They  will  be  obvious  enough  in  the  courfe  of 
the  narrative,  and  will  not  require  being  fpecially  remark- 
ed. The  time  for  preparing  was  fliort.  I'he  winter  prov- 
ed fo  favourable,  that  all  forts  of  out-door  bufinefs  v/as 
carried  on  as  well  and  with  as  great  difpatch  a-^  at  any 
other  feafon  of  the  year.  In  the  appointment  of  a  gen- 
eral officer,  one  qualification  was  confidered  as  efl'ential, 
that  he  (hould  be  acceptable  to  the  body  of  the  people  ; 
the  enliftment  depended  upon  this  circumllance.  It  was 
not  eafy  to  find  a  perfon,  thus  qualified,  willing  to  accept 
-the  truft.  Colonel  Pepperell,  having  the  ofier  from  the 
governor,  was  rather  prelTed  into  the  fervice  than  volun- 
tarily engaged.  Befides  a  very  great  landed  interefl,  he 
was  largely  concerned  in  mercantile  affairs,  which  mufl 
peceffarily  fuffcr  by  his  abfence,  and  this  being  generally 

known 


370  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  IV. 

known  had  no  fmall  influence,  from  the  example,  with 
inferior  officers  and  even  private  foldiers,  to  quit  their 
lefler  ailaii  s,  for  a  feafon,  for  the  fervice  of  their  country. 
Many  of  the  private  foldier3  were  freeholders,  and  many 
more  fons  of  weakhy  farmers,  who  could  have  no  other 
views  in  confenting  to  the  enliftment  of  their  children 
than  the  public  intereft. 

Mr.  Shirley  had  fet  his  heart  fo  much  upon  the  expe^ 
dition,  that  many  points  were  conceded  by  him  which  he 
would  not  have  given  up  at  any  other  time,  and  the  peo- 
ple of  the  Province  fubmitted  to  cornpuliory  meafures 
from  the  government,  which  at  another  time  would  have 
been  grievous  and  not  very  patiently  borne.  Such  6ffi«. 
cers  v/ere  nominated  by  the  governor  as  the  people  pro- 
pofed  or  called  for,  becaufe  they  wei-j  mofl  likely  to  enlift 
men.  inilead  of  a  commiflary  general,  an  officer  appoint- 
ed by  the  governor,  a  committee  of  war  was  chofen  by 
the  two  houfes  out  of  their  own  members.  Nothing 
further  was  heard  of  the  royal  inflrudion  againfl  bills  of 
credit.  Such  fums  as  the  fervice  called  for,  and  to  be 
redeemed  at  fuch  periods  as  the  houfe  thought  proper, 
wei'e  confented  to  by  the  governor.  It  foon  appeared 
that  thefe  fums  would  vaftiy  exceed  what  had  been  com- 
puted, and  many  declared  that,  had  a  right  edimate  been 
made,  they  fliould  never  have  voted  for  the  expedition, 
but  it  was  now  too  late  to  go  back.  It  was  found  alfo, 
that  tranfports  and  veifels  of  war  could  not  be  engaged 
unlefs  the  government  would  become  infurers,  which, 
although  it  occafioned  no  additional  expenfe  at  firft,  yet, 
in  cafe  of  ill  fuccefs,  would  greatly  increafe  the  pub^ 
lie  debt  and  dillrefs.  The  committee  of  war  were  like- 
wife  convinced  that  a  fufficiency  of  provifions,  clothing 
and  w^ariike  (lores  could  not  be  procured  within  the  Prov- 
ince. Whofoever  was  polTefled  of  any  of  thefe-  articles, 
by  an  a6t  or  order  of  government  his  property  was  fub- 
jected  to  the  committee,  who  fet  fuch  price  as  they  judg- 
ed equitable,  and  upon  refufal  to  deliver,  entered  ware- 
houfes,  cellars,  &c.  by  a  warrant  for  that  purpofe  to  the 
fheriff,  and  took  poifeilion.  In  the  courfe  of  the  prep- 
aration^  many  vciTels  unexpc£kdly  arrived  with  more  or 

lef« 


I745-]  MASSACHUSETTS.  37, 

lefs  of  each  of  thcfc  articles,  and  after  all,  the  army  was 
poorly  enough  provided.     Ten  cannon,  eighteen-pound- 
ers,  were  obtained  upon  loan,  not  without  dilliculty,  from 
•  New  York,  otherwife  Mr.  Shirley  himfelf  fccmed  to  dcubt 
\i'hether  we  could  proceed.     Some   dependence   wa^   pla- 
ced   upon  cannon  from    the  grand  battery,  but  this  was 
too  manifelt  a  difpofal  of  the  fkin  before  the  bear  was 
caught.     By  force  of  a  general  exertion  in  all  orders  of 
men,  the  armament  was  ready,  and  the  general,  on  board 
the  Shirley  fnow,    captain  Roufe,  with  the  tranfports  un- 
der her  convoy,  failed  from  Nantarket  the  24th  of  March, 
and  arrived  at   Canfo  the  4th  of  April.     The  MalLichu- 
fetts  land  forces  confided  of  three  thoufand  two  hundred 
and  fifty  men,  exclufive  of  commiflion  officers,     'i'he  New 
IlampQiire  forces,  three  hundred  and  four,  incluiling  ofh- 
cers,  arrived  four   days    before.     Connecticut,  being  five 
hundred   and  fixteen,  inclufive,  did  not  arrive  until  the 
25th.     The  deputy  governor  of  the  colony,  Roger  Wol- 
cot,  efquire,  had  the  command,  and  was  the  fecond  oili^ 
cer  in  the  army.    Rhode  IHand  waited  until  a  better  judg- 
ment could  be  m.ade  of  the  event,   their  three  hundred 
not  arriving  until  after  the  place  had  furrendered.     The 
23d  of  March,  an  exprefs  boat  fent  to  commodore  War* 
ren  in  the  Weft  Indies  returned  to  Bofton.     As  this  was 
a  provincial  er^jpedition,  without  orders   from  England, 
and  as  his  fmall  fquadron  had  been  weakened  by  the  lofs 
of  tl\e  Weymouth,  Mr.  Warren  excufed  himfelf  from  any 
concern  in  the  affair.     This  anfwer  m.uft  neceffarily  ftrike 
a  damp  into  the  governor,  as  well  as  the  general  and  brig- 
adier Waldo,   then  next  in  comm.and,   who  Vv'ere  the  only 
perfons  in  the  army  made  privy  to  it  before  the  fleet  failed. 
Several  of  the  cruifmg  veflels  failed  the  middle  of  March, 
but  they  could  be  no  protedion  to  the  army  againft  two 
capital  Ihips  :  if  they  intercepted  fmall  veflels  it  was  the 
moll  tha-t  was  cxpecled.    A  block-houfe  with  eight  cannon 
was  built    at    Canfo.     Whether  fome  good  reafon  would 
not  have  been  given  for  proceeding  no  further  than  Can- 
fo, if  there  had  been    a  difappointment  in  the  expefled 
jundion  of  men-of-war  from  the  feveral  quarters  to  which 
notice  of  the  expedition  had  been  fent,  may  well  enough 

be 


372  THE   HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  IV, 

be  made  a  queflion.  Mr.  Shirley  hoped,  if  the  redu6lion 
of  Louifboiirg  was  not  effedted,  at  lead  Canfo  would  be 
regained.  Nova  Scotia  preferyed,  the  French  hfhery  broke 
up,  and  the  New  England  and  Newfoundland  filheries  re- 
flored.  But  on  the  23d  of  April,  to  the  great  joy  of  the 
army,  arrived  at  Ganfo  the  Eltharn  of  forty  guns,  frorn 
New  England,  by  order  from  Mr.  Warren,  and  on  th^ 
23d  the  commodore  himfelf,  in  the  Superb  of  fixty  guns, 
with  the  Launcefton  and  Mermaid  of  forty  each,  arrived 
alfo.  This  gav.e  great  fpirits  to  all  who  had  the  fuccefs  of 
the  expedition  at  heart ;  for  although  this  was  not  a  naval 
force  to  enter  the  harbour  or  annoy  the  forts,  yet  it  wa$ 
a  cover  to  the  army  and  equal  to  any  expecied  force  from 
France.  It  feems  that,  in  two  or  three  days  after  the  ex- 
prefs  failed  from  the  Well  Indies  for  Bofton,  the  Hind 
fioop  brought  orders  to  Mr.  Warren  to  repair  to  Boflon, 
with  what  Ihips  could  be  fpared,  and  to  concert  meafures 
with  Mr.  Shirley  for  his  majefly's  general  feryice  in  North 
America.  Upon  the  pafTage*  to  Bofton,  the  commodore 
received  intelligence  that  the  fleet  had  failed  for  Canfo, 
and  meeting  with  a  fchooner  at  feaf  he  fent  her  to  Bofton, 
to  acquaint  Mr.  Shirley  that  he  would  proceed  to  Canfo, 
and  at  the  fame  time  fent  orders  to  any  ftiips  which  might 
be  in  thefe  feas  to  join  him.  The  Elthani  was  aftually 
under  fail  with  the  maft  fleet,  when  an  exprefs  fent  from 
Bofton  \yith  the  commodore's  orders  arrived  at  Portf- 
mouth  in  New  Hampftiire,  but  being  followed  and  over- 
taken by  a  boat,  the  captain  ordered  his  convoy  into  port 
again,  and  failed  for  Canfo.  After  a  ftiort  confultation 
with  the  general,  the  men-of-war  failed  to  cruif^s  before 
Louifbourg.  The  cruifers,  before  this,  had  intercepted 
feveral  fmall  veiTels  bound  in  there  with  Weft  India  goods 
aud  provifions,  and  had  engaged  the  Renommee,|  a 
French  fliip  of  thirty-fix  guns  fent  from  France  with  dif- 
patches,  and  who  kept  a  running-fight  vv'ith  our  velTels  for 
fome  time,  being  able  with  eafe  to  outfail  them,  and  after 

two 

*  April  1 2th. 

I  An  excellent  pilot,  v/ho  had  efcaped  for  fear  of  being;  prefled  into  the  fervice, 
happened  to  be  on  board  this  fchooner.  The  commodore  took  him  out,  and  it  is 
faid  would  not  have  ventured  without  him.  The  Vigilant  mufi.  then  have  get  intf 
LouilDouro;,  and  pedvaps  have  defeated  the  v.'hole  defi^n. 

1  AprifiSth. 


1745-]  MASSACiiUsfiTtS.  373 

two  or  three  attempts  to  enter  the  harbour,  went  back  to 
France,  to  give  an  account  of  what  Ihe  had  met  with. 
She  fell  in  with  the  Connedlicut  troops,  under  convoy  of 
their  own  and  the  Rhode  Ifland  colony  Hoops,  both  which 
(he  had  Itrength  enough  to  have  carried,  but  after  feme 
damage  to  the  Rhode  Ifland  floop,  fhe  went  her  way^ 
The  forces  landed  at  Chapeaurouge-bay  the  30th  of  April. 
The  tranfports  were  difcovered,  eariy  in  the  morning, 
from  the  town,  which  was  the  firft  knowledge  of  any  de- 
fign  againfl  them.  The  cruifers  had  been  feen  every  fair 
day  before  the  harbour,  but  thefe  were  fuppofcd  to  be 
privateers  in  fearch  after  their  trading  and  filliing  velfels. 
The  night  before,  it  is  faid,  there  was  a  grand  ball  at  the 
fort,  and  the  company  had  fcarce  been  allecp  when  they 
"^vere  called  up  by  an  alarm.  Bouladrie,  a  French  officer, 
was  fent  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  to  oppofe  the 
landing,  but  the  general  making  a  feint  ot  landing  at  one 
place,  drew  the  detachment  there,  and  this  opportunity 
was  taken  for  landing  one  hundred  men  at  another  place 
without  oppofition,  although  they  were  ibon  after  attack- 
ed by  the  detachment^  fix  of  which  were  killed  on  the 
fpot,  and  about  as  many  more,  with  Bouladrie  their  lead- 
er, were  taken  prifoners  ;  the  relt  fled  to  the  town,  or 
they  would  foon  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  our  men, 
who  were  landing  faft  one  upon  the  back  of  another. 

The  next  morning  after  they  landed,  four  hundred  men 
marched  round  to  the  north-eall  harbour,  behind  the 
hills,  fetting  fire  to  all  the  houfes  and  Itore-houfes,  until 
they  came  within  a  mile  of  the  grand  battery.  Some  of 
the  ftore-houfes  having  in  them  pitch,  tar,  and  other  com- 
buftible  (tuff,  caufed  fuch  a  thick  fmoke,  that  the  garrifon 
w^ere  unable  to  difcover  an  enemy,  though  but  a  few  roods 
diftant ;  and  expeding  the  body  of  the  army  upon  them, 
they  deferted  the  fort,  having  thrown  their  powder  into  a 
well,  but  leaving  the  cannon  and  fhot  for  the  fervice  of 
the  Ervghfh.  A  fmall  party,  of  lefs  than  twenty  Engiifh, 
firft  came  up  to  the  battery,  and  difcovering  no  figns  of 
men,  fufpeded  a  plot  and  were  afraid  to  enter  ;  at  length, 
it  is  faid,  a  Cape-Cod  Indian  went  in  alone,  and  difcover- 
ed the  ftatc  of  it  to  the  reft  of  the  party,  juft  as  fome  of 

the 


374  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IV. 

the  French  were  re-hmdiiig  in  order  to  regain  the  poftef- 
fioii  of  it. 

The  army  found  they  had  near  two  miles  to  tranfport 
their  cannon,  mortars,  fhot,  kc.  through  a  morafs. 
This  nuiii;  be  done  by  mere  dint  of  labour.  Such  of  the 
men  as  had  been  ufed  to  drawing  pine  trees  for  mafls, 
and  thofe  v/ho  had  the  hardieft  and  ftrongeft  bodies,  were 
employed  in  this  fervice.  Horfes  and  oxen  would  have 
been  buried  in  mud  and  were  of  no  ufe.  Brigadier  Wal- 
do had  the  command  of  the  grand  battery.  The  French 
kept  firing  upon  the  battery  from  the  town  as  well  as 
from  the  ifland  battery,  but  to  little  purpofe,  the  town 
being  near  two  thoufand  yards  diftant  and  the  ifland 
about  fiXteen  hundred.  A  conftant  fire  was  kept  from 
ihe  grand  battery  upon  the  town  with  the  forty-two- 
pounders.  This  greatly  damaged  the  houfes,  but  Caufed 
io  great  an  expenie  of  pov^der  that  it  w^as  thought  advife^ 
able  to  ftop  and  leferve  it  for  the  fafcine  batteries.  Five 
of  thefe  were  eredled,  the  lafl  the  20th  of  May,  called 
Tidcomb's*  battery,  with  five  forty-two-pounders,  which 
did  as  great  execution  as  any.  Our  men  knew  nothing 
of  regular  approaches,  they  took  the  advantage  of  the 
night,  and  when  they  heard  Mr.  Bafiide's  propofals  for 
zigzags  and  epaulements,  they  made  merry  with  the  terms 
and  went  on,  void  of  art,  in  their  own  natural  way. 
Captain  Fierce,  a  brave  officer,  (landing  at  one  of  thefe 
batteries  had  his  bowels  Ihot  away  by  a  cannon  ball,  and 
lived  juft  long  enough  to  fay,  Ifs  hard  to  die. 

^hilft  our  people  were  thus  bufy  afhore,  the  men-of- 
war  and  other  veiTels  were  cruihng  off  the  harbour  when- 
ever the  weather  would  permit,  and  the  i8th  of  May, 
the  Vigilant,  a  French  man-of-war  of  fixty-four  guns, 
having  five  hundred  and  fixty  men  on  board  and  flores  of 
all  forts  for  the  garrifon,  was  met  with  by  the  Mermaid, 
whom  fhe  attacked,  but  captain  Douglafs  the  commander, 
being  of  unequal  force,  fuffered  himfelf  to  be  chafed  by 
her  until  he  drew  her  under  the  command  of  the  commo- 
dore 

^*  Mc.jor  Tidccmb's  readinefs  to  engage  in  the  mofl  hazardotis  part  of  the  fervice 
was  iicknowledged  and  applauded.  He  furvived  the  fiege,  was  colonel  of  a  regi- 
ment vvhf n  general  Johnfon  was  iittacked  by  Diclkau,  and  tl^ea  loft  his  life  in  th«- 
jGsrvioc  ol  Lis  count:  y. 


1745-]         Massachusetts.  -y^ 

dore  and  the  other  fhips  cruifing  with  him,  to  whom,  or, 
as  fome  fay,  to  the  Mermaid  (lie  firuck,  becaule  (he  had 
iirft  met  with  her.  This  capture  gave  great  joy  to  the 
army,  not  fo  much  for  the  addition  m^de  to  cur  naval 
force,  as  for  the  difappointment  to  the  enemy.  A  propo- 
fal  had  been  made,  a  few  days  before,  that  the  men-of-war 
fhould  anchor  in  Chapeaurouge-bay,  and  that  the  marines 
and  as  many  faiiors  as  could  be  fpared  fliould  land  and 
join  the  army.  The  Vigilant  w^^uld  then  have  got  in, 
and  we  fhould  have  given  over  the  fiege.  Alfairs  were 
now  in  fuch  a  (late,  that  our  anxiety  at  Boftcn  was  much 
lefiened.  We  hoped  the  army  might  retreat  with  fafety, 
wTienever  it  fhould  be  determined  to  give  over  the  fiege,  for 
Bouiadrie,  who  belonged  to  the  town  of  LoiiifDourg,  and 
the  marquis  de  la  Maifon  forte,  commander  of  the  Vigi- 
lant, who  w^as  well  acquainted  vv  ith  the  ilace  of  the  place, 
when  thev  came  to  Bofton,  were  fans^uinc  that  it  would 
hold  out  longer  than  our  men,  and  loon  after*  we  had 
the  news  of  a  fruitlefs  and  perhaps  a  rvSii  attempt  upon 
the  ifland  battery  by  four  hundred  men,  fixty  of  whom 
were  killed  and  one  hundred  and  fixteen  taken  prifoners. 
The  Csefar,  Snelling,  one  of  the  fhips  in  the  provincial 
fervice,  arrived  at  Boflon  with  letters  from  the  general, 
and  an  application  for  more  men  and  a  further  fupply  of 
powder.  Mafiachufetts  agreed  to  and  actually  did  raife 
four  hundred  men,  and  fent  all  the  powder  that  could 
be  purchafed,  and  Conned;icut  raifed  two  hundred  men  ; 
but  there  w-ere  neither  men  nor  powder  arrived  when  the 
fiege  v/as  finiihed. 

The  Princefs  Mary  of  fixty  and  the  KeRor  of  forty 
guns, unexpectedly  had  arrived  atBouonfromEnglandjand 
were  immediately  fent  to  join  the  commodore,  purfuant  to 
his  general  orders,  and  arrived  before  Louiibourg  the  2  2d 
of  May.  This  increafe  of  naval  force  occafioned  conjec- 
tures, fome  being  of  opinion,  that,  rather  than  the  fiege 
fhould  be  raifed,  the  fhips  would  attempt  to  go  in  ;  but  it 
was  generally  fuppofed  the  hazard  would  be  too  great. 
It  was  commonly    reported  that  colonel  More  of   the 

New 

[*  Here  is  a   ehronolo^cal  miflakc.     The    attempt  on  the   ifiand  tattcry  wa 
|4»y  «6'    The  inar<iui8  did  not  k»v«  Cape  Ereton  until  iit«r-Junc  7.J 


376  THt  HISTORY  OF  [Chaf.  li. 

New  Hampfliire  regiment  ofFered  to  go  ori  board  the 
Vigilant  with  his  whole  regiment,  and  to  lead  the  van,  if 
in  cafe  of  fuccefs  he  might  be  confirmed  in  the  command 
of  the  fhip.  He  had  been  an  experienced  fea  captain, 
and  had  a  very  good  characler.  It  is  certain,  an  attempt 
with  the  flilps  was  not  then  thought  advifeable.  A  new 
battery,  about  this  time,  Vv^as  ereded  Upon  the  light-houfe 
point,  which  being  well  attended  by  lieutenant  colonel 
Gridley  of  the  artillery,  did  great  execution  upon  the 
inand  battery,  filenced  many  of  the  guns,  and  it  was  ex- 
peded  it  vv^ould  not  be  long  tenable.  Soon  after,  viz. 
June  icth,  arrived  before  Louifbourg  the  Chefter,  a  fifty- 
gun  fnip,  in  confequence  of  the  difpatches  from  Mr.  Shir- 
ley, with  an  accoynt  of  the  expedition.  The  Canterbury 
and  Sunderland,  two  fixty-gun  fhips,  failed  with  her  and 
arrived  the  12th.  Here  was  now  a  fleet  of  eleven  fhips,* 
and  it  is  faid  to  have  been  determined  the  fhips  fhould 
make  an  attack  by  fea  the  1 8th,  while  the  army  did  the 
fame  by  land.  It  is  not  certain  that  when  the  day  fhould 
come  fome  fufScient  reafon  would  not  have  been  found 
for  a  further  delay.  Thofe  who  give  the  mod  favourable 
accounts  of  the  (lege  fay,  "  the  weft  gate  was  entirely  beat 
down,  the  wail  adjoining  very  much  battered,  and  a  breach 
made,  ten  feet  from  the  bottom,  the  circular  battery  of 
fixteen  cannon  and  the  principal  one  againft  fnips  almoft 
ruined,  the  north-eaft  battery  of  17  cannon  damaged,  and 
the  men  drove  from  the  guns,  and  the  w^eft  flank  of  the 
king's  badion  almoft  demoUfhed.''  Others  fay,  "  the 
weft  gate  was  defaced,  and  the  adjoining  curtain  with  the 
flank  of  the  king's  baftion  were  much  hurt,  but  no  pradi- 
cable  breach."  Whether  a  general  ftorm  was  really  in- 
tended upon  the  i8th  or  not,  it  feems  the  French  exped- 
ed  it  from  the  preparations  on  board  the  men-of-war,  and 
did  not  incune  to  ftand  it,  and  on  the  15th  feiit  a  flag  of 
truce  to  the  general  defiring  a  cefTation,  that  they  might 
confider  of  articles  to  be  propofed  for  a  capitulation. 
Time  was  allowed  for  this  purpofe  until  the  next  morning, 
when  fuch  articles  were  offered  as  were  rejeded  by  the 

general 

*  The  Superb,  Princefs  Mary,  Canterbury  and  Sunderland  of  fixty  guns,  the 
Cheftcr  of  fifty,  J.auncellon,  Mermaid,  He^^or,  Eltham  and  Lark  of  forty,  with  the 
Trench  prize  ^e  Vigilant  of  fixty-four. 


1745-3         Massachusetts.  ^'^^ 

general  and  commodore,  and  others  offered  to  the  enemy 
in  their  ftead,  which  they  accepted  of  and  hoflages  were 
exchanged,  and  the  next  day,  the  lyth,  the  city  was 
delivered  up. 

Many  of  our  men  had  taken  colds  and  many  fallen  in- 
to dyfenteries,  fo  that  fifteen  hundren  were  taken  off  from 
duty  at  one  time  ;  but  the  weather  proving  remarkably 
fine  during  the  forty-nine  days'  fiege,  they  generally  re- 
covered. The  day  after  the  furrender  the  rains  began, 
and  continued  ten  days  inceffantly,  which  mull:  have  been 
fatal  to  many,  they  having  nothing  better  than  the  wet 
ground  to  lodge  on,  and  their  tents,  in  general,  being  in- 
lufficient  to  fecure  them  againfl  a  fingle  Hiower,*  but  in 
the  city  they  found  barracks  to  fhelter  them.  Captain 
Bennet,  in  a  fchooner,  was  fent  immediately  to  BoltoUj 
and  arrived  with  the  great  news  the  3d  of  July,  about  one 
in  the  morning.  The  bells  of  the  town  were  ringing  by 
break  of  day,  and  the  day  and  night  following  were  fpent 
in  rejoicing.  The  news  flew  through  the  continent*  The 
colonies  which  declined  any  fhare  in  the  expenfe  and  haz- 
ard were  fenfible  they  were  greatly  interefled  in  the  fuc- 
cefsi  It  was  allowed  every  where,  that  if  there  had  been 
no  fighal  proof  of  bravery  and  courage  in  time  of  adion, 
there  having  been  only  one  fally  from  the  town  and  a 
few  fkirmifhes  with  French  and  Indians  fiohi  the  woods, 
in  all  which  oUr  men  behaved  w^ell,  yet  here  was  the 
ftrongefl  evidence  of  a  generous  noble  public  fpirit,  which 
firft  induced  to  the  undertaking,  and  of  fteadinefs  and 
firmnefs  of  mind  in  the  profecution  of  it,  the  labour,  fa- 
tigue and  other  hardfhips  of  the  fiege  being  without  par- 
allel in  all  preceding  American  affairs.  A  fliade  was 
thrown  over  the  imprudence  at  firfl:  charged  upon  the 
New  Englanders.  Confiderate  perfons  among  themfelves 
could  not,  however,  avoid  gratefully  admiring  the  favour 
of  Divine  Providence  in  fo  great  a  number  of  remarkable 
incidents  which  contributed  to  this  fuccefs*  The  befl 
ufc  to  be  made  by  poflerity  feems  to  be  not  to  depend 
upon  fpecial  interpofitions  of  Providence  becaufe  their 
Vol.  II.  A  a  anceftors 

♦  All  the  ticlclenburgh  and  fmall  canvas  in  the  Province  was  purchafrd  by  the 
committee  of  war,  but  for  a  great  part  of  the  tents  they  were  forced  to  buy  com- 
mon oznabrigs. 


37?  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IT. 

anceftors  have  experienced  them,  but  to  avoid  the  like 
imminent  dangers,  and  to  wdgh  the  probabihty  and  im- 
probabiUty  of  fucceeding  in  the  ordinary  coin-fe  of  events* 

The  commodore  v/as  willing  to  carry  away  a  full  fliare 
of  the  glory  of  this  action.  It  was  made  a  queflion= 
whether  the  ke^^s  of  the  town  fhould  be  delivered  to  him; 
or  to  the  general,  and  whether  the  fea  or  h.nd  forces  fnoulJ 
firll  enter.  The  oilicers  of  the  army  fay  they  prevailed. 
The  marines  took  paffefTron  of  one  ar  more  of  tlie  bat- 
teries, and  fometimes-  the  camnirodore  took  the  kt^ys  of 
the  city  gates.  The  conimand,  however,  until  orders 
iliould  arrive  from^  England,  was  to  be  ioint,  and  a  dif- 
pute  about  precedence  to  be  avoided  as  niucli  as  could  be. 
The  commodore  dlfpatched  Mr.  Montague  in  the  Mer- 
maid to  England  with  intelligence,  and  the  general  the 
day  after  fent  the  Shirley  galley,  captain  lloufe.  The* 
Mermaid  arrived  firft.- 

It  was  very  happy  that  dlfpates"  arofe  to  no  height  be- 
tween the  fea  and-  land  forces  during  the  frege.  This  has' 
often  proved  fataL^  This  expedition  having  been  began 
and  carried  on  under  a  commiirion  from  a  provincial  gov- 
ernor, feems  to  be  di(i:inguiil>ed  from  ordinary  cafes,  and 
to  leave  lefs  room  for  difpute.  Whether  the  land  or  fea; 
force  had  the  greateH:  fbare  in  the  acquifiticn-  may  be  judg- 
ed from  the  relation  of  fadts;  Neither  would  have  fuc- 
ceeded  alone.  The  army,  with  infinite  labour  and  fa- 
tigue to  themfelves,  haralfed  and  dilfreffed  the  enemyy 
and  with  perfeverance,  a  few  weeks  or  days  longer  mult 
have  compelled  a  furrender.  It  is  very  doubtful  whether 
the  iliips  could  have  lain  long  enough  before  the  walls  to 
have  carried  the  place  by  ftorm,  or  whether,  notwithftand- 
i^ng  the  appearance  of  a  defign  to  do  it,  they  would  have 
thought  it  advifeable  to  attempt  it ;  it  is  certain  they  pre- 
vented the  arrival  of  the  Vigilant,  took  away  all  hopes 
of  further  fupply  and  fuccour,  and  it  is  very  probable 
the  fears  of  a  form-  might  accelerate  the  capitulation.* 

The 

*  From  tlie  following  depofition  of    the  commodore  in  the  high  court  of  adjni» 
ralfcy,  one  would  imagine  the  place  had  been  taken  by  the  fliips  alone, 

"  ExtraAed  from  the  regifiry  of  the  high  court  of  admiralty  of  England,  agth 
September,  1747. 
**  Notre  dame  de  deliverance,  7  Upon  the  allegation  given  by  Tyndallthe  aift  of 
Litan  mafter.  y  March,  174,5. 

«  Sir 


•*7450 


MASSACHUSETTSi  379 


The  lofs  by  the  enemy  and  ficknefs  did  not  exceed  one 
hundred  and  one  men.     The  lofs  of  the  fnow  Prince  of 
Orange,  belonging  to  the  Province,  and  fuppofed  to  be 
overfet,  u-as  a  heavy  blow  upon  the  town  c?f  Marblehead, 
the  captain  and  moil  of  the  crew  belonging  to  that  town, 
and  it  is  a  rare  thing  for  a  Marblehead  man  to  die  with- 
out leaving  a  widow  and  a  number  of  children  furviving. 
As  it  was  a  time  of  year  to  exped  French  veflels  from 
all  parts  to  Louiibourg,  the  French  flag  was  kept  flying 
to  decoy  them  in*     Two  Eaft  India  and  one  S<3uth  Si;a 
fhfp,  fuppofed  to  be  altogether  of  the  value  of  6oo,oooL 
fterling,  were  taken  by  the  fquadron  at  the  mouth  of  the 
harbour,  into  which  they  would  undoubtedly  have  entered. 
The  army  at  firil:  fuppofed  they  had  acquired  1  right  to  the 
ifland  of  Cape  Breton  and  its  dependencies,  and,  until  they 
"Were  undeceived  by  Mr.  Shirley,  were  for  dividing  the  ter- 
ritory among  the  officers  and  men.     With  greater  colour 
they  might  have  claimed  a  fhare  with  the  men-of-war  in  thefe 
rich  prizes.     Some  of  the  officers  expelled  a  claim  v;ould 
have  been  laid  in,  but  means  were  found  to  divert  it,  nor 
"Was  any  part  decreed  to  the  veflfels  of  war  in  the  Province 
fervice,  except  a  fmall  fum  to  the  brig  Bofton  Packet^ 
captain  Fletcher,  who  being  chafed  by  the  South  Sea  fliip, 
led  her  diredly  under  the  command  of  the  guns  of  one 
of  the  men-of-war.     It  feemed  to  be  conceded,  that,    as 
this  acquifition  was  made  under  the  commifTion  of  the  gov- 
ernor  of  Maflachufetts,  the  exercife  of  government  there 
appertained  to  him,  until  his  majefty's  pleafure  fhould  be 

known. 

•*  Sir  Pct^r  Warren  kright,  vice-admiral  of  the  white,  aged  forty  years  and  up- 
wards, a  witnefs  produced  and  fworn — 

"  To  the  firft  article  of  the  faid  allegation  depofes  and  fays,  that  he  the  faid  depo- 
nent was  appointed  to  command  his  Britannic  majefty's  fleet  intended  for  the  attack 
of  the  ifland  of  Cape-Breton,  and  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thoufand  fevea 
hundred  and  forty-five  proceeded  on  the  faid  expedition  in  his  majefty's  fhip 
Suptrbe  from  the  leeward  iflands,  then  having  with  him  and  under  his  command 
his  majefty's  fhips  Mermaid  and  Launcefton,  and  foon  after  his  arrival  at  faid 
ifland  he  was  joined  by  his  majefty's  ftiips  Princefs  Mary,  Canterbury,  Chefter 
and  Sunderland,  and  that  after  the  deponent's  arrival  at  Cape-Breton,  apd  before 
he  was  joined  by  his  majefty's  ftiips  aforefa-id,  he  took  and  feized  a  French  fhip 
of  war  called  the  Vigilant,  and  appointed  her  a  fhip  in  his  majefty's  fervice  and 
pay,  and  then  with  the  alTiftance  of  all  his  majefty's  Ihips  aforefaid,  and  others  of 
his  majefty's  ftiips,  he  did  fubdue  the  whole  ifland  of  Cape-Breton,  and  further  to 
the  faid  article  he  knows  not   to  depofc." 

There  was  bo  claim  made,  for  the  army,  to  this  or  the  other  captures,  which  i$ 
the  only  reafon  I  can  think  of  for  omitting  any  mention  of  the  land  forces. 

A  a  2 


/jgo  THE  HISTORY   OF  [Chap.  IV. 

known.  I  know  of  no  precedent  in  the  colonies,  except 
that  of  the  conqueft  of  Nova  Scotia  in  1690.  It  w^as 
neceflary  then  to  admit  this  principle,  the  acquifition 
could  not  otl>erwife  have  been  retained.  Mr.  Shirley 
made  a  voyage  to  Louifbourg,  took  the  government  upon 
him,  prevailed  upon  a  great  part  of  the  army  to  confent 
to  remain  in  garrifon  over  the  winter,  or  until  regiments 
which  were  expefted  arrived,  engaged  that  their  pay 
fliould  be  increafed  and  clothing  provided,  and  fettled 
other  matters  to  general  fatisfaSiion.* 

Duvivier  had  been  fent  to  France  the  winter  ef  1744, 
to  folicit  a  force,  nor  to  defend  Cape  Breton,  but  to  con- 
quer Nova  Scotia,  and  accordingly  failed  the  beginning  of 
July,  with  feven  Ihips  of  war  for  that  purpofe,  who  were 
to  flop  at  Louifbourg.  This  fleet  took  a  prize  bound  froni 
Bofton  to  London,  on  board  which  was  lieutenant  gover- 
nor Clark  of  New  York,  and  by  this  means  they  were 
informed  of  the  conqueft  of  Louifbourg,  and  the  ftrong 
fquadron  there,  other  wife  fome  or  all  of  them  would 
alfo  have  probably  fa^llen  into  the  hands  of  the  EngHfh. 
Upon  this  intelligence  they  went  back  to  France.  Thus 
Nova  Scotia  no  doubt  was^  faved  by  the  Malfachufetts 
expedition.  There  would  not  have  been  men-of-war  in 
thefe  feas  fufficient  to  match  this  fquadron. 

The  reduction  of  Louifbourg  by  a  Britilh  colony,  mufl 
have  been  a  furprife  to  Creat  Britain  and  to  Frances- 
It  caufed  very  grand  plans  of  American  meafures  for  the 
next  year  with  both  powers.  Great  Britain  had  in  view 
the  reduction  of  Canada  and  the  extirpation  of  the  French: 
from  the  northern  continent.  France  intended  the  re- 
covery of  Louifbourg,  the  conqueft  of  Nova  Scotia,  and 
the  deftru6lion  of  the  Englifh  fea  coaft  from  Nova  Scotia 
to  Georgia.  Upon  the  Englifh  plan,  eight  battalions  of 
regular  troops,  with  the  provincial  forces  to  be  raifed  in 
the  four  New  England  governments,  were  to  rendezvous 
at  Louilhourg,  arid,  with  a  fquadron  under  admiral  War- 
ren, were  to  go  up  the  river  St.  Lawrence  to  Quebec  ^ 
other  provincials  from  Virginia  and  the  colonies  north- 
ward,; 

*  Pcnnfylvania  contributed  4CO0I.     New  York  3000I.  and  New  Jerfcy,  I  thinks- 
t'eb&I.  feme  in  momcy,  others  in  provifions,  for  fupport  of  the  troops. 


.I74t^.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  3«i 

ward,  including  New  York,  were  to  rendezvous  at   Al- 
bany, and  go  acrofs  the  country  to  Montreal  ;  the  land 
forces  to  be  under  general  St.  Clair.     No  Province  had 
a  certain  number  afligned,  it  was  expeded  there  fhould 
be  at  lead  five  thoufand*  in  the  whole.     The  Maflachu- 
fetts  forces  were  ready  to  embark  by  the  middle  of  July, 
about  fix  weeks  from  the  lirfl  notice-     The  preparations 
making  at  Brefh  for  America,  were  well  known  in  En- 
gland, and  a  fquadron  was  ordered  to  block  up  that  har* 
bour.     Notwithftanding  all  the  caution  uled,  the  Bred 
fquadron  flipped  out,  and  failed  to  the  weft  ward,  and  it  is 
certain  no  Englifh  fquadron  followed.     Whilft  we  were 
impatiently  waiting  for  news  of  the  arriyal  of  the  fleet  at 
Louifbourg,  a  fifherman  .comes  in,  fome  time  m  Auguft, 
with  an  account  of  his  being  brought  to  by  four  French 
capital  (hips  not  far  from  Chibuclo  ;  that  he  was  required 
to  pilot  them  there  ;  that  as  be  lay  under  the  ftern  of  one 
of  them  he  read  the  word  le  Terrible,  but  a  fog  fuddenly 
rifmg,  he  made  his  efcape.     After  that  fome  days  had 
paifed  without  any  further  account^  the  fifherman*s  nev/s 
was    generally    difcredited.      It   appeared    fome    months 
after,  that  thefe  were  four  fhips  under  M.  Conflans,  who 
had  efcapedf  an  Englifh  fquadron  from  Jamaica,    and 
were  bound  to  Chibudo  in  order  to  join  the  Brelt  fleet ; 
but  after  cruifing  fome  time,  and  meeting  with  ftorm$ 
and  fogs,  upon  a  coaft  they  were  unacquainted  with,  they 
returned  to  France. 

The  beginning  of  September,  vefTek  arrived  at  Boflon 
from  Hull  and  Liverpool,  with  advice  that  the  Brefl  fleet 
Jiad  failed,  and  it  was  fuppofed  for  North  America,  and 
from  the  middle  to  the  latter  end  of  the  monxh  frequent 
accounts  were  brought  of  a  great  fleet  feen  .to  the  weft- 
ward  of  Newfoundland,  which  we  flattered  curfelves  might 
be  Englifh  as  likely  as  French  ;  but  oi;  the  28th,  an  ex- 
prefs  arrived  from  Louilhourg  with  certain  advice  thefe 
fliips  were  the  French  fleet,  which  it  was  affirmed  confifted 

of 

*  The  colonics  voted  to  raife  men  in  very  unequal  proportions.  New  Hampfhire 
500.  Maffiichufetts  .IJOO.  Rhode  Ifland  300.  Conntdicut  icco.  New  York 
}[6oo.  New  Jerfcys  500.  Maryland  3CO.  Virginia  lOO.  Pcnnfylvania  raii«d 
400,  though  not  by  an  zA  of  government.     The  whole  nuir.bcr  Sioo. 

f  Soiiu:  fdv  the  Englifh  efcapcd  from  theip. 


382  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IY, 

of  feventy  fail,  fourteen  of  which  were  capital  fhips^  and 
that  there  were  twenty  fmaller  men-of-war,  and  the  reft 
fire-fhips,  bombs,  tenders  and  tranfports  for  eight  thou- 
fand  troops »     The  fame  day  a  yeifel  from  Jamaica  arrived 
with  advice  that  the  four  men-of-v/ar  who  had  engaged 
with  commodore  Mitchell,  were  intended  to  join  the  fleet, 
and  it  was  now  no  longer  doubted  that   thefe  were    the 
fhips  feen  by  the  fifhermen,  and  it  was  fuppofed  foon  after 
got  into  Ghibudo.     England  was  not  more  alarmed  with 
the  Spanifh  armada  in   1588,  than  Boflon  and  the  other 
North  American  fea  ports  were  with  the  arrival  of  this 
fleet  in  their  neighbourhood.     The  firmed  mind  will  bend 
upon  the  firfl;  advice  of  imminent  danger  to  its  countryc 
Even  the  great  De  Witt  fwooned  when  he  firft  opened  a 
letter  giving  inteUigence  of  England's  confederating  with 
France  to  enflave  the  Dutch,  though  the  next  moment  he 
recovered  his  natural  courage  and  vivacity. 

Every  pradicable  meafure  for  defence  was  immediately 
purfued  by  the  authority  of  the  Maflachufetts  Province, 
but  our  main  dependence,  under  God,  was  upon  a  fquad- 
ron  from  England  fufiicient,  in  conjunction  with  the  fliips 
then  at  Louifbourgh,  to  overcome  the  French.  It  was 
impoflible  the  miniftry  fhould  be  ignprant  of  the  failing 
of  this  fleet,  and  unlefs  they  were  willing  the  colonies 
fnould  be  expofed  to  the  ravages  of  the  enemy,  it  was 
impolTible  an  Englilh  fquadron  fhould  not  be  foon  after 
them.*  This  was  the  general  voice.  But  this  depend- 
ence failed.  However,  as  the  probabihty  of  the  arrival 
of  our  fquadron  was  from  day  to  day  leffened,  our  ap- 
prehenfions  of  danger  from  the  enemy  leflened  in  fome 
proportion.  At  length,  we  had  fuch  authentic  account  of 
the  diftrefles  of  the  French,  that  it  was  not  only  agreed 
that  admiral  Townfend's  fhips  at  Louifbourg  were  more 

than 

*  It  was  faid  admiral  X,e{lock  put  out  no  lefs  than  feven  times,  but  could  not  get 
to  the  weftward.  Qthers  fuppofed  that  an  apprehenfion  of  French  ^nelTe,  pretend- 
ing an  expedition  to  J^i;nerica  when  an  invafion  of  Brit9.in  was  really  intended,  occa- 
fioned  orders  for  the  detention  of  Leftock's  fleet  until  it  was  thought  too  late  to  pre- 
vent the  rnifchief,  and  the  thips  were  then  employed  in  an  unfuccefsful  defcent  upon 
France.  The  indifference  of  the  people  in  England  in  general  upon  this  occafion 
-■was  wondered  at  by  the  colonills.  Letters  from  merchants,  who  had  debts  due  in 
the  colonies  equal  to  their  whole  fortunes,  and  which  they  muft  have  wholly  loft  if 
the  French  plan  had  been  executed,  fpake  of  the  failing  of  this  fleet  as  an  ordinary 
piece  of  news,  which  would  be  followed  with  no  remarkable  confecjuencee. 


1746.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  3^3 

than  a  match  for  them,  and  we  were  every  day  expe<^- 
ing  to  hear  they  had  failed  for  Chibu6lo,  but  if  that 
fhould  prove  otherwife,  the  utmofl:  they  would  be  able 
to  effed  by  their  grand  plan  would  be  the  conqucft  of 
Annapolis  and  the  whole  Province  of  Nova  Scotia.  If 
the  winter  did  not  prevent  a  farther  progrefs,  we  llattered 
ourfelves  their  ilrength  was  not  fufficiemt  foj  an  attempt 
upon  Bcdon, 

The  misfortunes  of  this  grand  armament  are  really 
very  remarkable.  The  lofs  of  Cape  Breton  filled  xha 
J'Vench  with  a  fpirit  of  revenge  a^ainft  the  BritiHi  colo- 
nies. The  duke  d'Anviiie,  a  French  nobleman  in  whofe 
courage  and  coiidud  great  confidence  was  placed,  was 
.appointed  to  the  command  of  the  expedition.  As  early 
as  the  beginning  of  May,  the  fleet  was  ready  to  fail,  but 
.detained  bv  contrary  v/inds  until  the  22d  of  Jun^,  when 
it  left  Rochelle,  and  then  confided  cf  eleven  ihips  of  the 
line,  thirty  fmaller  veflels  f;om  ten  to  thirty  guns,  and 
jranfport  fliips  with  three  thoufand  one  hundred  and  thirty 
land  forces,  commanded  by  monfieur  Pommerit,  a  briga- 
dier general.  The  French  of  Nova  Scotja,  it  was  exped- 
ed,  would  join  them,  and  Ramfay,  a  French  officer,  with 
feventeen  hundred  Canadians  and  Indians,  were  a^llually 
in  arms  there  ready  for  their  arrival.  'J'o  this  force  Cour 
fians  with  the  four  foips  froni  the  Wcfl  ladies  were  to  be 
added.  It  was  the  3d  of  Ai^guil  before  the  fieet  had 
pafTed  the  Weftern  Illands.  The  24th  they  were  three 
hundred  leagues  dilfant  from  Nova  Scotia,  and  one  of 
iheir  fiiips  complained  fo  much,  that  they  burnt  her^ 
The  111  of  September,  in  a  violent  itorm,  the  Mars,  a 
fixty-four  gun  fliip,  was  fo  damaged  in  her  mafo  and  fo 
ieaky  that  Ihe  bore  away  for  the  W^d  Indies,*  Tind  the 
Alcide,  of  fixty-four  guns,  which  had  alfo  joft  her  top- 
mad,  was  fent  to  accompany  her.  The  i5th,  the  Ardent, 
of  fixty-four  guns,  mod  of  hex  q-ew  being  hck,  put  back 
for  Bred, 

The  duke  d*Anville,  in  the  Northumberland,  arrived 
at  Chibudo  the  1 2th  of  September,  with  only  one  ihip  of 
the  line,  the  Renommee  and  three  or  four  cf  the  tranf- 

ports. 

*  She  went  back  for  France,  and  was   taken  in  OdIoLcr  by  the  Nottingh;tra, 
captain   Saumarcz,  off   Cnpe  Clsur. 


384  THE   HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  IV, 

ports.  There  he  found  only  one  of  the  fleet,  which  had 
been  in  three  days,  and  after  waiting  three  days,  and  find- 
ing that  only  three  more,  and  thofe  tranfports,  had  arrived, 
the  1 6th  in  the  morning  he  died,  the  French  f^id  of  an 
apoplexy,  the  EngliHi  that  he  poifoned  himfelf.  In  the 
afternoon  the  vice  admiral,  d'Eftournelle,  v/ith  three  or 
four  more  of  the  line,  came  in.  Monf.  de  la  Jonquiere, 
governor  of  Canada,  was  aboard  the  Northumberland, 
and  had  been  declared  a  chef  d'efcadre,  after  the  fleet 
left  France,  and  by  this  means  v/as  next  in  command  to. 
the  vice  admiral.  In  a  council  of  war,  the  i8th,  the  vice 
admiral  propofed  returning  to  France.  Four  of  the  cap- 
ital fliips,  the  Ardent,  Caribou,  Mars  a;^d  Alcide,  and 
the  Argonaute  fire-fliip,  they  were  deprived  of ;  there 
was  no  news  of  Conflans  and  his  fhips,  fo  that  only  feven* 
fhips  of  importance  remained  ;  more  or  lefs  of  the  land 
forces  were  on  board  each  of  the  mifl^mg  fhips,  and  what  re- 
mained were  in  a  very  fickly  condition.  This  motion  was 
oppofed  for  feven  or  eight  hours  by  Jonquiere  and  others 
of  the  council,  \yho  fuppofed  that,  at  leafl:,  they  were  in 
a  condition  to  recover  AnnapoHs  and  Nova  Scotia,  after 
which  they  might  either  winter  fecurely  at  Cafco-Bay,  or 
at  worft,  then  return  to  France  :  The  fick  men,  by  the 
conflant  fupply  of  frefli  provifions  from  the  Acadians, 
were  daily  recovering,  and  wpuld  foon  be  fit  for  fervice. 
The  motion  not  prevailing,  the  vice  admiral's  fpirits  were 
agitated  to  fuch  a  degree  as  to  throw  him  into  a  fever 
attended  ;with  a  delirium,  in  which  he  imagined  himfelf 
among  the  Enghfli,  and  ran  himfelf  through  the  body. 
Jonquiere  fucceeded,  who  was  a  man  experienced  in  war, 
and  althoiigh  above  fixty,  flill  mpre  ai^ive  than  cither  of 
his  predeceffors,  and  the  expectations  of  the  fleet  and 
army  were  much  raifed.  From  this  time  AnnapoHs  feems 
to  have  been  their  chief  objeft.  An  account,  fuppofed 
to  be  authentic,  having  been  received  at  Boflon  of  the 
faihng  of  admiral  Lefl;Qck,  Mr.  Shipley  fent  an  exprefs  to 
Louiibourg  to  carry  the  intelligence.  The  packet  boat 
was  taken  and  carried  into  ChibuClo,!  which  accelerated 

the 

*  Some  make  the  number  eight,  and 'the  Perfait  to  he  one  of  them,  and  burnt 

there  ;  hut  hi  the  French  lift  the  Perfait  is  a  fire-lhip,  an^  the  Caribou  is  laid  to 
have  been  burnt. 

t  Odlober  ii. 


?74<5t]  MASSACHUSETTS.  385 

the  failing  of  the  fleet.  Mofl  of  the  fick  had  died  at  Chi- 
budo,  and  but  about  one  half  their  number  remained 
ahve.  They  failed  the  J3th  of  Oclober,  and  tlie  15th, 
being  near  Cape  Sables,  they  met  with  a  violent  cold 
florm,  which,  after  fome  intermiflion,  increafed  the  16th 
and  17th,  and  feparated  the  fleet,  two  of  which  only,  '^ 
fifty  and  a  thirty-fu^  gun  fliip,  were  difcovered  from  the 
fort  at  AnnapoHs,  where  the  Chelter  man-of-war,  captain 
Spry,  then  lay  with  the  Shirley  frigate,  and  a  fmall  vcliei 
in  the  fervice  of  the  board  of  ordnance,  who  being  dif- 
covered by  the  French  to  be  under  fail,  they  made  off, 
and  this  was  the  laft  of  the  expedition,  The  news  of 
the  beginning  of  the  misfortunes  of  the  French  having 
reached  France  by  fome  of  the  returned  veflels,  two  men- 
of-war  were  fent  immediately  with  orders,  at  all  events,  to 
take  Annapolis ;  but  the  fleet  had  failed  th^ee  or  four 
days  before  they  arrived. 

Pious  men  faw  the  immediatq  hand  of  Divine  Provi- 
dence in  the  proteftion  or  rather  refcue  of  the  Britifli  col- 
onies this  year,  as  they  had  done  in  the  miraculous  fuccefs 
pf  the  Cape-Breton  expedition  the  former  year. 

"When  the  fummer  had  fo  far  pafled  as  to  render  it 
too  late  to  profecute  the  expedition  againll  Canada,  if  the 
fleet  had  arrived,  Mr.  Shirley's  enterprifmg  genius  led 
him  to  projed  an  attempt  upon  the  French  fort  at  Crown- 
point,  with  part  of  the  Mall'achufetts  forces  in  conjunclion 
with  thofe  of  the  other  colonies  ;  but  the  alarm  of  the 
french  fleet  prevented  until  it  was  judged,  by  fome  con* 
eerned,  to  be  too  late.  Fifteen  hundred  of  the  Malfachu- 
fetts  men  were  intended  for  Nova  Scoiia  upon  the  news 
of  Ramfay's  appearing  there,  and  four  hundred  a(5lually 
went  there,  convoyed  by  the  Chefter,  and  late  in  the  fall 
an  additional  number  were  fent  thither.  Thole  polled  at 
Minas  were  furprifed,  the  firfl;  day  of  January,  by  a  body  of 
French  and  Indians  commanded  by  Le  Corne,  a  French 
officer,  and  after  having  one  hundred  and  fixty  of  their 
number  killed,  wounded,  and  taken  prifoners,  the  reft 
capitulated,  engaging  not  to  bear  arms  againfl  the  French 
in  Nova  Scotia  for  the  term  of  one  year.  Dc  Ramfay 
with  his  troops  foon  after  returned  to  Canada.  * 

*  Thomas  Cufliing,  eP^uiie,  fpeaker  of  the  houfe,  died  April  ii,  1 746,  univerfally 
J&iriented. 


^6  THE   HISTORY  OF  {;Ghap.  IV. 

The  troops  raifed  for  the  Canada  expedition  continued 
in  pay  until  September  the  next  year,  1 747.  Some  of  them 
ferved  for  the  defence  of  the  frontiers,  the  reft  were  inacr 
tive.  The  inactive  profecution  of  the  war  in  Europe  on 
both  fides  indicated  peace  to  be  near,  which  the  next  year 
was  efxe6:ed. 

War  had  been  declared  in  1744  againft  the  Cape  Sable 
and  St.  John's  Indians,  and  in  1745  againft  the  Penobfcots 
and  Norridgewocks.  The  frontiers  did  not  efcape  molef- 
tation.  They  fufFered  lefs  than  in  any  former  wars.  The 
Indians  were  lelTened  in  number,  and  having  withdrawn 
to  the  French  frontiers,  were  fometimes  detained  for 
|:heir  defence  upon  an  apprehended  invafion,  and  at  other 
times  erigaged  to  be  in  readinefs  to  joiji  in  the  great  de- 
figns  againft  the  Englifh.^ 

In  1747  (Nov-  17th)  happened  a  tumult  in  the  town  of 
Bofton,  equal  to  any  whi^Ii  had  preceded  it,  although  far 
fhort  of  fome  which  have  happened  fince.  Mr.  Knowles 
was  commodore  of  a  number  of  nien-of-war  then  in  the 
harbour  of  Nantafket.  Some  of  the  Tailors  had  deferted» 
Deferters  generally  flee  to  fome  of  tfee  neighbouring  ports^ 
where  they  are  out  of  danger  of  difcovery.  The  commo- 
dore thought  it  reafonable  that  Bofton  fliould  fupply  him 

with 

*  The  peace  with  the  Indians  was  not  fettled  -until  Oiloher,  1 749,  when  a  treaty- 
was  held  at  Falmouth  by  com-yiillloners,  Thomas  Hatchinfon,  John  Choate,  Ifry.el 
Williams  and  Jamss  Od^  of  MaffachufettS;  and  Th',^odure  Atkinfon  and  John 
Downing  of  New  Hamprmre,  whea  the  iaft  treaty  ip  IvjLr.  Dun*mer's  tinje,  witH 
fome  additions,  was  renewed. 

June  19th,  1748,  John  Stoddard,  efqu.  "aampton,  and  at  that  time  a  mem- 

Iser  of  the  hoxife  of  reprefsntati>re'-.,  died  :u  ■>c:i^:i.  He  had  been  feveral  years  mem- 
ber of  the  co;Lincil,  but  being  in  favciir  of  the  prerogative,  generall;-  met  with  great 
©ppofition,  and  havmg  heen  divers  times  left  out,  he  at  length  declined  being  any 
lono:er  the  fubjedl  of  contention,  and  chofe  a  feat  in  the  koufe,  his  town  thinking  it 
a  favour  that  he  would  repreXcut  them.  Tl.ere  have  been  but  few  men  among  u$ 
who  have  U  ^in  more  generally  eHecmed.  His  euemies  would  charge  hira  with  un- 
coniHtutional  principles,  but  at  the  farce  time  allow  he  had  an  upright  heart.  He 
fhined  only  in  affairs  of  importance  ;  lefl'er  matters  would  frequently  be  carried 
.a'Tainrh  his  mind  by  the  little  arts  and  crafts  of  minute  politicians,  which  he  difdained 
to  defeat  by  counter-working.  He  was  very  early  employed  in  public  affairs.  In 
171,^  he  went  as  a  commiffary  to  <>acbcc  for  the  redemption  of  captives,  and  th^ 
feveral  governors  to  the  time  of  his  deatli  entrufled  to  his  dire>5lion  the  military 
affairs  of  the  county  of  Hampiliire,  which  in  time  of  war  was  peculiarly  expofed. 
Nor  was  his  authority  lef*  in  civil  mailers.  Both  military  and  civil  authority  he  ufed 
•tt-ith  great  difcretion.  In  this  la«:ter,  in  one  inflance,  ho  rather  exceeded,  extending 
iit  to  the  eccknafli.-al  affairs  of  the  town  of  Springfield  farther  than  he  could  well 
juftify.  Our  bcft  men  have  fometimes  exceeded  iu  their  zeal  for  particular  fyilenis, 
and  have  endeavoured  Lo  promoic  religion  by  invading  natural  and  civil  ri^hta.        ' 


I747-]  MASSACHUSETTS.  387 

with  as  many  men  as  he  had  loft,  and  fent  his  boats  up  to 
town  early  in  the  morning,  and  furprifed  not  only  as  ma- 
ny feamen  as  could  be  found  on  board  any  of  the  fliips, 
outward  bound  as  well  as  others,  but  fv/cpt  the  wharves 
alfo,  taking  fome  fhip-carpenters'  apprentices  and  labour- 
ing land-men.     However  tolerable  fuch  a  furpiife  might 
have  been  in  London,  it  could  not  be  borne  here.     The 
people  had  not  been  ufed  to  it,   and  men  of  all  orders 
refented  it ;  but  the  lower  clafs  were  beyond  meafure  en- 
raged, and  foon  aflembled  with  fcicks,  clubs,  pltchmops, 
fvc.     They  firfl  feized  an  innocent  lieutenant,  wlio  hap- 
pened to  be  afliore  upon  other  bufmefs.     They  had  then 
formed  no  fcheme,  and  the  fpeaker*  of  the  houfe  palling 
by,  and  alluring  them  that  he  knew  that  the  lieutenant 
had  no  hand  in  the  prefs,  they  fiilFered  him  to  be  led  otf 
to  a  place  of  fafety.     The  mob  increafmg,  and  having  re- 
ceived intelligence  that  feveral  of  the  commanders  were 
at  the  governor's  houfe,  it  was  agreed  to  go  and  demand 
fatisfadion.     The  houfe  was  foon  furrounded,   and  the 
court  or  yard  before  the  houfe,  fdled  ;  but  many  perfons 
of  difcretion  inferred  themfelves,  and  prevailed  io  far  as 
to  prevent  the  mob  from  entering.     Several  of  the  officers 
had  planted  themfelves  at  the  head  of  the  ftair-way  with 
loaded  carbines,  and  feemed  determined  to  preferve  their 
liberty  or  lofe  their  lives.     A  deputy  (iieritT  attempting  to 
exercife  his  authority,  was  feized  by  the  mob  and  carried 
away  in   triumph  and  fet  in  the  ftocks,   which  afforded 
them  diverfion,  and  tended  to  abate  their  rage,  and  dif- 
pofed  them  to  feparate  and  go  to  4inner. 

As  foon  as  it  was  dufn:,  feveral  thoufand  people  aflem- 
bled in  king's-ilreet,  below  the  town-houfe,  where  the 
general  court  was  fitting.  Stones  and  brickbats  were 
thrown  through  the  glafs  into  the  council  chamber.  The 
governor,  however,  with  feveral  gentlemen  of  the  council 
and  houfe,  ventured  into  the  balcony,  and  after  iilencc 
"was  obtained,  the  governor  in  a  well-judged  fpeech  expreif- 
ed  his  great  difapprobation  of  the  imprefs,  and  promifed 
his  utmoft  endeavours  to  obtain  the  difcharge  of  every 
one  of  the  inhabitants,  and  at  the  fame  time  gently  reprov- 
ed the  irregular  proceedings  both  of  the  forenoon  and 

evening. 

•  The  Author. 


^SS  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  1% 

evening.  Other  gentlemen  alfo  attempted  to  perfuade 
jthe  people  to  difperfe,  and  wait  to  fee  what  ftep$  the  gen- 
eral court  would  take.  All  was  to  no  purpofe.  The 
feizure  and  reftraint  of  the  commanders  and  other  officers 
who  were  in  town,  was  infilled  upon  as  the  only  effedual 
method  to  procure  the  releafe  of  the  inhabitants  aboard 
tlie  (hips. 

It  was  thought  advifeable  for  the  governor  to  withdraw  to 
his  houfe,  many  of  the  officers  of  the  militia  and  other  gen- 
tlemen attending  him.  A  report  was  raifed,  that  a  barge 
from  one  of  the  fhips  was  come  to  a  wharf  in  the  town. 
The  mob  flew  ,to  feize  it,  but  by  miflake  took  a  boat  belong- 
ing to  a  Scotch  fhip,  and  dragged  it,  with  as  much  feem- 
ing  eafe  through  the  flreets  as  if  it  had  been  in  the  water, 
to  the  governor's  houfe,  and  prepared  to  burn  it  before 
the  houfe  ;  but  from  a  confideration  of  the  danger  of 
fetting  the  town  on  fire,  were  diverted,  and  the  boat  was 
burnt  in  a  place  of  lefs  hazard.  The  next  day  the  gov- 
ernor ordered  that  the  military  officers  of  Bofton  Ihould 
caufe  their  companies  to  be  muilered,  and  to  appear  in 
arms,  and  that  a  military  watch  fhould  be  kept  the  fuc- 
ceeding  night  ;  but  the  drummers  were  interrupted,  and 
the  militia  refufed  to  appear.  The  governor  did  not 
think  it  for  his  honour  to  remain  in  town  another  night, 
and  privately  withdrew  to  the  Caflle.  A  number  of  gen- 
tlemen who  had  fome  intimation  of  his  defign,  fent  a, 
meffage  to  him  by  colonel  Hutchinfon,  afTuring  him  they 
would  {land  by  him  in  maintaining  the  authority  of  gov- 
ernment and  reDoring  peace  and  order,  but  he  did  not 
think  this  fufficient. 

The  governor  \vrot&  to  Mr.  Knowles,  reprefenting  the 
confufions  occafioned  by  this  extravagant  a-d  of  his  offi- 
cers ;  but  he  refufed  all  terms  of  accommodation  until 
the  commanders  and  other  officers  on  iliore  were  fuffii^red 
to  go  on  board  their  (hips,  and  he  threatened  to  bring  up  his 
fhips  and  bombard  the  town,  and  fome  of  them  coming  to 
fail,  caufed  different  conjectures  of  his  real  intention. 
Captain  Erfkine,  of  the  Canterbury,  had  been  feized  at 
the  houfe  of  colonel  Brinley  in  Roxbury,  and  given  his 
parole  not  to  go  abroaxl,  and  divers  inferior  officers  had 
been  fecured.  j^^ 


1747^3  MASSAGHUSETTa  389, 

The  17th,  1 8th  and  part  of  the  19th,  the  council  and 
iioufe  of  reprefentatives,  fitting  in  the  town,  went  on  with 
their  ordihiry  bufinefs,  not  willing  to  intorpofe  left  they 
fhould  encourage  other  commanders  of  the  navy  to  fu- 
ture ads  of  the  hke  nature  ;  but  towards  noon  of  the 
I9th5  fome  of  the  principal  members  of  the  houfe  began 
to  think  more  ferioully  of  the  dangerous  confequence  of 
leaving  the  governor  without  fupport,  when  there  was 
not  the  lead  ground  of  exception  to  his  conduft.  Some 
high  fpirits  in  the  town  began  to  qucRion  whether  his 
retiring  (liould  be  deemed  a  defertion  or  abdication.  It 
was  moved  to  appoint  a  committee  of  the  two  houfes  to 
confider  what  was  proper  to  be  donev  This  would  take 
time,  and  was  excepted  to,  and  the  fpeaker  was  defired 
to  draw  up  fuch  refolves  as  it  was  thought  neceflary  tht: 
houfe  Ihould  immediately  agree  to,  and  they  were  paffed 
by  a  confiderable  majority,  and  made  public. 

"  In  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives y  Nov,  i^th,  1747. 

*'  Refolved — that  there  has  been  and  flill  continues,  a 
tumultuous  riotous  aflembhng  of  armed  feamen,  fervants, 
negroes  and  others  in  the  town  of  Boilon,  tending  to  the 
deftrudion  of  all  government  and  order. 

"  Refolved — that  it  is  incumbent  on  the  civil  and  mili- 
tary officers  in  the  Province  to  exert  themfelves  to  the 
utmoft,  to  difcourage  and  fupprefs  all  fuch  tumultuous 
riotous  proceedings  w'henfoever  they  may  happen. 

**  Refolved — that  this  houfe  will  Hand  by  and  fupport 
with  their  lives  and  eftates  his  excellency  the  governor 
and  the  executive  part  of  the  government  in  all  endeav- 
ours for  this  purpofe. 

"  Refolved — that  this  houfe  will  exert  themfelves  by  all 
ways  and  means  pofTible  in  redreffing  fuch  grievances  as 
his  majefty's  fubjefts  are  and  have  been  under,  which 
may  have  been  the  caufe  of  the  aforefaid  tumultuous 
diforderly  affembling  together. 

T.  Hutchinfon^  Speaker." 

The  council  paffed  a  vote,  ordering  that  captain  Erfkine 
and  all  other  officers  belonging  to  his  majefly's  fliips  Ihould 
be  forthwith  fet  at  liberty  and  prote^led  by  the  govern- 
ment, which  was  concurred  by  the   houfe.     As  foon  ajsi 

theie 


390  THE   HISTORY  OF  [Chap,  m 

ihefe  votes  were  known,  the  tumultuous  fpirit  began  to 
fubfide,  ThxC  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Bollon  affembled 
in  town  meeting  in  the  afternoon,  having  been  notified  to 
tonfider,  in  general,  what  was  proper  for  them  to  do  up- 
on  this  occafion,  and  notwithftanding  it  was  urged  by- 
many  that  all  meafures  to  fiipprefs  the  prefent  fpirit  in 
the  people  would  tend  to  encourage  the  like  oppreiTive 
z&is  for  the  future,  yet  the  contrary  party  prevailed,  and 
the  town,  although  they  expreffed  their  fenfe  of  the  great 
infult  and  injury  by  the  imprefs,  condemned  the  tumultu- 
ous riotous  ads  of  fuch  as  had  infulted  the  governor  and 
the  other  branches  of  the  legillature  and  committed  many 
other  heinous  offences. 

The  governor,  not  expelling  fo  favourable  a  turn,  had 
Wrote  to  the  fecretary  to  prepare  orders  for  the  colonels 
of  the  regiments  of  Cambridge,  Roxbury  and  Milton,  and 
the  regiment  of  horfe,  to  have  their  officers  aiid  men  ready 
to  march  at  an  hour's  warning,  to  fuch  place  of  rendez- 
vous as  he  fliould  dired  ;  but  the  next  day  there  was  an 
uncommon  appearance  of  the  militia  of  the  town  of  Bof- 
ton,  many  perfons  taking  their  mufiiets  who  never  car- 
ried one  iipon  any  other  occafion,  and  the  governor 
was  conduced  to  his  houfe  with  as  great  parade  as  when 
he  fir  11  alfumed  the  government. 

The  commodore*  difmiffed  mofl,  if  not  all,  of  the  in- 
habitants who  had  been  imprefled,  and  the  fquadron  failed 
to  the  joy  of  the  reft  of  the  town. 

By  the  expedition  to  Louifbourg,  the  preparations  for 
the  redudion  of  Canada,  and  the  feveral  fupplies  of  men 
for  Nova  Scotia,  the  Province  had  iffued  an  immenfe  funt 
in  bills  of  credit,  between  two  and  three  millions,  accord- 
ing to  their  denomination  in  the  currency.  The  greateft 
part  of  this  fum  had  been  iifued  when  between  five  and 
fix  hundred  pounds  was  equal  to  one  hundred  pounds 
flerling,  and  perhaps  the  real  confideration  the  govern- 
ment received  from  the  inhabitants  who  gave  credit  to 
them  was  near  four  hundred  thoufand  pounds  fterling  ; 
but  by  thus  miultiplying  the  bills  they  had  fo  much  de- 
preciated, that,  at  the  end  of  the  war,  eleven  or  twelve 

hundred 

[*  Mr.  Kno^vl?s  was  afterwards  an  admiral  in  the  Britifli  navy,  and  in   1 770, 
-being  invited  by  the  cir.picfa  of  Pvuflii,  went  into  her  fervice.J 


1747-]  MASSACHUSETTS.  391 

hundred  pounds  were  not  equal  to  more  than  an  hundred 
pounds  fterling  ;  and  the  whole  debt  of  the  Province  did 
not  much  exceed  two  hundred  thoafand  pound;>  flerling. 
Thus  the  people  had  paid  two  hundred  thoufand  poundi 
fterling  in  two  or  three  years,  befides  a  large  ium  railed 
by  taxes  each  year,  as  much  as  it  was  fuppoi'ed  the  people 
were  able  to  pay  5  but  to  pay  by  the  depreciation  of  the 
bills,  although  infinitely  unequal,  yet,  as  they  were  Ihift- 
ing  hands  every  day,  it  was  almoft  iufenuble,  a  poiTeiTor 
of  a  Luge  fum  for  a  few  days  not  perceiving  the  diiterencc 
in  thtir  value  between  the  time  when  he  received  them 
and  the  time  when  he  parted  with  them.  The  apprehen- 
fion  of  their  depreciation  tended  to  increafe  it,  and  occa- 
ftoned  a  quick  circulation,  and  for  fome  tlnu^  everi  for 
Engliih  goods,  which  ordinarily  fell  for  the  longed 
credit,  nobody  pretended  to  alk  credit.  They  were  con- 
ftantly,  however,  dying  in  fomc  body^s  hand,  though 
nobody  kept  them  long  by  them.  Bufmefs  was  brilk ; 
men  in  trade  increafed  their  hgures,  but  vvrere  finking  the 
real  value  of  their  flock  ;  and,  what  is  worfe,  by  endeav- 
ours to  fhift  the  lofs  attending  fuch  a  pernicious  currency 
from  one  to  another,  fraudulent  difpofitions  and  habits  are 
acquired,  and  the  morals  of  the  people  depreciate  with  the 
currency. 

The  government  was  foliciting  for  the  relmburfement 
of  the  charge  in  taking  and  fecuring  Cape  Breton,  and  by 
the  addrefs,  alliduity  and  fidelity  of  William  BoUan, 
efquire,  who  was  one  of  the  agents  of  the  Province  for 
that  purpofe,  there  was  a  hopeful  profpedt  that  the  full 
fum,  about  i8o,oooI.  fterling,  would  be  obtained. 

Some  of  the  miniftry  thought  it  fufficient  to  grant  fuch 
fum  as  would  redeem  the  bills  ifiued  for  the  expedition, 
&c.  at  their  depreciated  value,  and  Mr.  Kilby,  the  other 
agent,  feemed  to  defpair  of  obtaining  more  ;  but  Mr.  Bol- 
lan,  who  had  an  intimate  knowledge  of  our  public  affairs, 
fet  the  injuftice  of  this  propofal  in  a  clear  light,  and  made 
it  evident  that  the  depreciation  of  the  bills  was  as  effectu- 
ally a  charge  borne  by  the  people  as  if  the  fame  propor- 
tion of  bills  had  been  drawn  in  by  taxes,  and  refufed  all 
propofals  of  accommodation,  infilling  upon  the  full  value 
of  the  bills  when  iffued.  He  certainly  has  great  merit  for 
this  and  other  fer vices,  ^Ir. 


§92  THE   HISTORY    OF  [(ChaK  IV. 

Mr.  Hutchlnfon,  who  was  then  fpeaker  of  the  houfe  of 
reprefentatives,  imagined  this  to  be  a  mofl  favourable 
opportunity  for  aboliiliing  bills  of  credit,  the  fource  of  fo 
much  iniquity,  and  for  eflablifhing  a  ftable  currency  of 
filver  and  gold  for  the  future.     About  two  million  two 
hundred    thoufand   pounds    would    be    outflanding    in 
bills  in  the  year   1749.     One  hundred  and  eighty  thou- 
fand pounds  ileriing,  at  eleven  for  one,  which  was  the 
lowed  rate  of  exchange  with  London  for  a  year  or  two 
before,  and  perhaps  the  difference  was  really  twelve  for 
one,  would  redeem  nineteen  hundred  and  eighty  thoufand 
pounds,  which  would  leave  but  two  hundred  and  twenty 
thoufand  pounds  outflanding  ;  it  was  therefore  propofed 
that  tfee  fum  granted  by  parhament  fhould  be  fliipped  to 
the  Province  in  Spanifh  milled  dollars,  and  applied  for 
tht  redemption  of  the  bills  as  far  as  it  would  ferve  for 
that  purpofe,   and  that  the  remainder  of  the  bills  fhould 
be  drawn  ih  by  a  tax  on  the  year  1749^     This  would  fin- 
ifh  the  bills*     For  the  future,  filver  of  flerhng  alloy  at 
6/,  Sd,  the  ounce,  if  payment  fhould  be  made  in  bullion  ; 
or  otherwife,  milled  dollars  at  6f  each,  fhould  be  the  law- 
ful money  of  the  Province,  and  no  perfon  fliould  receive 
or  pay  within  the  Province,  bills  of  credit  of  any  of  the 
other  governments  of  New  England.     This  propofal  be- 
ing made  to  the  governor,  he  approved  of  it,  as  founded 
in  juftice  and  tending  to  promote  th^  real  interefl  of  the 
Province  ;  but  he  knew  the  attachment  of  the  people  to 
paper  money  and  fuppofed  it  impradicablci     The  fpeakef ,^ 
however,  laid  the  propofal  before  the  houfe,  where  it  was 
received  with  a  fmile,  and  generally  thought  to  be  an 
tJtopian  proje6l,   and,   rather  out  of  deference  to  the 
fpeaker  than  from    an  apprehenfion  of  any  effeft,  the 
houfe  appointed  a  committee  to  confider  of  it.     The  com- 
mittee treated  it  in  the  fame  manner,  but  reported  that 
the  fpeaker  fliould  be  defired  to  bring  in  a  bill  for  the 
confideration  of  the  houfe.     When  this  came  to  be  known 
abroad,  exceptions  were  taken,  and  a  clamour  was  raifed 
from  every  quarter.     The  major  part  of  the  people,  in 
number,  were  no  fufferers  by  a  depreciating  currency  j 
the  number  of  debtors  is  always  more  than  the  number 

of 


•I747-]  MASSACHUSETTS.  393 

of  creditors  ;  and  although  debts  on  fpecialties  had  allow- 
ance made  in  judgments  of  court  for  depreciation  of  the 
bills,  yet  on  fimple  contracls,  of  which  there  were  ten  to 
one  fpecialty,  no  allowance  was  made.  Thofe  who  were 
for  a  fixed  currency  v;ere  divided.  Some  fuppofed  the 
bills  might  be  reduced  to  fo  fmall  a  quantity  us  to  be  fixed 
and  (table,  and  therefore  were  for  redeeming  as  many  by 
bills  of  exchange  as  Ihould  be  thought  faperfluous  ;  oth- 
ers were  for  putting  an  end  to  the  bills,  but  in  a  gradual 
way,  otherwife  it  was  faid  a  fatal  Jkcck  would  be  given  to 
trade.  This  lad  was  the  objection  of  m.any  men  of  good 
fenfe.  DouglafSj  who  had  wrote  well  upon  the  paper  cur- 
rency, and  had  been  the  oracle  of  the  anti-paper  party, 
was  among  them,  and,  as  his  manner  was  with  all  who 
differed  from  him.,  difcovered  as  much  rancour  againfh 
the  author  and  prom^oters  of  this  new  project  as  he  had 
done  againft  the  fraudulent  contrivers  of  p?.per  money 
emiilions; 

The  bills,  it  was  faid,  had  funk  gradually  in  their  value 
from  6f,  lojd.  to  6of.  the  ounce  ;  by  this  means  credit- 
ors had  been  defrauded  ;  it  was  but  reafonable  they  fhould 
rife  gradually,  that  juftice  might  be  done.  But  the  cred- 
itors and  debtors  would  not  be  the  fame  in  one  inflance 
in  a  thoufand,  and  where  this  was  not  the  cafe,  the  injury 
was  the  fame,  to  oblige  any  one  to  pay  more  as  to  receive 
lefs  than  was  juftly  due.  Others  were  for  exchanging 
the  bills  at  a  lower  rate  than  the  then  current  price  of  fil- 
ver.  The  inhabitants  had  given  credit  to  the  govern- 
ment, when  filver  was  at  30/^  the  ounce,  and  ought  to  be 
paid  accordingly.  Two  of  the  reprefentatlves  of  Bdfton 
urged  their  being  exchanged  at  30/!  which  would  have 
given  a  mod  unreafonable  profit  to  the  prefent  poifefTor 
who  had  taken  them  at  ^^  or  60/,  To  draw  over  fome 
of  this  party,  concefTions  were  made  and  the  bills  v/ere 
exchanged  at  50/!  the  ounce,  inftead  of  ^^.^  as  was  at  firit 
propofed. 

Some  of  the  dire^lors  and  principal  promoters  of  the 
land  bank  fchemc,*  being  at  this  time  members  of  the 
general  court,  unexpectedly  joined  with  the  party  who 
were  for  finifliing  paper  money,  but  the  oppofitioa  was  lO 
Vol.  IL  B  b  great, 

•  John  Choate  and  Robert  Hale. 


391  THE  HISTORY  OP-  [Cha>.  I\^. 

great,  that  after  many  weeks  fpent  in  debating  and  fet- 
tling the  feveral  parts  of  the  bill,  and  a  whole  day's  de- 
bate at  laft  in  a  committee  of  the  whole  houfe  upon  the 
expediency  of  paffmg  the  bill,  as  thus  fettled,  it  was  re- 
jeded,  and  the  report  of  the  committee  accepted. 

The  houfe,  although  upon  fome  occafions  exceptions 
are  taken  to  motions  and  proceedings  which  come  before 
them  as  not'  being  in  parliamentary  form,  yet  are  not 
flri£l  in  conforming  to  fome  of  the  mod  ufeful  rules  of 
parliament.  A  bill  or  motion  is  not  only  referred  from- 
one  fellion  to  another,  but  a  bill,  after  rejeding  upon  a^ 
fecond  or  third  reading,  is  fometimes  taken  up  and  pafled 
fuddenly  the  fame  felFion,  They  have  an  order  of  the 
houfe,  that  when  any  affair  has  been  confidered,  it  fhall- 
noi  be  brought  before  the  houfe  again^  the  fame  feifion, 
unlefs  there  be  as  full  a  houfe  as  when  it  was  pafled  upon.' 
This,  if  obfervedv,  would  ftill  be  liable  to  inconvenience^ 
as  any  defigning  perfon  might  take  an  opportunity  upoa 
a  change  of  faces,  the  number  being  as  great  as  befote^. 
fuddenly  to  carry  any  point ;  but  even  this  rule,  like 
many  other  of  what  are  calkd  (landing  orders,  is  too  fre* 
quently  by  votes,  on  particular  occafions^  difperifed  with, 
which  leflens  the  dignity  of  the  houfe. 

It  feems  to  be  of  no  confequence  to  the  prerogative- 
whet  her  the  currency  of  a  colony  be  filver  or  paper,  but 
the  royal  inftruckions  from  time  to  time  for  preventing' 
a  depreciating  currency,  caufed  merely  by  a  gracious  re- 
gard  to  the  int^reft  of  the  people,  had  generally  engaged- 
what  was  called  the  country  party  in  oppofition  to  them 
and  in  favour  of  paper.  It  was  the  cafe  at  this  time.- 
Hov/ever,  the  next  morning',  two  of  the  members  of  the 
houfe,*  zealous  adherers  to  this  party,  and  who  had  been 
ih-GHg  oppofers  of  the  bill,  came  early  to  the  houfe  to 
wait  the  coming  of  the  fpeaker,  and  in  the  lobby  let  him 
know,  that  although  they  were  not  fatisfied  with  feveral^ 
parts  of  the  bill,  yet  they  were  alarmed  with  the  danger 
to  the  Province  from  the  fchemes  of  thofe  perfons  who 
were  for  a  gradual  reduction  of  the  bills,  and  by  that 
means  for  raifmg  the  value  of  the  currency  without  any 

provifion 

*  Jofeph  Livermore,  the  rcprcfcntativc  of  Wefton,  and  Samuel  Witt,  rcprcfcnta*- 

tivc  of'  Marlborough. 


1749*1  MASSACHUSETTS.  395 

provifion  for  the  relief  of  debtors,  and  therefore  they  had 
changed  their  minds,  and  if  the  bill  could  be  brought 
forward  again,  they  would  give  their  voice  for  it,  and 
others  who  had  oppofed  it  would  do  the  fame.  The 
fpeaker,  who  had  looked  upon  any  further  attempt  to  be 
to  no  purpofe,  acquainted  them  that  he  did  not  think  it 
proper  to  defire  any  of  the  favourers  of  the  bill  to  move 
for  a  re-confideration  of  it,  inafmuch  as  it  had  been  un- 
derfliood  and  agreed  in  the  houfe  the  day  before  ;  that 
if  upon  a  full  debate  had,  the  bill  fhould  be  rejected,  no 
further  motion  fhould  be  made  about  it.  As  foon  as  the 
houfe  met,  upon  a  motion  by  one  of  thefe  members,  fec- 
onded  by  the  other,  the  bill  was  again  brought  under  con- 
fideration,  and  pafled  the  houfe  as  it  afterwards  did  the 
council,  and  had  the  governor's  confcnt. 

The  provifion  made  by  this  a£t  for  the  exchange  of  the 
bills  and  for  ellablifhing  a  filver  currency  was  altogether 
conditional,  and  depended  upon  a  grant  of  parliament  for 
reimburfement  of  the  charge  of  the  Cape  Breton  expedi- 
tion. This  being  at  a  diftance,  and  not  abfolutely  certain^ 
the  adl  had  no  fudden  eftbO:  upon  the  minds  of  the  peo- 
ple ;  but  when  the  news  of  the  grant  arrived,  the  dif- 
content  appeared  more  vifible,  and  upon  the  arrival  of  the 
money  there  were  fome  beginnings  of  tumults,  and  the 
authors  and  promoters  of  the  meafure  were  threaten- 
ed. The  government  pafled  an  act  with  a  fevere  penalty 
againft  riots,  and  appeared  determined  to  carry  the  other 
a6t  for  exchanging  the  bills  into  execution.  The  appre»- 
henfion  of  a  Jhock  to  trade  proved  groundlefs  ;  the  hiW'^ 
being  difperfed  through  every  part  of  the  ProvincCj  the 
filver  took  place  inllead  of  them,  a  good  currency  was 
infenfibly  fubftituted  in  the  room  of  a  bad  one,  and  every 
branch  of  bufinefs  was  carried  on  to  greater  advantage 
than  before.  The  other  governments,  efpecially  Con- 
necticut and  Rhode  Ifiand,  who  refufed,  upon  being  in- 
vited, to  conform  their  currency  to  Maffachufetts,  felt 
a  Jhock  in  their  trade  which  they  have  not  yet  recovered. 
The  latter  had  been  the  importers,  for  MaiTachufetts,  of 
Weft  India  goods  for  many  years,  which  ceafed  at  once. 
New  Hampihire,  after  fome  years,  revived  its  bufmefs^ 
B  b  :s  ari.d 


396  THE   HISTORY    OF  [Chap.  IV. 

and  increafed  their  trade  in  Englifh  goods,  which  for- 
merly they  had  been  fupplied  with  from  Mafiachufetts. 
Perhaps  they  have  rather  exceeded. 

We  Ihall  hnilh  this  fecond  part  of  our  hiftory  with  a 
few  remarks  upon  the  trade  of  the  Province  at  this  day, 
compared  with  its  trade  in  1692. 

The  other  governments  of  Nev/  England,  fixty  or  fev- 
enty  years  ago,  imported  no  Englilli  goods,  or  next  to 
none,  direclly  from  England  5  they  were  fupplied  by  the 
Mallachufett^  trader.  Now,  although  our  trade  with 
Great  Britain,  upon  the  whoJe,  is  fuppofed  to  eaufe  no 
addition  to  our  wealth,  yet,  at  leall  fo  far  as  we  are  the 
channel  for  conveying  fupplies  of  goods  to  the  other  col- 
onies for  their  confumption,  a  benefit  undoubtedly  ac- 
crues. New  Hampfhire,  by  their  convenient  fituation, 
were  induced  to  become  their  own  importers  in  a  great 
meafure  fome  years  before  the  alteration  of  our  currency. 
They  made  their  returns  by  fhipping  lumber,  &e.  eafier 
than  we  did^  At  prefentj  they  probably  import  Englifli 
goods  equal  to  their  confumption.  Connecticut,  until  we 
abolifhed  our  bills  of  credit  and  theirs  vs^ith  them,  contin- 
ued their  trade  with  us  for  Englifh  goods,  but  foon  after 
turned  great  part  of  their  trade  to  New  York,  and  fome 
perfons  became  importers  from  England.  They  foon  dif- 
eovered  their  error.  The  produce  of  New  York  is  fo 
much  the  fame  with  that  of  Connedicut,  that  the  Maffa- 
chufetts  market  will  always  be  the  befl.  The  importer 
finds  it  more  difHcult  to  make  his  returns  to  England  from 
Connedicut  than  from  MafTachufetts.  Connedicut  trade 
therefore  foon  returned  to  the  ftate  it  had  formerly 
been  in. 

Rhode  Ifland,in  part,  became  their  own  importers  alfo^ 
which  they  ftill  continue. 

For  the  other  colonies  on  the  continent.  Between 
South  CaroHna  and  Maflachufetts,  there  never  has  been 
any  confiderable  trade.  The  chief  benefit  from  that  col- 
ony has  been  the  affording  freights  for  our  fhips  in  the 
European  trade. 

North  Carolina,  Virginia,  Maryland,   the  Jerfeys   and 
Pennfylvania,  until  within  twenty  or  thirty  years,  ufed  to 

furnifli 


17490  MASSACHUSETTS.  397 

furnifli  us  with  provifions,  for  which  we  paid  them  in 
Wefl  India  and  fometimes  Englifh  goods,  and  with  our 
own  produce  and  manufadures.  Philadelphia  of  late  is 
become  the  mart  for  the  grain  of  great  part  of  Maryland, 
which  they  manufafture  into  flour  and  fupply  IMalTachu^ 
fetts,  Rhode  Ifland  and  New  Hampfliire,  and  take  Uttic 
or  no  pay  in  return  but  money  and  bills  of  exchan;;e.  It 
feems  agreed,  that  the  fouthern  colonies  as  far  as  Virginia 
are  defigned  by  nature  for  grain  countries.  It  behoves 
us,  therefore,  either  like  the  Dutch  for  the  other  nations 
in  Europe,  to  become  carriers  for  them  with  our  (hipping, 
or  to  contrive  fome  articles  of  produce  or  manufacture 
for  barter  or  exchange  with  them,  rather  than  in  vain  to 
attempt  raifmg  to  more  advantage  than  they  do,  what  na- 
ture has  peculiarly  formed  them  for. 

Our  trade  with  the  Wefl:  India  iilands  was  much  more 
profitable  to  us,  from  the  beginning  of  king  William's  to 
the  end  of  queen  Anne's  war  with  France,  than  at  any 
time  fince.  Ever  fmce  the  peace  of  Utrecht  it  has  been 
continually  growing  worfe.  Barbadoes  required,  then, 
more  northern  produce  than  it  does  now.  The  other 
iflands,  except  Jamaica,  have  very  httle  increafed  their 
demand.  From  the  growth  of  the  northern  colonies  and 
the  new  methods  of  living,  the  produce  of  the  iilands  is 
more  than  double  the  price  it  ufed  to  be.  Perhaps  tea 
and  coffee  alone  caufe  as  great  confumption  of  fugar,  as 
all  other  ufes  to  which  it  was  applied  did  formerly.  The 
produce  of  the  northern  colonies  is  a5  low  in  the  iflands 
as  ever  it  was.  Formerly  their  demand  for  northern  pro- 
duce not  only  afforded  us  in  return,  rum,  fugar  and  mo- 
laffes  fufficient  for  our  ov/n  confumption,  but  left  a  fur- 
plus  which,  in  war  time  efpecially,  every  year  gave  freight 
to  fhips  from  Boflon  to  England,  and  paid  our  debts  there 
or  procured  a  fupply  of  goods  from  thence  ;  whereas  at 
this  day  the  whole  fupply  of  northern  produce  to  the 
Britifh  iflands  will  not  pay  for  one  half  the  Wefl:  India 
goods  confumed  or  ufed  in  the  northern  colonies.  The 
trade  to  the  Dutch  colonies,  it  is  true,  is  fince  increafed, 
and  our  goods  from  time  to  time  find  their  way  into  the 
French  iilands  ^   fometimes  through  the  Dutch,  at  other 

times. 


398  THE  HISTORY  OF  [Chap.  IV, 

times,  when  French  necellity  calls  for  them,  by  per- 
mifliQn  or  other  (jontrivances,  and  by  this  means  we  are 
able  to  procure  the  Weft  India  goods  we  want  for  our 
confumption  over  and  above  what  we  can  obtain  in  pay 
for  our  produce  from  our  own  iflands.  Britain  herfelf 
fuffers,  with  her  northern  colonies,  and  pays,  dearly  by 
the  advanced  price  of  fugar,  rum,  &c.  The  Weft  Indians, 
iiotwithftanding,  are  continuaily  endeavouring  to  reftrain 
our  trade  with  the  foreign  illarids  a.nd  colonies.  If  they 
could  take  of  our  produce  as  much  as  we  have  occafion 
for  of  theirs,  it  would  appear  lefs  unreafonable  ;  or  if,  by 
our  trade  with  the  foreign  colonies,  the  price  of  the  pro- 
duce of  our  own  iflands  had  fzfllen  below  the  former 
rates,  they  might  have  colour  for  complaint ,  but  when 
the  vent  for  northern  produce  by  means  of  the  great  in- 
creafe  of  the  northern  colonies,  bears  no  proportion,  from 
any  one  of  them,  to  what  it  did  formerly,  and  yet  the  pro- 
duce of  the  iflands  is  double  the  price  it  was  formerly, 
and  their  eftates  raifed  to  more  than  five  times  the  value, 
it  muft  be  unreafonable  to  burden  not  only  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  northern  colonies,  but  of  Great  Britain  alfo, 
with  a  ftill  further  advanced  price  of  Weft  India  goods, 
and  all  to  aggrandize  the  Weft  India  planters.  Such  a 
burden  would  infallibly  be  the  effed:  of  a  rigid  execution 
of  the  laws  feftraining  or  encumbering  our  trade  with  the 
French  and  Dutch  colonies.  But  this  is  not  all.  If  our 
trade  with  the  foreign  colonies  be  fuppreffed,  and  our 
fupplies  of  Weft  India  goods  are  confined  to  our  own 
iflands,  the  balance  above  what  they  require  of  our  pro- 
duce, muft  be  paid  them  in  filver  and  gold  or  exchange 
upon  England,  either  of  which  muft  leiTen  our  returns  to 
England,  and  will  probably  leffen  our  confumption  of 
their  manufa6i:ures.  Charlevoix  fays,  the  French  of  Can- 
ada live  well  if  they  can  get  fine  clothes :  if  not,  they 
retrench  from  the  table  to  adorn  the  perfon.  I  think  the 
Englifli  colonifts  would  rather  abate  from  their  drefs  than 
from  their  punch,  tea,  coffee,  &c. 

If  the  queftion  be,  which  is  moft  for  the  intereft  of  the 
Britifli  dominions  in  general,  to  reftrain  the  French  Amer- 
ican trade  or  to  give  it  all  pofTible  encouragement,  it  muft 


i7^9-]  MASSACHUSETTS.'  ^,99 

be  given  in  favour  of  encouragement.  The  fpeedy  ^ct- 
tlement  of  this  vafl  continent  is  generally  fuppofed  to  be 
advantageous  to  Great  Britain.  Every  new  houfe,  new 
farm  and  new  fubjeft  adds  to  the  confumption  of  Britilh 
rnanufa6lures.  Nothing  more  contributes  to  this  fpeedy 
fettlement  than  a  vent  for  the  lumber,  a  great  help  in 
clearing  the  lands  near  the  fea  and  upon  navigable  rivers, 
and  for  provifions  the  produce  of  fettlements  when  made. 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  admit  that  raifmg  the  price  of 
Weft  India  produce  tends  to  increafe  die  number  of  plant- 
ations  in  the  iflands,  yet  thofe  plantations,  althoiajjh  more 
valuable,  will  never  bear  any  proportion  in  number  to 
the  plantations  and  fettlements  upon  the  continent,  and 
the  increafe  of  white  fubjects  will  be  dill  Ich  in  propor- 
tion. Blacks  ^at  and  drink  nothing  and  wear  next  to 
nothing  of  Britilh  manufa(S:ure. 

There  has  been  a  great  alteration  in  our  trade  with 
Great  Britain.  At  the  beginning  of  this  period  and 
until  within  thirty  or  forty  years  paft,  merchants  and 
manufadurers  in  England  Ihipped  goods  upon  their  own 
accounts,  which  were  fold  here  upon  comniiilion  ;  and 
although  there  was  appearance  of  profit  from  the  faies, 
yet  by  the  lofs  upon  returns,  moft  adventurers  in  a  courfe 
of  years  were  great  lofers.  Difcerning  perfons  in  Lon- 
don, when  they  faw  a  man  going  deep  into  tra^e  to  the 
colonies,  would  pronounce  him  fhort-lived. 

The  trade  is  now  upon  a  more  certain  footing  for  the 
people  of  England.  Few  goods  are  rent  to  be  fold  up- 
on commiffion.  '  The  manufadurer  depends  upon  the 
merchant  in  England  for  his  pay.  The  merchant  re. 
ceives  his  commiflion,  and  generally  agrees  with  his  corr 
refp6ndent,  for  whom  he  is  in  advance,  in  the  cv^lonies, 
that  after  fix  or  nine  months'  credit,  if  payment  be  not 
made,  intereft  fhall  be  allowed.  Bad  debts  muil  be  ex- 
pelled more  or  lefs  in  all  extenfive  trade.  Perhaps  they 
are  not  more  frequent  in  the  colonies  than  amoug  the  like 
number  of  traders  in  England. 

The  cod  and  whale  fiihery  are  in  a  more  ilourliliing 
ftate  than  formerly.  The  vclfels  employed  in  cod  fifhing 
have  been  more  numerous,  but  they  were  fmall  fliailops, 

and 


4QQ,  THE    HISTORY    OF  [Ghap.  IV. 

and  one  of  the  fchooners  now  employed  in  that  fifhery 
take3  as  much  fifli  in  a  feafon  as  two  fhallops  ufed  to  do.* 

The  French  are  fuppofed  to  maintain  a  fiiherman  at  lefs 
cj'penfe  than  the  Enghlli.  Be  it  fo,  the  Engliih  catch 
and  make  their  ftfli  at  iels  expenfe  than  the  French,  not- 
"withflanding.  Five  or  fix  weli-fed  Marblehead  or  Cape 
Ann  men,  catch  as  much  fifn  as  ten  or  twelve  meagre 
Frenchmen  in  the  fame  time.  The  French  find  their 
account  in  taking  what  they  call  their  muid  or  rnud  fifli 
when  the  Englifh  cannot.  This  is  owing  to  the  vent 
which  the  French  markets  afford  for  that  fort  of  fi(h.  In 
what  they  call  a  fedentaire,  and  we  a  fhore  fifliery,  we 
fliali  aKvays  outdo 'them,  unl^fs  the  ports  of  the  other  na- 
tions in  Europe,  as  well  as  thofe  of  the  French,  fliould  be 
fliut  againfi  us.  If  every  family  in  Britain  fhould  make 
one  dinner  in  a  week  upon  New  England  cod  fifh,  it 
would  caufe  an  amazing  increafe  of  the  confumption  of 
Britifli  manufactures. 

It  is  certain,  that  before  the  war  of  1744  the  French 
fiiliery  declined.  They  ^ed  to  go  from  Louiibourg  to 
Canfo  and  buy  the  Enghfh  fifli  for  the  French  Europear^ 
markets,  becaufe  it  came  cheaper  to  them  than  they  could 
catch  and  make  it.    "  ' 

The  increafe  of  the  confumption  of  oil  by  lamps  as  well 
as  by  divers  manufaiSlures  in  Europe  has  been  no  fmall 
encouragement  to  our  w^hale  fifhery.  The  flourilhing 
ilate  of  the  ifland  of  Nantucket  muft  be  attributed  to  it. 
The  cod  and  whale  fifhery,  being  the  principal  fource  of 
our  returns  to  preat  Britain,  are  therefore  worthy  not 
only  of  provincial  but  national  attention. 

Formerly  the  trade  to  Newfoundland  was  valuable^ 
The  increafe  of  the  northern  colonies  has  carried  from 
us  great  part  of  the  fupplies  we  ufed  to  make.  Our  late- 
began  commerce  with  Nova  Scotia  is  valuable,  but  will 
not  compenfate  for  this  lofs. 

The  manufacture  of  pot-afh  promnfes  great  benefit  to 
the  colonies.  It  is  to  be  wiflied  they  may  meet  with  no 
difcouragement.      Frauds  in   package   and   adulteration 

cannot 

*  7"ne  fafliion  of  the  rjcrgh^g  and  falls  of  a  fchooner  is  challenged  as  a  Ne-nr 
England  invention,  the  firft  is  faid  to  have  been  built  at  Cape  Ann,  about  the  year 

2714,  by  captLiiu  Andrew  Robinfon.        .     •  -   ■       ■ 


I749-]  MASSACHUSETTS.  401 

cannot  be  of  any  long  continuance.  The  lecfl  th^t  can 
be  done  by  every  government  where  it  is  manufadured, 
is  a  law  to  compel  every  perfon  to  fet  his  name,  and  the 
name  of  the  town  where  he  Hves,  upon  the  caik  in  which 
he  packs  his  pot-afli.  This  will  ro  a  great  way  towards 
preventing  fraud.  Should  the  Ruflian  traders  combine 
to  under -fell  thofe  who  import  from  America,  yet  it  will 
be  confidered  that  the  RuiTian  trade  is  drawing  every  year 
from  the  nation  a  large  balance  in  bullion,  whereas  the 
increafe  of  imports  from  the  colonies  only  tends  to  an 
increafe  of  national  exports,  and  the  body  of  the  nation 
will  combine  againfl  the  Ruflian  traders. 

I  remember  one  advantage  from  paper  money.  Upon 
the  depreciation,  from  time  to  time,  the  wages  of  feamen, 
and  the  rate  at  which  coafting  veflels  and  others  were 
hired,  did  not  immediately  rife  in  proportion  to  the  rife 
of  filver  and  exchange  with  London  and  other  parts  of 
the  world.  We  were  thus  led  to  employ  our  veiTcls  as 
carriers  to  and  from  many  parts  of  the  continent,  the 
Weft  Indies  and  Europe,  becaufe  we  let  them  upon 
cheaper  freight  and  hire  than  any  other  colony  would  do. 
The  war  in  1744  gave  a  turn  to  this  part  of  bufmefs  ; 
but  we  may  learn  from  what  happened  then,  without  any 
premeditated  plan  or  defign,  what  we  are  capable  of,  viz. 
navigating  our  velTels,  efpecially  if  further  improvements 
be  made  in  the  conftruction  of  them,  with  fo  little  ex- 
penfe  as,  like  the  Dutch  in  Europe,  to  become  carriers 
for  America.  The  advantage,  in  this  particular  inftance, 
of  the  redudion  of  the  price  of  labour,  Ihews  us  what 
improvements  might  be  made  in  other  branches  of  trade 
aid  manufacture,  if  ever  it  Ihould  be  reduced  in  propor- 
tion to  the  price  in  Europe,  compared  with  the  price  of 
the  necelTaries  of  life. 

It  was  hard  parting  w^ith  a  frde  open  trade  to  all  parts 
of  the  world,  which  Maflachufetts  carried  on  before  the 
prefent  charter.  The  principal  acts  of  parliament  were 
made  many  years  before,  but  there  was  no  cuftom-houfe 
eftablifhed  in  the  colony,  nor  any  authority  anxious  for 
carrying  thofe  acts  into  execution.  It  wa<i  fcveral  years 
after  the  nev/  charter  before  they  were  generally  obferv- 

ed. 


402  THE  HISTORY  OF  t^HAP.  IV. 

ed.  If  we  are  under  no  other  obligations,  we  certainly 
enjoy  and  cannot  fubfifl  without  the  protection  of  our 
mother  country  over  our  trade  at  fea,  our  perfonal  eftate 
^fhore,  the  territory  itfelf,  our  liberties  and  lives.  It  is 
cwing,  in  a  great  meafure,  to  the  taxes,  duxies  and  excifes, 
the  confequences  of  an  enorijnous  load  of  debt,  that  the 
manufactures  of  England  come  dearer  to  us  than  thofc 
of  other  countries.  jGrea^  part  of  this  debt  was  incurred 
by  our  immediate  proteQiion.  Shall  we  think  much  of 
Iharing  in  the  burden  when  we  have  been  fo  great  fharers 
in  the  benefit  ?  There  is  no  way  in  which  we  can  more 
effedually  contribute  to  the  national  relief  than  by  fub? 
mitting  to  regulations  and  reflraints  upon  our  trade,  and 
yet  no  way  in  which  we  fhould  be  fo  little  fenfible  of  it. 

It  has  been  the  general  yoice,  that  our  trade  to  Great 
Britain  lliould  be  contracted,  and  that  our  inhabitants 
ihould  be  eniplayed  in  the  fame  kind  of  manufactures  we 
import  from  thence,  the  materials  for  moil  of  which  we 
have  or  may  have  within  ourfelves. 

The  great  Creator  of  the  univerfe  in  infinite  wifdom 
has  fo  formed  the  earth,  that  different  parts  of  it,  fron^ 
the  foil,  climate,  &c.  are  adapted  to  different  produce, 
and  he  fo  orders  and  difpofes  the  genius,  temper,  numr 
bers  and  other  circumftances  relative  to  the  inhabitants, 
as  to  render  fome  employments  peculiarly  proper  for  one 
country,  and  others  for  another,  and  by  this  provifion  a 
mutual  intercourfe  is  kept  up  betv/een  the  different  parts 
of  the  globe.  It  would  be  folly  in  a  Virginian  to  attempt 
a  plantation  of  rice  for  the  fake  of  having  all  he  confumes 
from  the  produce  of  his  own  labour,  when  South  CarO' 
lina,  by  nature,  is  peculiarly  defigned  for  rice,  and  capabfe 
of  fupplying  one  half  the  world*  Old  countries,  flocked 
with  people,  are  ordinarily  beft  adapted  to  manufactures. 
Would  it  be  the  intereft  of  New  England,  whilfl  thin  of 
people,  to  turn  their  attention  from  the  whale,  cod,  mack- 
arel  and  herring  fifhery,  their  lumber  trade  and  fhip 
building,  which  require  but  few  hands  compared  with 
many  other  forts  of  bufmefs,  to  fuch  manufactures  as  are 
now  imported  from  Great  Britain,  or  to  take  their  fons 
from  clearing  the  land,  and  turning  an  uncultivated  wiU 
^  dernefs 


1749-]  MASSACHUSETTS.  403 

dernefs  into  pleafant  and  profitable  fields,  and  fet  them  to 
fpinning,  weaving,  find  the  like  employments  ?  I  do  not 
mean  to  difcourage  any  perfons,  who  cannot  improve 
their  time  to  greater  advantage,  from  employing  themr 
felves  and  families  in  any  branch  of  manufacture  whatfo- 
ever.  Idlenefs  is  the  certain  parent  of  vice.  Induflry, 
introduced,  will  ordinarily  tend  to  produce  a  change  of 
manners.  A  general  philanthropy  will  induce  us  to  de- 
light in  and  contribute  to  the  happinefs  of  every  part  of 
the  human  race,  by  which  we  ourfelves  are  no  fufierers  5 
the  State  from  whence  we  fprang,  and  upon  which  we 
flill  depend  for  protedion,  may  juflly  expe£t  to  be  diftin- 
guifhed  by  us,  and  that  we  fhould  delight  in  and  contrib- 
ute to  its  profperity  beyond  all  other  parts  of  the  globe, 


APPENDIX. 


N^-     I. 


ji  Summeirf  of  the  affairs  of  the  colony  of  New  Flymoiith^from 
the  firjt  fcitlement  until  the  incorporation  with  Maffachu- 
fetfs^  ^c.  in  one  Province. 


X  HE  firO:  fettlers  of  New  Plymouth,  as  we  have  Q^jferved  in  om  hlftory 
of  the  Maflachufetls  colony,  went,  in  the  beginning  of  the  feventeenth 
century,  from  EngL^nd  to  Holland.  Their  removal  to  Holland  was  at- 
tended with  no  fraall  difficulty  and  hazard.  One  of  the  company  *  gives 
tills  account  of  it.  *'  There  was  a  large  company  of  them  propofed  to  get 
pafTage  at  Bofton  in  Lincolnfhire,  and  for  that  end  had  hired  a  fliip  whol- 
jy  to  themfelves,  and  made  agreement  with  the  mafter  to  be  ready  at  a 
certain  day,  and  take  them  and  their  goods  in  at  a  convenient  place,  where 
accordingly  they  would  all  attend  in  readinefs.  So  after  long  waiting  and 
large  expenfe,  though  he  kept  not  day  with  them,  yet  he  came  at  length 
and  took  them  in,  in  the  night.  But  when  he  Ifiad  them  and  their  goods 
aboard  he  betrayed  them,  haying  beforehand  complotted  with  the  fearchers 
and  other  officers  fo  to  do,  who  took  them  and  put  them  into  open  boats 
and  then  rifled  and  ranfacked  them,  fearching  them  to  their  fhirts  for 
money,  yea,  even  the  women,  further  than  became  modefty,  and  then  car- 
ried them  back  into  the  town,  and  made  them  a  fpe<3;acle  and  wonder  to 
tlic  multitude,  which  came  flocking  on  all  fides  to  behold  them.  Being 
thus,  firil  by  the  catch-poles,  rifled  and  flript  of  their  money,  books  and 
much  other  goods,  they  were  prefented  to  the  magiftrates,  and  meflengers 
fent  to  inform  the  lords  of  the  council  of  them,  and  fo  they  were  commit- 
ted to  ward.  Indeed  the  magiftrates  ufed  them  courteoufiy,  and  fliewed 
them  what  favour  they  could,  but  could  not  deliver  them  till  order  came 
from  the  council  table  ;  but  the  iffiie  was,  that  after  a  month's  iraprifon- 
ment,  the  greateft  part  were  difmified  and  fent  to  the  places  from  whence 
they  came,  but  feven  of  the  principal  men  were  ftiii  kept  in  prifon  and 
bound  over  to  the  alTizes.  The  next  fpring  after  there  was  another  at- 
tempt made,  by  fome  of  thefe  and  others,  to  get  over  at  another  place. 
And  fo  it  fell  out  that  they  light  of  a  Dutchman  at  Hull,  having  a  Ihip  of 
tis  ov/n  belonging  to  Zealand.  They  made  agreement  with  him,  and  ac- 
<{uainted  him  with  their  condition,  hoping  to  find  more  faithfulnefs  in  him 
than  in  the  former^  of  their  own  nation.  He  bade  them  not  fear,  for  he 
would  do  well  enough.  He  was  by  appointment  to  take  thcra  in  between 
Grimftone  and  Hull,  where  was  a  large  common  a  good  v.ay  diftant  from 
any  town.     Novvt  againfl:  the  prefixed  time,  the  women  and  children,  with 

the 
*  Br^idfori. 


APPEND  il    Si:..\  405 

the  gowcis,  were  fent  to  tlie  place  in  a  fniall  bark,  which  they  had  hired 
for  that  end,  and  the  men  were  to  meet  them  by  land  ;  but  it  fo  fell  out 
that  they  were  there  a  day  before  the  fnip  came,  and  the  fea  being  rough  and 
the  women  very  fick,  prevailed  with  the  feamen  to  put  into  a  creek  h^rd 
by,  where  they  lay  oti  ground  at  lov/  water.  The  next  morning  the  ihip 
came,  but  they  were  faft  and  could  not  ilir  till  about  noon.  In  the  mean 
time,  the  (hip  mafter,  perceiving  how  the  matter  was,  fent  his  boat  to  pet 
the  men  aboard  whom  he  faw  ready,  walking  about  the  fliore,  but  after 
the  firft  boat-full  was  got  aboard,  and  (lie  was  ready  to  go  for  more,  the 
mafter  efpied  a  great  company  both  horfe  and  foot,  v.'ith  bills  and  guns  and 
other  weapons,  for  the  country  was  laifed  to  take  them.  The  Dutchman 
feeing  that,  Iwore  his  country  oath,  *  frrramente,'  and  baving  the  v/ind 
fair,  vctighed  anchor,  hoilicd  fails,  and  away.  After  enduring  a  fearfiJ 
ftorm  at  fca  for  fourteen  days  or  more,  ftven  whereof  they  never  faw  (vt^ 
moon  nor  liars,  and  being  driven  near  the  coalt  of  Norway,  they  arrivtd 
^t  their  defircd  haven,  where  the  people  came  flocking,  admiring  their  de- 
liverance, the  ftorm  having  been  fo  long  and  fore,  in  which  much  hurt  bad 
been  done,  as  the  maftcr's  friends  related  to  him  in  their  congratulations. 
The  rert  of  the  men  that  were  in  grcatcft  danger  made  a  fliift  to  cia-yt 
away  before  the  troop  could  furprifc  them,  thofc  only  ftaying  that  Ik(1 
might  be  a{l»(Ung  unto  the  women.  But  pitiful  it  was  to  fee  the  heavy 
cafe  of  thcfe  poor  women  in  dilirels  ;  what  v/eeping  and  crying  en  every 
fide,  fome  for  their  hufbands  that  were  carw'ed  away  ii-  the  iliip,  others  rot 
knowing  what  Ihould  become  of  them  and  their  littk  onc3,  crying  for  fat 
and  quaking  with  cold.  Eeing  apprehended,  they  were  hurried  from  one 
place  to  another,  till  in  the  end  they  knew  not  v/bat  to  do  with  ihem  ;  for, 
to  imprifon  fo  many  women  with  their  innocent  children  for  no  other 
Caufe,  many  of  them,  but  that  they  would  go  with  their  hulbands,  fcemed! 
to  be  unreafonable,  and  all  would  cry  out  of  them  ;  and  to  fend  them  home 
again  was  as  difficult,  fortliey  alleged,  as  the  truth  was,  they  had  no  homes 
to  go  to,  for  they  had  either  fold  or  othcrwlf}  difpcfcd  of  their  houfes 
and  livings  :  To  be  fhort,  after  they  had  been  thus  turmoiled  a  good  while,_ 
and  conveyed  from  one  conftable  to  another,  they  were  glad  to  be  rid  of 
them  in  the  end  upon  any  terms,  though,  in  the  mean  ti.TiC,  they,  poot 
fouls,  endured  mifer}'  enough." 

After  eleven  or  twelve  years*  refidence  in  Holland,  in  which  time  they 
had  contention  among  themfelves,  and  divided  and  became  tv/o  churches- 
or  congregations,  one  of  the  congregations,  whofe  miniller  was  Mr.  Jolin 
Robinfon,  determined  to  remove  to  America.  There  were  many  oblla- 
cles  in  their  way,  and  it  took  up  feveral  years  of  their  pilgrimage*  to  m.ake 
the  neceflary  preparations  for  fuch  an  undertaking.  At  length,  in  the  year 
-1620,  about  one  half  the  congregation  embarked  firli  from  Holland 
to   England,  where  two   ihips  were  ready  to  receive  them,    acd  they 

acruailv 

*  I  rhink  I  may  ■:^Mth  fir.gular  propriety  call  their  lives  a  pilgrimage.  MoiV  of 
^hem  left  England  about  the  year  1609,  after  the  truce  with  the  Spaniards,  young 
men  between  twenty  and  tliirty  years  of  ape  :  They  fpent  near  twelve  yer'.rs,  Ib-an- 
gors  aainnjy  the  Dutch,  firft  at  Amflexdani,  arterw:.rd3  at  Leydcn.  After  having 
arrived  at  the  mtridian  of  life,  the  dedinirg  part  was  to  be  fpent  in  anolhcr  wor'd, 
amcnp  favages,  of  whom  every  European  mufc  have  received  a  iriofl  unfavourable, 
Ii  not  formidable  idea.      Tar.ium  rdirlo  tct;:::  fuadcr;. 


j^oS  APPENDIX. 

a<5tually  failed  at  a  very  feafonable  time  ;  but  meeting  with  cohtrarjr 
winds,  and  one  of  the  ftiips  proving  leaky,  they  put  back  and  were  obliged 
to  leave  her  with  part  of  their  company  behind,  the  other  fhip  pro- 
ceeding upon  her  voyage  late  in  the  year,  fo  that  it  was  about  the  8th  of 
9th  of  November  before  they  made  the  coafl  of  Araehca,  and  falling 
more  to  the  northward  than  they  intended,  they  liiade  another  attempt  to 
fail  further  fouthwaitl,  but  meetihg  with  contrary  winds  and  hazardous 
ihoals,  they  were  glad  to  put  into  the  harbour  of  Cape  Cod,*  determined 
to  winter  in  the  moft  convenient  place  they  could  find.  This  difappoint- 
ment  was  grievous  to  them,  but,  before  fpringj  they  confidered  it  as  a  far 
vourable  providence.  They  were  fo  reduced  in  the  winter  by  fickn.efs  and 
death,  that  they  fuppofed  they  rauft  have  fallen  a  facrifice  to  the  Indians 
upon  Hudfon's  river,  where  they  propofed  to  begin  a  colony.  The  maf- 
ter,  or  pilot,  it  is  faid,  bribed  by  the  Dutch  Weft  India  company,  had  en- 
gaged, at  all  events,  hot  to  land  them  at  Hudfon's  river  ;  but  they  were 
determined  upon  it,  and  earlier  in  the  year  he  would  have  found  it  very- 
difficult  to  have  diverted  them. 

The  fliip  lay  five  weeks  in  Gape  Cod  harbour.  They  could  not  expeft 
to  find  a  better  harbour,  but  the  land  was  of  no  value.  The  paffengers 
were  eniployed,  fometimes  travelling  by  land,  fometimes  by  water,  in 
fearch  of  Ibme  other  harbour  where  there  was  better  land,  but  could  find 
none  capable  of  receiving  vefTels  of  any  burden.  At  lengthy  December 
6th,  they  refdlved  upon  one  attempt  more^  and  after  coafting  many  leagues^ 
a  violent  ftorm  arofe,  and  their  pilot  made  for  the  fitft  harbour,  which  he 
fuppofed  to  be  Sagaquabe,  where  he  was  well  acquainted,  but  fbon  found 
himfelf  in  a  covef  full  of  breakers,  and  crying  out,  *  My  eyes  never  faw 
this  place  before,*  would  have  run  the  fhallop  aftiore  before  the  wind,  if  a 
ftout  feaman  who  was  at  the  heliii  had  not  called  to  tlie  oars-men,  *  About 
with  her  if  you  are  men,*  and  by  this  means  he  faved  their  lives  ;  for  he 
difcovered  an  opening  or  found  ahead,  and  in  a  fiiort  time  run  the  boat 
tinder  the  lee  of  an  ifland  now  well  known  by  the  name  of  Clark's  ifland. 
Here  they  rode  out  the  ftorm,  and  in  the  morning  went  alhore,  kindled  a 
fire  and  refted,  it  being  the  firft  day  of  the  week.  The  next  day  they 
founded  many  parts  of  the  harbour,  and  found  good  water  for  fhips,;  and 
were  pleafed  with  the  land,  and  judged  it  the  belt  place  they  had  feen  ; 
and  the  Indian  corn-fields  round  the  harbour  encouraged  them  that 
they  ftiould  be  able  alfo  to  raifc  bread  for  their  fupport.  Uport 
their  return  to  the  fhip  with  this  good  news,  they  weighed  anchor, 
and  the  whole  company  arrived  the  i6th  of  December.  The  whole 
cumber,  exclufive  of  the  mariners,  amounted  to  one  hundred  and 
one,  about  one  fourth  part  heads  of  families,  the  refl  wives,  children  and 
fervants.  They  fuppofed  fome  at  leaft  of  the  company  which  they  left 
behind  in  England,  and  moft  of  the  congregation  in  Leyden,  with  Mr. 

iiobinfon 

*  November  lo.  Cspe  Cod  was  the  name  which  Gofnold  gave  it  In  1692.  Smith 
afterwards  called  it  Cape  James,  but  the  firfl  name  having  obtained  among  feamen, 
the  othar  could  not  prevail  againft  it.  Both  French  and  Dutch  called  it  Malabar 
for  a  long  time ;  their  writers  do  fo  perhaps  to  this  day,  from  a  Ihipwreck  there 

f  Since  called  the  Gurftet's  Nofe. 


APPENDIX.  icy 

Robiufon  the  mlnifter,  *  would  follow  ;   and  this  fccmj  to  hire  bc«n  the 
whole  number  cxpc(5led,  upon  their  plan,  for  completing  the  colony. 

They  had  obtained  a  grant  of  part  of  the  continent  near  Hudfon's  nvcr^ 
before  the  year  1620,  and  expedled  to  be  under  the  government  of  th^ 
colony  in  Virginia  ;  but  before  they  embarked  they  heard  that  the  landf 
within  their  grant  were  made  part  of  a  new  patent  to  the  council  of  Plym- 
outh in  Devon,  fo  that  they  were  going  into  a  part  of  the  world  where 
there  was  no  government  fubfuling  by  authority  from  any  European  State ^• 
Bor  did  they  carry  other  powers  or  authority  with  them  than  what  each  of 
them  brought  into  the  world* 

They  were  convinced,  Upon  their  paflage,  that  they  could  not  Ion;;  fub-' 
f)ft  without  government.  Some  of  the  inferior  clafs  among  them  muttered, 
that,  when  they  fhouJd  get  afhore,.  one  man  wouW  be  as  good  as  another, 
and  they  would  do  what  feemed  good  in  their  own  eyes-  This  led  the 
graver  fort  to  confider  how  to  prevent  it,  and,  for  this  purpofe  they  pac- 
pared  the  following  inflrument  for  every  man  to  fign  before  he  landed. 

"  IN  the  name  of  God  amen.  We  whofe  names  are  underwritten* 
the  loyal  fubjedls  of  our  dread  foverelgn  lord  king  James,  by  the  grace  of 
God  of  Great  Britain,  France  and  Ireland,  king,  defender  of  the  faith,  &:c- 
Having  undertaken  for  the  glory  of  God  and  adrancement  of  the  Chru^ian 

faith, 

•  Thirty-five  did  arrive  the  9th  of  November  the  next  y^ar,  but  their  miiiifler 
r.cver  came.  He  encouraged  them  from  year  to  year,  and  fccms  to  have  been  pre- 
vented by  difappointaients  from  thcfe  in  England,  who  undertook  to  provide  for  the 
f  aflage  of  him  and  his  congregation,  until  the  year  1 625,  when  he  died,  and  his  con- 
gregation difperfed,  although  fome  found  their  v/ay  to  their  brethren  before  and 
fome  after  his  death;  He  was  ^t  firft  a  thorough  fcparatift,  and  Mr.  Kubbard  fay* 
**  was  tranfported  with  their  principles  fo  far  as  to  publilh  his  opinions  againft  hear- 
ing any  of  the  preachers  of  the  chUrchof  England,  were  they  never  fo  Icarnec!  and 
pious,  but  afterwards  acknowledged  his  error  in  a  judicious  and  godly  difcourfe,"  &r. 
He  is  faid  to  have  been  a  man  of  good  learning  and  of  a  benevolent  djfpofition.  Mr.' 
Bradford  relates  an  anecdote,  which  fhews  him,  as  well  as  their  congregation  in  gen- 
eral, to  have  been  in  no  fmall  eftcem  among  the  Dutch.  *•  The  magiftrates  of  the 
•  ity  about  the  time  of  their  coming  away,  or  a  little  before,  in  the  pitbl;c  placo  of 
Jufticc,  gave  this  commendable  ttftimony  of  them  in  the  reproof  of  the  Walloons 
who  were  of  the  French  church  in  the-  city.  Thefe  Enjjliih,  faid  they,  have 
lived  among  us  now  thefe  twelve  years,  and  yet  we  never  had  any  fuit  or  accufation 
come  againtl  any  of  them,  but  your  ftrifcs  and  quarreU  arc  continual,  &c. — In  thefe 
times  alfo  were  great  troubles  raifed  by  the  Arniinians,  who,  as  they  greatly  moleft- 
ed  the  whole  State,  fo  this  city,  in  which  w:\s  the  chief  univerfity,  in  particular,  and 
the  two  profefforsor  divinity-readers  themfelves  were  divided  in  their  opinions,  the 
one  teaching  for  it  and  the  other  againft  it. — Epif^opius,  the  Arminian  proftiTor, 
put  forth  his  bed  ftrength,  and  fet  forth  fundry  thcfcs,  which  by  public  difnute  he 
would  defend  againft  all  men.  Now  Poliander,  the  other  profeiTor,  and  the  chief 
preachers  of  the  city,  defired  Mr.  Robinfdn  ta  difpute  againft  him  •,  but  he  was  loth, 
being  a  ftranger;  yet  the  other  did  importune  him,  and  told  him  that  fuch  were  the 
abilities  and  nimblenefs  of  the  adverfery^,  that  the  truth  would  fuffer  if  he  did  not 
help  thcm,fo  that  he  condcfcended  and  prepared  himfelf  againft  the  time ;  and  v/hen 
the  day  came  the  Lord  did  fo  help  him  to  defend  the  truth  and  foil  his  ^dverfiry.,  a» 
he  put  him  to  an  apparent  nonplus  in  this  great  and  public  audience,  and  fo  he  did 
a  fecond  and  a  third  time  upon  fuCh  like  occafions,  which  procured  him  much  honour 
and  refpeA,  &c. — and  fo  far  were  they  from,  being  weary  of  him  and  his  people,  or 
dcfiring  their  abfence,  as  was  faid  by  fome  of  no  fmall  note,  that,  were  it  not.  ^c- 
giving  offence  to  the  State  of  England,  they  would  b*ve  pr«ferrrd  him,  and  allcv-cd 
tiicin.fome  public  favour," 


40$  A    P   P    E    N    D    I    X. 

faith,  and  honour  of  cur  king  and  country,  a  voyage  to  plant  the  firft  col-^ 
ony  in  the  northern  parts  of  Virginia^  do  by  thefe  prefents  folemnly  and 
mutually,  in  the  prefcnc^  of  God  and  one  of  anbthef,  covenant  and  com- 
bine ourftlves  together  into  a  civil  body  politic  for  our  better  ordering  and 
prefervation  and  furtherance  of  the  ends  afurefaid,  and  by  virtue  hereof  t* 
ena6l,  conftitute  and  frame  fuch  jufl  and  equal  laws  and  ordinances,  a<5ls,- 
conftituticns  and  offices,  from  time  to  time,  as  fliall  be  thought  mod  meet 
and  convenient  for  the  general  good  of  the  colony,  unto  which  we  pfomifc 
all  due  fubjeftioo  and  obedience.     In  v/itnefs  whereof  we  have  hereunto 
fubfcribed  our  names  at  Cape  Cod  the  i  ith  of  November,   in  the  year  of 
the  reign  of  eur  fovereign  lord  king  James  of  England,  France  and  Ireland 
the  T  8th,  and  of  Scotland  the  54th,   Anno  Domini    1620.     Signed  by 
John   Carver,    Win.   Bradford,   Ednv.   IV'mJJo'Wy    IVm.  Bre^^jlery    Jfaac 
Alkrton^  Miles  Standj/Jj,  John  Alden,  Sam.   Fuller,   Chrijlopher  Martin^ 
Wm.    MulUns,    IVm.    White,   Richard  Warren,  John  Hovjland,  Stephen 
Hopkinsj    Edtv,    Tilley,   John    Tilleyy    Frdnris    Cook,   Thomas    Rogers^ 
Thomas  Tinker,   John  Ridgsdak,   Edw.  Fuller,   John  Turner,  Francis 
Eaten,   James  Chilton,   Joh?i   Croxton,    John   Billington,   Jofes  FletcJyery 
John  Goodman,  Digory  Priejl,  Thomas  Wdliams,  Gilbert  Wififlonu,  Ed^iiu 
Marge/on,  Peter  Broivn,  Richard  Bitteridge,  George  Soule,  Richard  Clarkci 
Richard  Gardner,  John  Allerton,   Thomas  EngliJJ:,  Edw,  Doten,  Ednv. 

i#--"*  By 

*  Thefe  I  fuppofe  to  have  been  all  the  males  of  age  in  the  company,  twenty- 
6ne  of  whom  died  before  the  end  of  March,  of  the  fcurvy  and  other  ficknefo, 
cauftd  by  bad  lodging  and  bad  diet  and  the  hardlhips  of  the  winter.  About 
the  fame  proportion  of  the  women  and  children  died  alfo,  fifty  being  the  wliols 
irumber  then  furviving.  In  1650  there  v/cre  thirty  remaining  alive,  in  1679  only 
twelve,  in  1694  only  two,  and  Mary  Cufliman  only,  daughter  of  Ifaac  Allerton, 
was  alive  in  1698.  I  will  give  a  brief ,  account  of  feveral  of  thefe  perfons.  John 
Carver  had  been  deacon  of  their  church  In  Holland,  wis  efteemed  for  his  difcreet 
difcharge  of  that  office,  and  being  a  grave  judicious  man,  their  eyes  were  upon 
iiim  for  their  chief  ruler  before  they  embarked.  He  lived  but  a  fnorfr.  time/ 
His  grandfon  died  about  ten  or  twelve  years  fince,  at  Marfhfield,  at  the  age  oF 
102.  Not  long  before  his  death,  this  grandfon,  with  his  fon,  his  grandfon  and 
great-<yrandfon  were  all  at  work  together  without  doors,  and  the  great  great- 
grandron  was  in  the  houfe  at  the  fame  tim*e.  This  is  not  common.  Willi<\m 
Bradford  was  one  of  the  younger  men  of  the  company.  Douglafs  fays  he  was  a, 
man  of  no  family  and  no  learning.  His  manufcripts  fhcAV  that  he  was  a  plairl. 
fenfible  man,  and  in  his  public  trufi  he  was  efteemed  as  a  difcreet,  upright  and 
faithful  officer,  and  he  deferves  a  better  charafter  than  many  of  fuperiof  birth  and 
education.  His  fon  was  deputy  governor  after  his  death,  his  grandfon  and  two  ofc 
his  great-grandfons,  one  of  them  now  living,  have  been  of  the  council  for  the  Prov-^. 
ince,  Edwar<^  Winllov/  was  of  a  very  reputable  family  and  of  a  very  a<5tive  geniua 
which  fitted  him  for  employment  abroad,  and  in  a  great  meafure  prevented  a  com- 
petition between  Bradford  and  hinl  for  the  governor's  place.  He  was  concerned 
in  managing  their  treaties  with  the  Indians,  and  with  the  neighbouring  colonies, 
made  feveral  voyages  to  the  eaflward  and  to  Connecticut  river,  as  well  as  four  or 
five  voyages  to  England  in  the  fervice  of  the  colony  firft,  and  afterwards  of  Malfa- 
chufetts,  and  fo  eftablifhed  himfeli  in  the  favour  of  the  then  fupreme  authority  in 
England  as  to  be  employed  in  fome  very  important  fervices.  In  1651,  he  was  one 
of  the  cornmiflioners  of  Haberdafher's-hall,  as  they  were  called  from  the  place  of 
meeting,  and  in  I655  was  one  of  the  three  fuperintendants  in  Cromwell's  Wefc 
India  expedition.     In  one  of  his  embaflics^  viz.  in  1635,  he  had  hard  meafure  ia 

England, 


Appendix, 


409 


By  this  inftrumcnt  they  formed  themfelves  into  a  proper  dcmocracyi 
and  if  they  had  gone  no  further  perhaps  they  would  have  done  but  Jittle 
towards  preferving  ord«ri'.  But  one  great  reafon  of  this  covenant  feems  to 
jhave  been  of  a  mere  moral  nature,  that  they  miglit  remove  all  fcruples  of 
inflidting  neceffary  punifhments,  even  capital  ones,  feeing  all  had  voluntarily 
fubje«Sed  themfelves  to  them.  By  common  confcnt  they  agreed  upon  Mr. 
John  Carver  to  be  their  fird  governor,   "  confiding  in   his  prudence  that 

he 
England,  the  particular  circumftanccs  his  friend  Bradford  has  preferred  from  ohliv- 
ion. — "  It  came  to  pafs,  that  having  occafion  to  ani'wer  fome  complaint  made 
againft  the  country  at  council  board,  chiefly  concerning  his  neighbours  in  the  bay, 
the  which  he  did  to  great  effcdl,  and  further  profecuting  fuch  things  as  might  tend 
to  the  good  of  the  whole,  as  well  thcrnfclves  as  6thers,  about  the  wrongs  and  en- 
croachments that  the  French  and  other  ftrangers  both  had  done  and  were  like  fur- 
ther to  do  unto  them  if  not  prevented,  he  preferred  the  petition  following  to  their 
honours  that  were  deputed  commilTioners  for  the  plantations, 

"To  tbt  right  honourable  the  lords  comm'ijjloners  for  the  flarAnt'iois  in  America. 
The  humble  petition  of  Edward  Winflow  on  behalf  of  the  plantations  in  New 
England  humbly  fheweth  unto  your  Lordfhips,  that  whereas  your  petitioners  have 
planted  themfelves  in  New  England  under  his  majcfty's  rnofl  gracious  protedion, 
now  fo  it  is,  right. honourable,  that  the  French  and  Dutch  do  endeavour  to  divide 
the  land  between  them,  for  which  purpofe  the  French  have  upon  theeaft  fide  ertcr- 
ed  and  feized  upon  one  of  our  houfes  and  carried  away  the  goods,  flew  two  ot  the 
nien  in  another  place,  and  took  the  reft  prifoners  with  their  good's  ;  and  the  Dutch 
in  the  weft  have  alfo  made  entry  upon  Connedicut  river  within  the  limits  of  his 
majefty's  letters  patents,  where  they  have  raifed  a  fort  and  threaten  to  expel  your 
petitioners  thence  who  are  alfo  planted  upon  the  fame  river,  maintaining  pofTenion 
for  his  majefly,  to  their  great  charge  and  hazard  both  of  lives  and  j^oods.  In  tender 
coalideration  hereof  your  petitioners  humbly  pJ^^Y^  that  your  lordfhips  will  either 
procure  their  peace  with  thofe  foreign  States,  or  elle  give  fpecial  warrant  imto  yovr 
petitioners  and  the  Englifh  colonies  to  rig;ht  and  defend  themfelves  againft  all  for- 
eign enemies.     And  your  petitioners  fhall  ever  pray,  &c. 

"  This  petition  found  ^ood  acceptation  with  mofi  cf  them,  and  Mr.  Winflow  was 
heard  fundry  times  by  them,  and  appointed  further  to  attend  for  an  anfwer  front 
their  lordfhips,  efpecially  having  upon  conference  with  them  laid  down  a  way  how 
this  might  be  done  witSout  any  other  charge  or  trouble  to  the  State,  only  by  fur- 
hifhing  fome  of  the  chief  of  the  country  here  with  authority,  who  would  under- 
take it  at  their  own  charge,  and  in  fuch  a  v/ay  as  fhould  be  without  any  public  dif- 
turbance.  But  this  crolTed  both  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  captain  Mafon's  dcflgn, 
and  that  of  the  archbilhop  of  Canterbury  by  them,  for  Sir  F.  Gbrgjcs,  by  the  arch- 
bifhop's  favour,  was  to  have  been  fent  over  general  governor  into  the  country  and  to 
have  had  means  from  the  State  for  that  end,  and  was  now  upon  difpatch  and  conclu- 
fion  of  the  bufinefs.  And  the  archblfhop's  intent  was  by  his  meai.'s  and  fome  he 
fliould  fend  with  him  (to  be  fumifhcd  with  epifcop^.l  power)  to  diflurb  the  peace 
of  the  churches  here,  and  to  overthrow  their  proceedings  and  prevent  their  further 
growth,  which  was  the  thing  he  aimed  at.  But  it  fo  fell  out,  by  God's  providenccj 
that  though  he  in  the  end  crofTcd  this  petition  from  taking  any  further  effe<ft  in  this 
kind,  yet  by  this  as  a  chief  means  the  plot  and  whole  bufinefs  of  his  and  Sir  Fcrdi- 
nando's  fell  to  the  ground  and  came  to  nothing.  Vhen  Mr.  Winflow  fhould  have 
had  his  fuit  granted,  as  indeed,  upon  the  point  it  was.  and  fhould  have  been  confirm- 
ed, the  archbifhop  put  a  flop  upon  it,  and  Mr.  Winflow,  thinking  to  get  it  freed, 
went  to  the  board  again  ;  but  the  biOiop,  Sir  Ferdinando  and  captain  Mafon  had,  as 
it  feems,  procured  Morton  to  complain,  to  v.-hofe  complaints  Mr.  Winflow  made 
anfwer  to  the  good  fatisfa<ftion  of  the  board,  who  checked  Morton  and  rebuked  him 
Iharply,  and  alfo  blamed  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  ard  Mafon  for  countenancing  him  ; 

but 

Vol.  IL  C  c 


410 


APPENDIX. 


he  would  not  adventure  upon  any  matter  of  nioraent  without  confent 
of  the  reft,  or,  at  leaftj  advice  of  fuch  as  were  known  to  be  the  wifeft 
among  them."  (Huhhard>)  They  feenied  cautidufly  to  have  referved 
as  much  of  their  natural  Hberty  as  cduld  be  confident  with  the  mainte- 
nance of  government  and  order.  This  was  rational,  and  every  thinking 
man,  when  he  firft  quitted  the  (late  of  nature,  vvould  do  the  fame.  Lord 
chief  juftice  Holt  faid,  in  the  cafe  of  Blankald  v,  Gaidy,  that  in  cafe  of  an 

uninhabited 

but  the  bithop  had  further  end  and  ufe  of  hin  prcfence,  for  he  nbw  began  to  question 
Mr.  Winflow  of  many  thmgs,  as  of  teaching  in  the  church  publickly,  of  which  Mor- 
ton accufed  him,  and  gave  evidence  that  he  had  fcen  and  heaz-d  him  do  it ;  to  •which" 
Mr.  Winflow  anfv>ered,  that  fometimes,  wanting  a  miniiler,  he  did  exercife  his  gift 
to  help  the  edification  of  his  brethren  when  they  wanted  better  means,  which  was 
not  often.  Then  about  marriage,  the  which  he  aifo  couxeffed,  that  having  been  called 
to  place  of  magiftracy  he  had  fometimes  married  fome  ;  and  further  told  their  lord- 
ililps  that  marriage  was  a  civil  thing,  and  he  found  no  where  in  the  word  of  God  that 
it  was  tied  to  a  minifter;  Stgain,  they  were  neceflitated  fo  to  do,  having  for  a  long 
time  together  at  firft  no  minlfter,  befides,  it  were  no  new  thing,  for  he  had  been  fo 
married  himfelf  in  Holland  by  the  magiftrates  in  their  State-houfe.  But,  in  the  end, 
to  be  fl-iort,l>y  tkefe  things,  the  bifhop  by  vehement  importunity  got  the  board  at  laft 
to  confent  to  his  commitment,  fo  he  was  carried  to  the  fleet  and  lay  there  feventeen 
•weeks  or  thereabouts  before  he  could  gtt  to  be  releafed.  The  other  defign  by  this 
bufinefs  and  other  things  concurring,  was  fruftrated,  which  was  no  fmall  blcflling 
to  the  people  here."  Mr.  Winflow  fettled  at  Marfiifield  upon  a  valuable  tra6l  of  land 
which  now  belongs  to  his  eldeft  male  defcendant.  A  rare  inftance  among  us.  To 
his  eftatc  he  gave  the  name  of  Carefwell,  and  from  thence  dated  many  of  his  letters 
to  governor  Winthrcp,  with  whom  he  was  very  intimate,  and  frequently  came  from 
thence  to  Bofl:on  to  vifit  him,  fometimes,  perhaps,  by  water,  but  often  by  land,  not  as 
governors  travel  at  this  day  in  a  chariot  or  polt-chaife,  but  for  fome  of  the  firft  years 
At  leaft,  upon  his  feet.  In  the  fame  manner  governor  Endicot  travelled  from  Salem 
to  Bofton.     I  was  pleafed  with  this  paragraph  of  a  letter  from  him  to  his  fucceflbr, 

_  gbvcrnar  Winthrop. '*  Salem,  1 2th  of  April,  1 63 1.    Right  worftiipful,  I  did  hope 

to  have  been  with  you  in  pe'rfon  at  the  court,  and  to  that  end  I  put  to  fea  yefterday 
and  was  driven  back  again,  the  wind  being  ftiiF  a;gainft  us,  and,  there  being  no  canoe 
or  boat  at  Sawgus  (Lynn)  I  muft  have  been  conftraihed  to  go  to  Myftick  and  thence 
about  to  Charkftown,  which  at  this  time  I  durft^ot  be  fo  bold,  my  body  being  at 
prefent  in  an  ill  condition  to  wade  or  take  cold,  and  therefore  I  defire  you  to  pardon 
me."  I  cannot  help  revering  our  good  forefathers,  who  cheerfully  expofed  themfelves 
to  thefe  hardfhlps.  Mr.  W  inflow's  foii  was  firft  an  aflTiftant,  then  governor  of  the  col- 
ony, his  grandfon  one  of  the  council  for  the  Province,  and  many  years  at  the  head  of 
the  county  of  Plymouth,  one  of  his  great-grandfons  loft  his  life  fighting  for  his  coun- 
try, (p.  27  7)  and  two  others  are  now  living  in  repute, and  in  ofiices  of  honour  and  truft, 
and  there  are  many  reputable  branches  of  the  name  and  family  in  different  parts  of 
the  Pi'ovince.  William  Brewfter  was  highly  efteemed  by  the  whole  company,  was 
their  ruhng  elder  in  Holland,  which  feems  to  have  been  the  bar  to  his  being  their 
o-overnor,  civil  and  ecclefiaftical  office  in  the  fame  perfon  being  then  deemed  incom- 
patible. Mr.  Bradford  gives  this  account  of  him.  "  After  he  had  attained  the 
knowledo-e  of  the  Latin  tongue  and  fome  infight  into  the  Greek,  and  fpent  fome 
fmall  time  at  Cambridge  ;  and  then,  being  firft  feafoned  with  the  feeds  of  grace  and 
virtue,  he  went  to  the  court  and  ferved  that  religious  and  godly  gentleman,  Mr.  Da- 
vlfon,  divers  years,  when  he  was  fecretary  of  State,  who  found  him  fo  difcreet  and 
faithful,  that  he  trufted  him  above  all  other  that  were  about  him,  and  only  employed 
him  in  ail  matters  of  greateft  truft  and  fecrecy.  He  efteemed  him  rather  as  a  fon 
than  a  fervant,and  for  his  wifdom  and  godlinefs,  in  private,  he  would  converfe  with 
him  more  like  a  friend  and  familiar  than  a  mafter.  He  attended  his  mafter,  when  he 
was  feut  in  ambafl'age  by  the  queen  into  the  Low  Countries,  in  the  earl  of  Leicefter's 
time.— He  afterwards  remained  with  him  till  his  trouble,  when  he  was  put  from  hi« 

place 


APPENDIX.  41^. 

uninhabited  country  newly  found  out  by  Englifh  fubje<^s,  all  laws  in  force 
in  England  are  in  force  there,  and  the  court  agreed  \vjth  him.  Uutil  they 
Hiould  agree  upon  laws  fuited  to.  their  peculiar  circumftances,  our  PHmo- 
theans  refolved  to  make  the  laws  of  England  their  nile  of  government, 
which,  Mr.  Hubbard  fays,  "  they  were  willing  to  be  fubjecl  unto,  although 
in  a  foreign  land,"  and  it  fcems  they  dilTered  much  in  this  rcfpetft  from  the 
Maflachufetts  colonilb,  and  never  eltablillied  any  diftin»5t  code  or  body  of 

laws, 

place  about  the  death  of  the  queen  of  Scots,  and  feme  time  after,  doing  h'm  many 
faithful  offices  of  fcrvice  in  the  time  of  his  troubles.     Afterwards  he  went  and  livcvl 
in  the  country  in  good  efieem  among  his  friends  and  the  genticmen  of  thofe  p?.rts, 
rfpecially  the  godly  and  religions.     He  was  the  chief  of  thofc  that  were  taken  at 
Bofton,  and  fuffcred  the  grcatcft  lois.     After  lie  came  iiuo  Holland  he  fufferci  much 
hardfnip,  having  fpent  moft  of  his  means,  having  a  great  char^;  =>  and  many  children, 
and  in  regard  of  his  former  breeding  and  courfe  of  life  not  I'o  fit  for-  many  emplcv- 
ments  as  others  were,  efpecially  fuch  as  were  tollfom*'  and  laborious,     in  tlie  latter 
part  of  the  time  fpent  in  Holland,  his  outward  condition  was  mended.  He  fell  into  a 
way,  by  reafon  he  had  the  Latin  tongue,  to  teach  many  ftudcnts  who  had  a  dc  fire  to 
learn  the  Englifli  tongue,  for  he  drew  rules  to  learn  it  after  the  Latin  m.inner,  and 
mar.y  gentlemen,  both  Danes  and  German"?,  reforttd  to  him,  as  they  had  time  from 
their  other  ftudies,  fome  of  them  being  great  men's  fons.     Removing  in:o  thi^^  coun- 
try, thcfe  things  were  laid  afide,  and  a  new  courfe  of  I'vin^  muft  oc  fi.b.-nitted  to,  in 
which  he  was  no  way  unwilling  to  ta!:e  his  part  and  to  bear  h  ;s  burthen  with  tlie  ref:, 
living  many  times  without  bread  or  corn  many  m.snths  together,  many  times  having 
nothing  but  fiih,  and  often  wanting  that  alfo,  and  drank  novhir-c  but  water  for  matiy 
years  together,  yea,  till  within  five  or  iix  years  of  his,  death,  and  yet  he  lived,  by  the 
blelTing  of  God,  in  health  till  very  old  a,x","  &c.     He  lived  until  1643,  and  then  died 
"at  the  age  of  84.     His  grandfon,  William  Brewfter,  was  deacon  of  the  church  at 
Duxbury.     Many  of  his  pollerity,  I  am  informed,  are  living  in  that  colony.     Ifaac 
Allerton  or  Alderton,the  firft  airillaai;,  was  employed  feveral  times  to  negociate  mat- 
ters in   England  relative   to  their  trade,  and  at  length  left  them  and  fettled  there. 
His  male  pofterlty  fettled  in  Maryland.     If  they  be  extinift,  Point  Alderton,  Avhicli 
took  his  name,  will  probably  preferve  it  many  ages.     Miles  Standilh  is  faid,  by  Mor- 
ton, to  have  been  "  a  gentleman  of  Lancalhire,  heir  to  a  great  eftate,  furreptitiouHy 
detained  from  hi.m,  his  great-grandfather  being  a  fecond  or  younger  bvofher  of  the 
houfc  of  Standifii,"  had  been  a  foldier  in  theLow  Countries,  and  was  thought, although 
of  remarkable  fmall  frature,  the  moll  proper  perfon  for  their  chief  military  officer  as 
long  as  he  lived.     Many  things  are  faid  of  his  notable  fcrength  and  courage.     When 
the  news  of  the  firft  Indians  being  killed,  by  him,  came  to  Mr.  Robinfon  in  Holland, 
he  writes  to  his  church  to  confider  the  difpofition  of  their  captain,  who  it  fecms  was 
of  a  warm  temper,  and  he  hoped  the  Lord  had  ftnt  him  among  thcni  for  good,  if 
they  ufcd  him  right  ;  but  Mr.  Robinfon  doubted  whether  there  w^as  not   wanting 
that  tendernefs  of  the  life  of  man,  made  after  God's  image,  v.'hieh  was  meet,  and  he 
thought  it  would  have  been  a  happy  thing  if  they  had  converted  fome  before*  tiiey 
had  killed  any.     It  fecms  Standifii  was  not  of  their  church,  at  firiT-,  and  Mr.  Hubbard 
fays  he  had  more  of  his  education  in  the  fchool  of  Mars  than  in  tha  fchool  of  Clirifl. 
He  acquired,  how^ever,  the  efleem  of  the  whole  colony,  and  died  in  1656,  much  la- 
mented.    His  farm  in  Duxbury  retains  the  name  of  Captain's  Hill  to  this  day,  and 
fome  part  of  it  yet  remains  in  the  poffeffion  of  one  of  his  poflerity.     William  White 
was  remarkable  for  being  the  father  of  the  firfl-born  child.  Peregrine  WTiite,  who 
lived   until  1 704.     Stephen  Hopkins  was  one  of  the  afiiilants,  and  feems  to  have 
been  much  employed  in  their  public  affairs.     Purchafe  mentions  one  Stephen  Hop- 
kins, one  of  Sir  George  Somers's  company  at  Bermudas,  as  being  difaffeAed  to  their 
civil  and  ecclefiaflical  regulations,  and  a  promoter  of  fcparation.'and  not  unlilrely  to 
be  the  fame  perfon.     He  was  the  anceftor  of  Mr.  Hopkins  of  Providence,  the  prefent 
governor  of  Rhode  Ifland.     Richard  Warren  is  mentioned  by   Bradford  as  a  moil 

ulefal 

C  C  2 


4H  A    P    1?    E    N    D    I    X. 

hws,  but  "  added  forae  particular  municipal  laws  of  their  own,  fuitabl'e  W 
their  conlHtution,  in  fuch  cafes  -where  the  common  law  and  the  ftatK 
ttes  of  England  could  not  well  reach  and  afford  them  help  in  emergent 
difficulties,  following  the  advice  of  Pacuvius  to  his  neighbours  of  Capua,. 
not  to  cafhier  their  old  magiflratcs  till  they  could  agree  upon  better  to- 
place  in  their  ro»m."  Cartwright,  who  had  a  chief  hand  in  i;educing  puri- 
tanlfm  to  a  fvflera,  held,  that  the  magiilrate  was  bound  to  adhere  to  the 
judicial  law  of  Mofes,  and  might  not  punifh  nor  pardon  otherwife  than 
they  prefcribed,  and  him  the  MalTachufetts  people  followed.  It  mud  be 
allowed  that,  in  fome  itrtlances,  the  Plimptheans  run  into  the  fame  errors 
with  Maffachufetts  people,  and  eftablifhed  penalties  difproportioned  to  the 
olTences.  A  young  fa(5tor,  who  came  from  Virginia,  was  captivated  with 
the  charms  of  an"  Indian  gir^,  and  the  effeds  of  a  criminal  converfation 
loon  appeared.  He  found  fufpiclons  riling  agalnft  him,  and  had  no  other 
way  to  avoid  whipping  bu;t  to  leave  the  colony.  Accordingly  he  privately 
departed  to  the  colony  from  whence  he  came,  where  I  fuppofe  his  offence 
would  not  have  been  thought  very  heinous-.  If  he  had  forged  a  deed  he 
rriioht  have  efcaped  with  a  moderate  fine.  I  would  not  be  underfliood  to 
intend  that  fornication  fhould  pafs  with  impunity,  but  certainly  forgery 
requires  a  more  infamous  punilhment.  Bat  this  was  not  all.  It  was 
thought  by  one,*  at  lead,  among  themfelvcs,  that  fome  enormous  Sodomit- 
ical  crimes  committed  by  profligate  perfons  who  had  mixed  among  them, 
were  ovt'ing  to  the  fevere  penalties  annexed  to  lafcivious  a<51:s,  which,  though 
lefs  crirtiinal',  were  more  fufpeded  and  more  likely  to  be  difcovered  by 
their  cc-nfeqiit^nccs.     Wc  do  not  condemn  the  laws  for  retraining  human 

palTions 

ufeful  man  among  them  the  fhort  time  he  liv^ed,  dying  in  1628  ;  his  fon,  grandfon 
and  great-grandf'on  have  been  lince  employed  in  public  pofts  in  the  colony  and  Prov- 
ince. John  Alden  Was  many  years  an  afTiilant,  arid  feveral  of  his  defccndants  have 
fuftained  public  offices,  and  fome  of  them  are  now  living  :  So  are  the  defcendants  of 
]ohn  Howland.  I  can  give  no  account  of  the  reft  of  this  company.  Timothy  Ha- 
therly  was  a  merchant  in  London,  engaged  with  them  from  the  beginning,  and  came 
over  two  or  three  years  after  the  firft.  He  was  the  principal  founder  of  the  town  «f 
Scituate,  and  was  an  affiftant  :  So  was  Thomas  Willett',  who  cartic  from  London  in 
1 6  29, and  was  a  principal  trader  with  the  Dutch  at  Manhados,and  in  futh  efleem  with 
them  that  they  chofe  hinl  a  referee  to  fettle  their  controverted  boundary  with  the" 
colony  of  3S'ew  Haven.  He  lived  many  years  after,  and  died  at  Swanzey.  His  fon' 
was  one  of  the  firft  fettlers  of  the  Narraganfet  country  in  the  beginning  of  this  cen- 
tury, and  his  grandfon,  Francis  Willet,  efquii'e,  is  a  perfon  of  diftinguilhed  chara6tcr' 
in  that  colony.  William  Thomas,  Edmund  Freeman,  James  Cudworth,  Thomas^ 
tiouthworth,  were  all  affiftants,  and  their  families  flill  remain  in  the  colony.  I  may 
not  omit  taking  notice  of  Richard  Bourne,  an  early  fcttler,  and  a  moft  zealous  and 
iridefiitigable  promoter  of  the  gofpel  among  the  Indians,  and  though  1  do  not  find 
him  named  in  the  magiftracy  iiimfelf,  yetf  two  of  his  defcendants  have  been  of  the' 
council  for  the  Province,  and  feveral  more  arc  now  living  of  very  reputable  charac- 
ters, and  diftinguiflled  by  pofts  of  honeur  and  truft.  Thefe  were  the  founders  of  the 
colony  of  New  Plymouth.  The  fettlement  of  this  colony  occafioned  the  fettkment 
of  Maflachufetts,  which  was  the  fource  of  all  the  other  colonies  of  New  England. 
Virginia  was  in  a  dying  ftate,  and  feemed  to  revive  and  flcurifti  from  the  example  of 
New  England.  I  am  not  preferving  from  oblivion  the  names  of  heroes  whofe  chief 
merit  is  the  overthrow  of  cities,  provinces  and  empires,  but  the  n^nesof  the  founders 
of  a  flourilhine  town  and  colony,  if  not  of  the  whole  Britifh  empire  in  America.. 

*  Bradford. 


APPENDIX.  415 

fpaffions  and  natural  propenfities,  but  they  will  fomctlmcs,  like  waters  clofe 
clammed  or  pent  up,  feek  vent  and  break  through  with  greater  violence. 
They  thought  the  magiflratcs,  being  God's  minirters,  were  bound  to  punilh 
all  offences  in  their  courts  in  the  fame  proportion  as  the  fupreme  Judge 
would  punifli  them  in  the  court  of  heaven. 

They  had  no  fcruples  cf  their  authority  by  virtue  of  their  combination 
to  infiid  corporal  puniHimeiit  for  le/Ter  offences.  They  had  been  ten  years 
combined  before  any  capital  offence  was  committed.  In  1630,  John  Bil- 
lington,  who  had  flipped  in  among  them  when  they  were  at  London,  not 
being  one  of  their  church,  lay  in  wait  for  his  conipaniDn  Vv'ith  whom  he 
was  offended,  and  woufided  him,  fo  that  he  died  prefently  after.  They 
were  in  doubt  of  their  authority  to  pafs  f  entence  of  death.  They  had  jull 
obtained  their  patent  from  the  council  of  Plymouth,  which  gave  all  the 
powers  which  they  had  authority  to  give  ;  but  if  the  council,  by  their  pat- 
ent, had  no  authority  to  infiidl  capital  puniihment  themfcives,  it  mi^jht 
well  be  inquired  how  they  could  give  this  power  to  their  fubftitutes.  Their 
chief  reliance,  therefore,  fcems  to  have  been  upon  the  voluntary  fubr 
mifEon  of  this  offender  among  the  reil  to  the  laws  and  orders  of  the  whole 
body.  This,  from  a  mere  moral  confideration,  might  induce  them  to  pro- 
ceed to  trial  and  puniihment,  but  as  they  were  within  the  dominions  of 
Great  Britain,  and  had  no  conOitutionaJ  authority  to  erect  courts  of  juftice, 
fcruples  of  the  legality  ftili  remained.  They  therefore  applied  to  their 
neighbours  in  Maifachufetts,  and  praj-ed  their  advice.  Mr.  Winthrop, 
having  confulted  with  *'  the  able-ft  gentlemen  there,"  concurred  v/ith  the 
opinion  at  Plymouth,  that  the  man  ought  to  die  and  "  the  land  be  purged 
from  blood."  This  was  founded  upon  the  divine  command,  "  Whofoever 
fheddeth  man's  blood,''  &c.  which  was  not  in  any  cafe  to  be  difpenfed 
with.  Although  they  were  not  clothed  with  legal  authority,  they  qbferred, 
neverthelefs,  the  forms  of  law,  and  both  grand  jury  and  pe-tty  jury  w'ere 
impannelled,  and  after  indidtmcnt,  verdii5l  and  fentence,  the  crimicnl  v/as  ex- 
ecuted. I  find  no  fcruple  afterwards  of  as  full,  authority  in  ail  cait:s  what- 
foever,  as  any  of  the  charter  governments  or  Xny  gGvernment  by  royiJ 
commilfion,  until  after  the  refbration  of  king  Charl,es  II. 

Mr.  Carver,  the  firft  governor,  died  (uddeuly  a  few  months  after  their 
arrival.  They  chofe  William  Bradford  to  fucceed  him,  and  Ifaac  AUcr- 
ton  his  afTiflant  ;  but  gave  this  reafon  for  choofmg  an  afTiftant,  that  Mr. 
Bradford  was  upon  recovery  from  a  fit  of  ficknefs,  and  i^nable  to 
bear  the  whole  burden  ;  hov/ever,  it  ferved  for  a  jirecedent,  and 
the  fame  perfons  were  annually  eleded  governor  and  afTiifvint  until  1624, 
when  they  added  four  perfons  more  for  afliflants,  and  gave  the  governor  a 
double  voice,  and  in  1^33  two  more,  after  which  they  kept  to  the  number 
of  feven  affilbnts,  until  they  lubmittcd  to  king  James  II.  his  commiflion  to 
Andros.  In  feventy  years  they  had  no  more  than  fjx  different  perfons 
governors.  In  popular  governments,  where  the  ele*5tions  are  freciuent  and 
chmges  rare,  it  is  ordinarily  a  proof  of  a  fpirit  of  virtue,  and  a  prcfumption 
arifes  that  they  have  pitched  upon  perfons  well  qualified  ;  and  on  the 
contrary,  frequent  fhifting  from  one  perfon  to  another,  and  from  one  fet 
of  ofEcers  to  another,  with  continual  animofities,  contentions  and  flruggles 
between  the  two  parties,  which  we  have  feen  inlUnces  of  in  the  colonies* 
is  a  proof  that  this  fpbit  is  not  predominaat. 

Bradfuri, 


414  APPENDIX. 

Bradford,  who  fucceeded  Cirver,  was  chofen  annually  from  1621  unul 
he  died  in  1657,  except  in  1633,  ^^3^  2.n4  1644,  when  Edward  Winflo\gr 
was  chofen,  and  1634  when  Thomas  Prince  was  chofen,  who  alfo  fucceed- 
ed Bradford  and  was  annually  elected,  until  his  deat^  in  i673,  when  Jofias 
Winflow  fucceeded  and  continued  until  he  died  in  1 680,  and  was  fucceeded 
by  Thomas  Hinkley,  who  held  the  place,  except  in  the  interryption  by 
Andros,  until  the  juticlion  vyith  Maffachufetts  in  1692. 

Ida  not  find  when  they  firft  chofe  a  deputy  governor  or  gave  an  affift- 
ant  the  name  of  deputy  governor,  for  I  know  of  no  peculiar  fhare 
of  power ;  but  in  the  latter  part  of  the  patent,  William  Bradford, 
fon  to  the  firli:  governor,  is  named  deputy  governor.  The  charters  of  the 
thre«r  New  England  charter  governments  mentioning  fuch  an  officer  prob- 
ably led  them  to  a  conformity.  They  had  no  houfe  of  reprefentatives  untij 
the  year  1639.*  There  feems  to  have  been  no  occafion  for  one  before. 
Their  number  was  fmail,  the  eleiflion  of  governor  and  affiftants  annual  ; 
they  v/ere  to  all  intents  and  purpofes  the  reprefentatives  of  the  peoJ)Ie,  and 
indeed,  when  the  colony  increafed,  the  increafing  the  number  of  affiftants 
might  have  anfwered  ail  the  purpofes  of  chopfmg  the  fame  number  with  an- 
other name.  The  people  of  MaiTachufetts  had  fome  fpecial  reafojis  which 
the  people  of  Plymouth  hid  not.  They  were  limited  by  charter  to  eighteen 
alhftants.  The  people  were  not  fatisfied  that  the  whole  powers  01  govern- 
ment Ihould  be  in  fo  few  hands;  They  could  have  a  remedy  in  no  other 
v/ay  than  by  creating  a  dif lind  body  of  men  to  fliare  with  the  governor  and 
affiftants  in  acls  of  government.  The  people  of  Maffachufetts,  from  th^ 
beginning,  endeavoured  to  preferve  two  diftinft  )-anks  or  orders  of  men, 
gentry  and  commonalty.f  There  was  a  general  difpofition  to  ele^l  the 
governor,  &c.  from  the  former  rank  ;  their  minifters  preached  it  as  a  Chris- 
tian and  moral  duty.  Thar  the  comm.onalty,  pr,  as  they  exprefied  them- 
felves,  the  generality,  might  come  in  for  a  fliare,  they  formed  a  new  body 
by  the  name  of  reprefentatives,  although  their  charter  knew  nothing  of  it. 

Whiiil  they  were  few  in  number,  fo  that  the  whole  body  could  affem- 
ble  in  one  place,  the  whole  were  frequently  convened  to  determine  upon 
matters  executive  as  well  as  Icgiflative.:}:  When  they  \yei%  increafed  and 
were  divided  into  toAvns  remote  from  the  centre,  this  became  impradicable. 
They  then  feem  to  have  followed  the  model  of  MaiTachufetts,  the  governor 
and  affiftants  being  the  fupreme  judiciary  power  and  fole  in  judging  high 
offences,  lefter  offences  being  cognizable  before  inferior  courts  and  fingle 
magiftrates,  and  in  civil  matters  appeals  alfo  lay  from  inferior- jurifdiclions 
to  the  fupreme. 

I  ftiall  briefly  touch  upon  their  ecclefiaftical  affairs.  I  fuppofe  this  peo- 
ple were  the  firit  who  took  or  received  the  name  of  Independents,  which 

in 

*  At  the  general  court  held  the  4th  of  June,  1639,  committees  or  deputies  fent 
from  each  town,  four  from  Plymouth,  tv^'o  from  Duxborough,  two  from  Scituate, 
two  from  Sandwich,  two  from  Cohannet  (Taunton)  two  from  Yarmouth,  two  from 
Barnftablc.  Co/orry  records.  In  June,  1 649,  it  was  ordered  that  Plymouth  fhould 
fend  only  two. 

t  Vol.  I.  Appendix,  No.  3. 

^  At  a  general  court  held  the  ayth  of  March,  1634,  it  was  ordered  that  all  ac- 
tions either  of  debt  or  trelpafs  under  40/".  be  tried  hy  the  governor  and  aflillants 
wltliout  the  trouble  of  the  whole  body. dlony  reurd^,  ' 


APPENDIX.  415 

in  a  few  years  after  was  the  name  ^Iven  to  a  body  of  men  in  England  who 
aflumed  the  government  there.  When  they  firft  went  to  Holland,  they 
were  known  by  the  name  of  Brownlfls.  Some  of  the  charat^eriftic; 
of  Brownifni  they  afterwards  difcJaimed,  and  at  tlie  fame  time  difclaimed 
the  name,  which  was  generally  odious,  the  chara(n:er  of  the  founder  of  the 
fe(ft  being,  at  beft,  problematical.  Befides,  he  renounced  his  principles 
and  returned  to  epifcopacy.  The  Puritans  they  could  not  conform  to, 
and  therefore  conlidered  themfelves  as  a  diftin*^  church  or  by  themfclves 
independent  of  all  other.  Cardinal  Bcntivoglio  makes  them  a  di(Hn(ft  feft 
in  Holland  by  the  name  of  Puritans,  though  he  was  unacquainted  with 
their  inducement  to  leave  England,  and  luppofes  it  commerce  and  not 
religion,*  The  Maffachufctts  people  refined  and  took  die  name  of  Con- 
gregationalids,  although  it  will  perhaps  be  difficult,  at  this  day,  to  fhcw 
any  material  difference  between  the  churches  of  the  two  colonics  ;  for  al- 
though Plymouth  never  edabliflied  by  a«51:  of  government  the  Maffachufctts 
platform,  yet  in  pradice  they  feem  generally  to  have  conformed  to  it. 

Whiift  they  expected  their  r.'nirter  from  Holland  they  were  without 
the  lacraments  ;  they  had  conftant  public  worfhip,  their  pious  elder  gene- 
rally praying  and  preaching,  or  as  they  then  termed  it  prophcfying,  and 
fometimes  one  or  other  of  the  brethren  befl:  gifted  or  qualified.  After 
their  minifter*s  death,  they  made  trial  of  four  or  five,  but  fome  were 
of  bad  morals,  others  of  principles  not  approved,  and  others  met  witli  bet- 
ter offers,  fo  that  they  had  no  minifter  fettled  to  their  fatisfadion  until 
Mr.  John  Reyner  came  among  them  in  the  year  1636.  The  whole  col- 
ony made  but  one  church  until  the  year  1633,  when  thofe  brethren  who 
lived  on  the  fide  of  the  bay  oppofite  to  the  town,  where  Duxbury  now  is, 
broke  from  the  refl  becaufe  of  the  difficulty  of  travel,  and  became  a  dif- 
tin6t  fociety.  Perhaps  their  being  fo  long  without  a  minifler  at  firft,  might 
be  the  rcafon  why  they  were  lefs- anxious  to  be  furnifhed  with  minifters, 
immediately  upon  their  fpreading  and  forming  new  towns  and  fetilements, 
than  their  neighbours  in  Maffachufetts  and  Connedicut. 

Confidering  the  rapid  increafe  of  Maffachufetts  and  Conneclicut,  it 
may  not  be  amifs  to  give  the  reafons  of  the  very  flow  growth  of  Plyn^outh, 
for  in  thirteen  or  fourteen  years  the  whole  colony  was  not  becom,e  too  nu- 
merous for  one  middling  tow^n.  They  had  pitched  upon  fmie  of  the 
poorefl  land  in  New  England,  and  had  frequent  thoughts  of  quitting  it. 
In  1623,  their  brethren  write  from  Lej'den,  and  define,  that  fteing 
by  God's  providence  '*  that  place  fell  to  their  jot,  they  would  not 
leave  it  nor  languifh  after  other  places,  though  they  had  difcovered  more 
rivers  and  more  fertile  places  than  where  they  were  ;"  but  in  1633,  they 
took  poffeffion  of  Connedicut  river,  and  built  and  fortified  a  houfe  for 
trade,  where  Hartford  now  is,  and  afterwards  when  Maffachufetts  dif- 
poffefTed  them,  they  urged  among  other  reafons  for  holding  pofleflion, 
that  "  they  lived  upon  a  barren  place  where  they  were  by  neceflity  caft, 
and  neither  they  nor  theirs  could  long    continue  upon  the  fame,  and  whv 

fliould 

*  I  Puritan!  aneora  vi  fon  toleratt,  che  fono  i  p'tu  piir'i  e  /  piu  rigU'i  Culviniji'i,  i  quali  non 
vocrliono  riconofcerg  aiitorifa  alcuna  ne  magijirati  pvlitici  fupra  il  governo  de  Uro  miryiri 
beretici,  e  fono  quaft  tutti  de  Puritani  d^Jnghiltjrra,  che  per  occafion  di  comm^-rcio  frcqucntan 
VOllavJa,  e  Is  altra  Provincic  UniL\^ — l)clla  relatione  dcllc  Provincic,  ts^'i. 


41^ 


APPENDIX, 


(hoiild  they  be  deprived  of  that  which  they  had  provided  and  intended  to 
rtmoye  to  as  foon  as  they  were  able.  * 

In  the  next  place,  the  plan  they  fet  out  upon  was  not  to  make  a  great 
colony  in  a  Httle  tirae,  but  to  preferve  a  pure  and  diftinft  congregation  j 
they  neither  defired  any  people  of  a  different  perfuafion  to  mix  with  them, 
nor  did  any  fuch  incline  to  go  among  them.  When  one  of  their  number- 
was  hanged  ten  years  after  the  fettlement  began,  it  was  remarked  that  he 
,had  been  a  profane  perfbn,  and  guilty  of  other  mifcarriages  before  that  for 
which  he  fuffered,  and  that  by  means  of  fome  of  his  friends  in  London  he 
had  been  fhuiHed  in  among  them.  If  all  in  England,  who  called  them^ 
felves  Brownifts  and  Independents  at  that  day  had  come  over  with  them, 
they  would  fcarcely  have  made  one  confiderable  town.  Indeed,  a  feur 
years  after,  mofl  of  thofe  who  had  before  been  called  Puritans,  were  will- 
ing enough  to  own  th^  fame  principles  with  them,  though  they  did  not 
like  the  name.  . 

We  may  add  one  caufe  more,  viz.  that  their  views  when  they  left  En- 
gland were  rather  to  eftablifh  a  factory  t.^an  a  colony.  They  had  no  no- 
tion of  cultivating  any  more'ground  than  would  afford  their  own  neceffary 
provifions,  but  propofed  that  their   chief  fecular  employment  fhould  be 

commerce 

*  Ml-.  Bradford  among  the  proceedings  of  the  year  16^;^  places  their  poffeffion 
of  Connecticut  river.  "  Having  had  formerly  converlc  and  familiarity  with  the 
Dutchj  as  is  before  remembered,  they  feeing  them  feated  here  in  a  barren  quarter, 
told  them  of  a  river  called  by  them  the  Frefli  River,  but  now  is  known  by  the  name 
of  Conighticute  River,  which  they  often  commended  to  them  for  a  fine  place  both 
for  plantation  and  trade,  and  wifhed  them  to  make  ufe  of  it,  but  their  hands  being 
full  otherwife,  they  let  it  pafs  j  but  afterwards  there  coming  a  company  of  banilhed 
Indians  into  thefe  parts  that  were  driven  out  from  thence  by  the  potency  of  the  Pe- 
quods,  they  often  folicite4  them  to  go  thither  and  they  fliould  have  much  trade,  ef- 
pecially  if  they  would  keep  a  houfe  there,  and  they  began  to  fend  that  way  for  dif- 
covery  and  trade  with  the  natives.  They  found  it  to  be  a  fine  place,  but  no  great 
Itore  of  trade,  but  the  Indians  excufed  it  by  reafon  of  the  fear  they  were  in  of  their 
enemies.  They  tried  divers  times  and  not  without  profit,  but  faw  the  moft  certainty 
would  be  by  keeping  a  houfe  there  to  receive  the  trade  when  it  came  down  out  of 
the  inland.  The  Indians,  feeing  they  were  aot  very  forward  to  build  there,  foiicited 
them  of  MalTachufetts  in  like  fort,  (for  their  end  was  to  be  reftored  to  their  country 
again)  but  they  in  the  bay  being  lately  come  were  not  fit  for  the  fame,  and  fome  of 
their  chiefs  made  a  motion  to  join  with  the  partners  here  to  trade  jointly  in  that 
river,  which  they  were  willing  to  embrace,  and  fo  they  would  have  built  and  put  in 
equal  flock  together.  A  time  of  meeting  was  appointed  at  MalTachufetts,  and  fome 
of  the  chief  here  were  appointed  to  treat  with  them,  and  went  accordingly  ;  but 
they  caft  many  fears  of  danger  and  lofs  and  the  like,  which  were  perceived  to  be  the 
rnain  obftacles,  though  they  were  not  provided  of  trading  goods  ;  I)ut  thofe  here 
offered  to  put  in  fufiicient  for  both,  provided  they  would  become  engaged  for  the 
half  and  prepare  againfl  the  next  year.  They  confelTed  more  could  not  be  oifered, 
fcut  thanked  theui  and  told  them  they  had  no  mind  to  it.  They  then  faidthey  hoped 
it  would  be  no  ofFci^ce  if  they  went  on  without  thcmJ  They  faid  there  was  no  rea- 
fon they  fhould,  and  thus  the  treaty  broke  off.  Thofe  here  took  convenient  time  to 
make  a  beginning  tiiere,  and  were  the  firfl  Englifh  who  both  difcovered  that  place 
and  built  in  the  fame.  But  the  Dutch  began  now  to  repent,  and  hearing  of  their 
purpofe  and  preparation,  endeavoured  to  prevent  them,  and  got  in  a  little  before 
them,  and  made  a  flight  fort,  and  planted  two  pieces  of  ordnance,  threatening  to  flop 
their  paffage  ;  but  they  having  made  a  fmall  frame  of  a  houfe  ready,  having  a  great 
new  bark,  th^y  flowed  their  frame  in  her  hold  and  boards  to  cover  and  finilh  it,  hav- 
iiij^  nails,  &ZZ.  fitting  for  their  ufe  1  this  they  did  the  XHth?r  that  they  niight  haVe  apref^- 


APPENDIX.  417 

commerce  v/Ith  the  natives  ;  and  they  entered  into  contra^^  with  a  com- 
pany of  twenty  or  more  merchants  and  others,  many  of  them  belonging 
to  Briflol,  who  were  to  furnilh  them  with  goods,  and  at  the  end  of  fcvcn 
years  the  profits  were  to  be  divided  equally  between  the  merchants  in  En- 
gland and  the  colonilh,  all  the  houles  and  improved  land  to  be  valued  in 
the  joint  (bclc.  This  laft  circumftance  was  a  lufficient  bar  to  any  extra- 
ordinary improvement  of  the  lands.  Here  I  cannot  help  remarking  thiit 
they  had  a  fine  opportunity  of  making  fortunes,  having  few  or  no  rivals  ; 
and  the  Indians  were  charmed  with  European  goods,  as  well  to  adorn  as 
to  clothe  themfelves,  and  goods  fold  at  grc.it  advance  and  the  furs  came 
cheap  ;  but  a  variety  of  misfortunes  and  lofles  by  fea  for  feveral  years  to- 
gether kept  the  balance  againll  them.  They  were  but  little  acquainted 
with  trade,  and  perhaps  our  forefathers  were  not  fo  worldly-minded  as 
their  pofterity  have  fince  been.  At  firft  they  made  every  man  a  partner. 
Every  man's  perfon  was  valued  at  ten  pounds*  interefl  in  the  ftock,  and 
his  whole  time  was  to  be  employed  for  the  common  benefit.  He  that 
had  90I.  in  the  general  ftock,  with  the  addition  of  lol.  for  his  perfon, 
was  to  iliare  ten  times  as  piuch  as  he  who  had  no  fubftance  at  all.  This 
was  a  hard  bargain  for  the  poor,  and  I  fhould  not  wonder  if  perfons  who 

could 

cnt  defence  againfl  the  Indians,  who  were  much  offended  that  they  brought  home  and 
rcftored  the  right  fachem  of  that  place,  called  Natuwannute  ;  fo  that  they  were  to 
encounter  with  a  double  danger  in  this  attempt,  both  the  Dutch  and  tho  Indians. 
When  they  came  up  the  river,  the  Dutch  demanded  what  they  intended  and  whither 
they  would  go  ;  they  anfwcred  up  the  river  to  trade  ;  now  their  order  was  to  go  and 
and  feat  above  them.r— They  bid  them  ftrike  and  flay  or  elle  they  would  fhoot  them, 
and  flood  by  their  ordnance  ready  fitted  ;  they  anfwered  they  had  commiflion  from 
the  governor  of  Plymouth  to  go  up  the  river  to  fuch  a  place,  and  if  they  did  fhixit, 
they  mull  obey  their  order  and  proceed,  they  would  not  molefl  them,  but  would  go 
on.  So  they  pafTcd  along  ;  and  though  the  Dutch  threatened  them  hard,  yet  they 
{hot  not.  Coming  to  their  place  they  clapped  up  their  honlc  quickly  and  landed 
their  provifions,  and  left  the  company  appointed  and  fent  the  baric  home,  and  after- 
wards pailifadoed  their  houfe  about  and  fortified  themfelves  better.  They  did  the 
Dutch  no  wrong,  for  they  took  not  a  foot  of  any  land  they  bonglit,  but  went  to  the 
place  above  them,  and  bought  that  tradt  of  land  which  belonged  to  thofe  Indians 
which  they  carried  with  them  and  their  friends,  with  whom  the  Dutch  had  nothmg 

to  do." Bradford's  MS. 

I  cannot  let  this  extract  paf,  without  an  obfervation  relative  to  MafTachufetts.  In 
the  controverfy  between  New  York  and  the  two  governments  of  Maflachufetts  and 
Connecticut,  the  charters  to  which  give  them  a  territory  v,'eft  to  the  South  Sea,  except 
fuch  parts  as  were  poffeffed  by  any  prince  or  State,  the  government  of  New  York 
^kims  to  Connedicut  River,  becaufe  the  Dutch  were  in  pofTefTion,  and  it  was  part  of 
the  exception,  and  therefore  the  grant  of  it  afterwards  tn  the  duke  of  York  was  good. 
This  manufcript  of  Bradford  is  the  moft  ancient  memorial  relative  to  this  jart  of  the 
country  which  is  now  extant,  and  it  appears  from  it  that  until  divers  year*;  after  the 
date  of  the  MafTachufetts  charter  the  Duf'-  had  no  fort  of  poffeflion  in  the  Frtfh 
or  Connedicut  River,  nor  any  intention  oi  *"'■  tling  there,  but  encouraged  the  people 
of  New  Plymouth,  with  whom  they  had  begun  a  correfpondence  and  trade,  to  quit 
this  fettlement  and  remove  thither,  and  thereupon  the  Plimothean*;,  ft-veral  times 
before  the  year  163?,  went  up  the  river  and  had  began  a  trade  tliere  ;  but  the  Dutch, 
probably  alarmed  by  the  formidable  appearance  of  the  MafTachufetts  colony,  then 
repented  of  the  advice  they  had  given,  purchafcd  a  xx-^&i  in  the  lower  part  of  the 
fiver,  and  would  have  prevented  the  Englifh  from  pafling,  but  failed  in  the  attempt, 
and  they  were  foon  after  obliged  to  quit  the  river  themfelves,  and  iu  1 650  formally 
Xclinquifhed  all  claim  or  pretence  to  jurifdidion  there. 


4i8  APPENDIX. 

could  bring  nO  money  to  put  in  tlie  ftock  were  difcouraged  from  fettling 
among  them.  After  the  expiration  of  the  feven  years,  and  a  fettleinent  with' 
their  partners  In  England,  the  principal  perfons  were  obliged  to  become 
bound  for  the  balance  which  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  colony  or  fac- 
tory, and  from  that  time  took  the  trade  into  their  own  hands,  exclufive  of 
the  poorer  fort,  who  had  l])ent  feven  years  in  labour  and  toil,  and  had  re- 
ceived fubfiftence  only,  and  that  oftentimes  fcant  enough. 

They  had  for  eight  or  ten  years  almoft  the  whole  fupply  of  the  Indians 
who  were  near  neighbours  to  them,  but  their  greatefl:  expeftations  were 
from  the  eaflcrn  Ir-dians,  and  they  fet  up  a  truck-houfe  at  Penobfcot  and 
another  upon  Kennebeck  river.  The  latter  they  found  mod  advantageous 
and  fought  for  a  grant  ofa  convenient  tradt  from  the  council  of  Plymouth, 
which  they  obtained  in  the  year  1628,  but  it  was  "  fo  Itrait  and  il^  bound- 
ed," that  the  next  year,  1629,  when  a  grant  was  made  of  the  lajids  in- 
tended for  the  whole  colony,  the  traft  of  country  at  Kennebeck  was  grant- 
ed anew,  and  the  limits  enlarged.  They  met  with  fome  oppofition  in 
1634  from  perfons  employed  by  lord  Say  and  lord  Brook,  who  claimed  a 
light  of  trading  at  the  fame  place  with  the  Plymouth  people,  I  fuppofe  by 
a  grant  from  Gorges,  and  a  fray  happened  in  which  one  was  killed  on  each 
fide.  Lord  Say's  company  were  Puritans,  arid  thofe  of  Plymouth  Inde- 
pendents. The  enemies  of  both  reproached  both  for  making  religion  the 
profeffed  motive  to  colonizing,  and  fo  foon  after  killing  one  another  for  the 
iake  of  beaver.*  •  This  grant  upon  Kennebeck,  within  twelve  or  fifteen 
years  part,  from  a  different  conftrudllon  of  the  words  which  defcribe  the 
limits,  has  been  the  caufe  of  great  contention.  Perhaps  the  relation  of  this 
aftlon  by  governor  Bradford  may  afford  fome  light  in  the  controverfy.  I 
ftiall  therefore  caufe  it  to  be  inferted  in  the  margin  exactly  as  Ji  find  the 
words  and  points  in  his  manufcript.f 

For 
*  NoUem  vl  et  caede  pro  evangelic  certarl.     Luth. 

f  "  I  nm  now  to  enter  upon  one  of  the  faddefl  things  that  befell  them  fince  they 
coine.  But  before  I  begin  it  will  be  needful  to  premife  fuch  parte  of  their  patente 
jis  gives  them  right  and  priviledge  at  Kenebeck.  As  followeth.  The  faid  counfell 
liath  further  given,  granted,  bargained,  fold,  infeoffed,  allotted,  afTigned  and  fct  over, 
and  by  thefe  prefents,  doe  clearly  and  abfolutely  give,  grante,  bargane,  fell,  alliene, 
cnffeofe,  allote,  afligne  and  confirme  unto  the  faid  William  Bradford,  his  heires,  afTo- 
ciates,  and  afTigncs,  All  that  tradle  of  land  or  part  of  New  England  in  America  afFore- 
faid,  which  lycth  within  or  betweene,  and  extendeth  it  felfe,  from  tlie  utmofl  limits 
of  Cobifeconte  which  adjoyneth  to  the  river  of  Kenebeck,  towards  the  wefternc  ocean, 
and  a  place  called  the  falls  of  Nequamkick  in  America  aforefaid.  And  the  fpace  of 
15  Engliih  myles,  on  each  fide  of  the  faid  river,  commonly  called  Ivcnebeck  river, 
and  all  the  faid  river  called  Kenebeck,  that  lycth  within  the  faid  limits  and  bounds 
caftward,  wcflward,  northward  and  fouthward,  laft  above  mentioned- ;  and  all  lands, 
^rrounds,  foyles,  rivers,  waters,  flihing,  &c.  And  by  vertue  of  the  authority  to  us 
derived  by  his  faid  late  Ma"^!^  Ljres  paints  to  take,  apprehend,  feife,  and  make  prife 
of  all  fuch  perfons  their  {hips  and  good?,  as  fhall  attemptc  to  inhabite,  or  trade,  with 
the  favagc  people  of  that  countrie  within  the  feverall  prefinds,  and  limits  of  his,  and 
their  feverall  plantations.  Sec. 

Now  it  fo  id\  out  that  one  Hocking,  belonging  to  the  plantation  of  Pifcataway, 
■wente  with  a  barke,  and  commodities  to  trade  in  that  river,  and  would  needs  prefs 
into  their  limits,  and  not  only  fo  but  would  needs  goe  up  the  river  above  their  houfc 
(towards  the  falls  of  the  river)  and  intercept  the  trade  that  fhould  come  to  them. 
He  that  was  cheefe  of  the  place  forbad  thtin,  and  prayed  him  that  he  would' not 

©fFer 


APPENDIX. 


419 


For  two  or  three  years  after  their  arrival  all  things  were  in  common,  no 
man  having  any  property  but  what  was  put  into  tl^e  common  ftock  and  every 
perfon  turnillied  with  clothing  and  provifions  out  of  this  ilock.  A  certain 
<juantity  of  land  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  was  afTigned  for  plantin;;,  and 
every  man  had  fuch  a  proportion  of  the  labour  afligned  him.  Mr.  Bradford 
remarks,  upon  this  occafion,  that  the  ill  fuccefs  ol  this  community  of  goods, 
even  among  godly  and  fober  nien,  fully  evinced  ihe  vanity  of  tliat  conceit 
of  Plato,  that  the  taking  away  property  and  bringing  in  community  into  a 
commonwealth  v.ould  make  them  happy  and  flouri(hing,  and  in  fac^t  they 
raifed  fo  Httle  provifions,  that  once,  at  leafl,  they  were  in  danger  of  (larv- 
ing,  and  before  their  crops  were  fully  ripe,  great  part  would  be  ftolen  out 
of  the  fields  to  fatisfy  hungry  bellies,  and  fevere  whipping  of  the  offenders 
would  not  deter  others  in  the  like  circumftances  from  committing  the  like 
pffence  ;  bcTides,  it  occafioned  confi%nt  difcontent  and  murmuring  ;  the 
young  men,  moft  capable  of  labour,  who  had  no  families,  thouglit  much  of 
labouring  for  other  men's  wives  and  children  ;  thofe  in  their  full  (trength 
complained  that  it  was  unjufl  to  allow  them  no  more  in  the  divifion  of 
yiduals  and  clothing  than  them  who  were  weak  and  could  not  do  a  quarter 
part  of  the  labour  ;  the  aged  and  grave  men  thought  it  an  Indignity  and 
difrerpe<n:  to  be  ypon  a  level,  as  in  kbour  fo  in  viduals  and  clothes,  with 
the  younger,  and  in  other  refpeds  inferior  fort  ;  hu(bands  could  not 
brook  it  that  their  wives  fhould  be  commanded  to  do  menial  fervices,  drcffrng 
meat,  walhing  clothes,  Sec.  for  other  men  ;  all  being  to  do  and  all  to  re- 
<:eive  alike,  it  was  inferred  that  in  all  other  refpet^s  they  ought  to  be  alike, 
and  one  man  was  to  all  intents  and  purpofes  as  good  as  another,  and  no 
fubordlnation,  no  civil  diiUndion  could  be  preferved.  After  three  years 
they  found  it  abfolutely  neceffary   to  come   into  fome  new  meafures,  and 

began 

offer  them  that  injuria,  nor  goe  about  to  infringe  their  Hbertiei,  (which  had  coll  them 
fo  dear)  but  he  anfwered  he  would  go  up  and  trade  there  in  difpite  of  them,  and  lyc 
there  as  longe  as  he  pleafed  ;  the  other  told  him  he  muft  then  be  forced  to  remove 
him  from  thence,  or  make  feafure  of  him  if  he  could,  he  hid  him  do  his  worfte,  and 
fo  wente  up  and  anchored  there.  The  other  took  a  boat,  and  fome  men,  and  went 
up  to  him,  when  he  faw  his  time,  and  againe  entreated  him  to  dej^arte,  by  what  per- 
fuafion  he  could.  But  all  in  vaine,  he  eould  get  nothing  of  him  but  ill  words.  So 
he  confidered  that  now  was  the  feafon  for  the  trade  to  come  dowue,  and  if  he  fhould 
fufFer  him  to  lye,  and  take  it  from  them,  all  their  former  charge  would  be  loft,  and 
they  had  better  throw  ;ip  all.  So  confulting  with  hU  men,  (who  were  willing  there- 
for) he  refolved  to  put  hirp  from  his  anchores,  and  let  him  drive  downe  the  river 
with  the  ft  ream  e  ;  but  commandf:d  the  men  that  none  ftiould  ftioste  a  fnote  upon 
any  occafion  except  he  commanded  them.  Ke  fpoake  to  him  againe  but  all  in  vainc, 
then  he  fent  a  cuple  in  a  canow  to  cutte  his  cable,  the  which  one  of  them  performer 
but  Hocking  takes  i:p  a  pece  which  he  had  layded  ready,  and  as  the  barhe  fhcrc J  by 
the  canow  he  fhot  him  clofe  under  her  fide,  in  the  head  (as  I  take  it)  fo  he  fell  downe 
dead  inftantly.  One  of  his  fellows  (wh^ch  loved  him  well)  could  not  hold,  bur  with 
a  mufket  fhot  Hocking;,  vv^ho  fell  downe  dead  and  never  fpoake  word  ;  thii*  was  the 
truth  of  the  thing  ;  the  reil  of  the  men  carried  home  the  veflel  ard  the  fad  tidinjjs 
of  thefe  things.  Now  the  Lord  Say  and  the  Lord  Brooke  with  fome  other  great 
pcrfonahad  a  hand  in  this  plantation  ;  they  write  home  to  them,  as  murji  as  they 
could  to  exafpcrate  them  in  the  matter  ;  leaving  out  all  the  circunift.inccs,  as  if  he 
had  been  killed  without  any  offence  of  his  parte,  conceling  that  he  hr.d  killed  antWier 
firft,  and  the  juft  occafion  thiat  he  had  given  in  offering  fuch  wrong  ;  at  which  their 

Lordf.Ps  were  much  offended  till  they  were  truly  informed  •i  the  matter." 

Bratf/orifs  MS, 


420  APPENDIX. 

ibegan  with  aflignlng  to  each  family  a  certain  quantity  of  land  fufficicnt  ta 
raife  corn  enough  tor  their  fupport,  but  in  dl  other  refpeds  to  continue  ia 
the  general  way,  until  the  feven  years  for  which  they  had  contracfled  with 
their  partners  in  England  for  the  profits  of  their  labour  were  expired. 
There  was  immediately  a  new  face  upon  their  affairs  ;  much  more  corn 
was  planted  than  the  governor,  by  the  exertion  of  all  his  authority,  could 
ever  caufe  them  to  plant  in  any  year  before  ;  women  and  children,  who 
were  weak  and  unable  before,  went  cheerfully  with  their  hufbands  and 
parents  to  plant  corn,  and  every  family  had  enough  for  their  fupport,  and 
many  of  them  fome  to  fpare.  '  An  emulation  was  created  and  increafed 
every  year  to  exceed  in  (Quantity,  and  in  a  few  years  they  were  able  to 
rallc  fufficient  to  make  it  a  valuable  article  in  their  Indian  trade,  being 
then  worth  fix  (hillings  fterling  a  bulhel  ;  the  Indians  in  a  great  meafure 
left  off  raifing  it,  the  hunting  life  being  more  agreeable  to  them,  when  they 
found  with  their  furs  they  could  purchafe  what  they  wanted. 

The  colony  had  Ihuggied  for  feven  or  eight  years,  and  had  made  but 
fmall  improvements  in  cjaltivating  the  ground,  and  were  not  numerous 
enough  to  think  of  dividing  and  extending  to  the  inland  parts  of  the  coun- 
try, when  Mr.  Endicot  arrived  at  S9,lem  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  grand 
undertaking  .of  fettling  Maflachufetts.  This  muft  have  given  frefli  fpirits 
to  the  Plimotheans.  Without  this,  I  think,  there  is  great  reafon  to  quef- 
tion  whether  the  plantation  would  not  in  a  few  years  have  been  deferted 
and  the  fettlers  have  removed  to  fome  more  fertile  part  of  America,  or, 
which  is  more  probable,  have  returned  to  England,  where,  from  the  change 
of  times,  they  might  have  enjoyed  civil  and  religious  liberty,  for  the  fake 
.of  which  they  firft  quitted  it,  in  as  great  a  latitude  as  their  hearts  could  wilh. 
In  a  fmall  colony  it  cannot  be  expe<Eled  that  we  Ihould  meet  with  many 
events  of  moment  after  they  had  grappled  with  the  hardfhips  which  attend- 
€d  their  iirft  fettiement.  Mr.  Bradford  remarks  that  the  Spaniards  were 
thought  by  Peter  Martyr  to  have  fuffered  hardfhips  which  none  but  a 
^Spaniard  could  endure,  when  they  were  obliged  to  live  for  five  days  to- 
gether upon  the  parched  grain  of  maize  only,  and  that  not  to  faturitie  ; 
whereas  the  Plimotheans  the  firfl  two  or  three  years  thought  a  meal  of 
their  maize  as  good  as  a  feaft,  and  fometimes  not  for  five  days  only,  but  for 
two  or  three  months  together,  were  deftitute  of  that  and  all  other  corn  or 
bread  of  any  kind  ;  but  with  their  miferies,  he  fays,  they  opened  a  way 
to  thefe  new  lands,  for  other  men  to  come  afterwards  with  eafe  and  inhabit 
them.  The  fourth  year  after  their  arrival,  they  were  threatened  with  the 
total  deflruiftion  of  their  crop,  and  abfolute  famine.  From  about  the  mid- 
dle of  May  to  the  middle  o^"  July,  they  had  not  one  fhower  of  rain,  and  the 
extreme  heat  of  the  fun  upon  their  fandy  foil  had  fo  dried  up  their  corn, 
that  they  were  almoft  in  defpair  of  its  ever  being  reftored  ;  but  in  the  eve- 
ring  after  a  day  of  fading  and  prayer,  it  began  to  rain,  and  by  repeated 
fhowers  their  corn  recovered  its  verdure,  and  they  had  a  plentiful  harveft. 
They  afterwards  found  by  experience  that  fuch  droughts  are  frequent  in 
this  climate  ;  but  the  infinitely  wife  and  good  Creator  has  fo  ordered  the 
fcafons,  that  thefc  droughts  have  always  been  followed,  before  the  end  of 
the  fummer,  with  refreihing  rains  ;  and  although  the  fruits  of  the  earth 
fcave  been  much  diminifhed,  yet  harveit  hath  never  failed,  men  and  beafts 
have  been  fupported,  and  ordinarily,  in  the  Rcxt  fucceeding  year,  there 
has  been  a  remarkable  plenty.  yv 


APPENDIX.  4ii 

The  terror  which  fire-arms  (Iruck  into  the  Indians  prevented  them  from 
deftroying  this  fmall  company.  There  wore  not  above  feven  men  capable 
t>f  bearing  arms  in  the  time  of  fickncfs  the  fii  ft  winter,  i^oon  after,  the 
potent  nation  of  Narragand't  fent  to  the  Engliih  a  bundle  of  arrows  tiLcS: 
with  a  fnake's  fkin,  as  a  defiance  and  denunciation  of  w-.ir.  The  Kngliih 
fUied  the  flcin  with  bullets,  and  fent  it  back  with  this  anfwer,  that  they  had 
done  them  no  wrong,  did  not  fear  them,  and  were  provided  for  them, 
come  when  they  would.  The  Narraganfets  would  not  fuffcr  the  bullet* 
to  come  near  them,  and  they  were  moved  about  from  place  to  place,  till 
they  found  their  way  back  to  the  Englifh  again,  and  the  Indians  remained 
<juiet.  As  the  Indians  learned  the  ufe  of  fire-arms,  the  Englifh  increafed 
in  number,  and  until  the  year  1675,  there  was  no  open  rupture,  except 
the  fliort  offenfive  war  with  the  Pct^uots  in  their  own  country,  which  end- 
ed in  their  deftrudion. 

However  rigid  the  New  Plymouth  colonics  may  have  been  at  ths;r  firit 
feparati-on  from  the  church  of   England,    yet    they   never   difcovered  that 
perfecuting  fpirit  which  wc   have    fcen    in  Maflachufetts.      When  Mrs. 
Hutchinfon  and  her   adherents  were  baniflied  from  that  colony,  they   ap-^ 
plied  to  the  col'ony  of  Plymouth,    for    leave  to  fettle  upon  Aquidnick    cv 
Rhode  Ifland,  which  was  then  acknowledged  to  be  within  Plymouth  pat- 
ent, and  it  was  readily  granted,^  although  their  tenets  were  no   more  ap- 
,  proved   by  Plymouth  than  by  Maflachufetts.     Some  of  the  Quakers  alfo 
j  fled  to   Plymouth   boundsy  and  probably   iaved  their  lives  ;  for  althougii 
;they  made  laws  fevcre  enough  againit  erroneous  opi-nions,  yet  in  no  cale 
[capital  ;  and  the  Baptifts  were  ftiU  more  favourably  received,  the  town  cf 
I  Swanzey  being  principally  fettled  by  Baptift  refugees  from  the  Ma  Jachu- 
Ifetts  colony,  and  when  one  of  their  miniftera  fettled  in  the  chtirch  of  Plym- 
outh, they  were  content   that   he  fhould  bcptizc  by  imnierfion  or  dipping 
any  who  defired  it,  provided  he  took  no  exception  to  the  ctlier  miniaer's 
fprinkling  fuch  for  whom  immerfion  was  not  judged  neceflary. 

Until  1629,  they  were  in  doubt  about  their  thh  to  their  lands.     They 
were  conftantly  foHciting  a  grants  or,  as  they  tcrnj  it,  an  p.iTjranee  from  the 
council   of  Plymouth^     In  1624,    they  employed  one  Jslin   Pierce,  \y]v> 
procured  a  grant  to  himfelf  for  about  fifty  pounds,  but  he  !:cpt  it  in  hi:*  own 
hands,  and  refJed  to  aflign  it  for  Icfs  than   fue  hundred  ]>ounds.     Thio 
^hey  juflly  complained  of  as  a  great  breach  of  truft,  and  attribute  to  it  fev- 
;ral  lofies  and  difappointments  he  met-  with  in  his  intended  voyage,  v.lJch 
"rightencd  him,  and  made  him  aifo  look  upon  them  as  the  punifmr.ent  of 
bis  perfidy  and  to  relinquifh  hi>s  ckirfi.     J  do  not  find  that  thofe  vvho  em- 
Joyed  him  reaped  any  benefit  from  the  grant.     After  they  l;ad  tlieir  pat- 
nt  in  1629,   they  were  eafy  until  the  reftoration  ;  but  when  Connecticut 
,nd  Rhode  Ifland,  who  held  their  lands,   or  moil  of  them,  under  patpnts 
rom  the  council  of  Plymouth,  thought  it  necefTary  to  folicit  and  had  ob- 
ained  a  royal  confirmation  and  charter,  giving  authority  to  govern,   New 
Plymouth  folicitcd  alfo,  but  they  were  rather  too  late.     The  court  began 
',0  be  jealous  of  the  colonifts.     Such  fort  of  charters  as  had  been  granted, 
eft  them,   it  was  faid,  too  much  to  themfeives  ;  and  althotigh  they  weie 
jiot  peremptorily  refufed,  they  were  put  off  from  time  to  time,  and  told  that 
he  only  difnculty  was  to  fettle  fuch  a  form  cf  government  as  Ihould  fecure 
jbeir  dependence  as  a  colony,  and  ihould  neyerthelef^  afford  to  rhem  libcr- 
es^iad  privileges  to  their  fatisfadUon.  rp,  • 


422 


APPENDIX; 


This  was  no  eafy  matter  for  both  fides  to  agree  upon.  This  flate  of 
jfufpenfe  made  the  colony  more  pliable  and  obsequious  than  their  neigh- 
bours of  Maflachufetts,  and  particularly,  when  the  commiffioners  from 
king  Charles  came  to  New  England  in  1664,  Plymouth  Submitted  to  their 
determination  a  controverfy  between  that  colony  and  Rhode  Ifland  about 
bounds,  and  gave  fatisfaclory  anfwers  to  the  Several  queries  propofed  to 
them.*  They  received  a  very  gracious  letter  frorn  the  king,  but  all  ended 
in  bond  verba.  We  can  eafily  conceive  of  a  parent  State  growing  every  day 
more  and  more  popular  in  its  government,  and  neverthelefs  at  the  fame 
time  retraining  the  liberties  of  its  colonies  for  the  fake  of  continuing  the 
connexion  ;  but  when  there  is  a  fcheme  of  eftablifhing  abfolute  power  in 
the  parent  State,  how  can  it  be  expefted  that  popular  governments  fhould 
be  ellablillied  in  the  colonies  ?  However,  no  advantage  v/as  ever  taken  of 
their  want  of  authority,  and  their  proceedings  were  connived  at  until  the 
{general  fnitDwreck  of  charters  in  1684,  when  an  arbitrary  government  was 
eftabliffied  in  the  other  colonies,  and  they  could  not  expefl  to  efcape. 
All  their  hopes  being  ^  an  end,  they  made  as  loud  complaints  of  oppref- 
fion,  under  Andros,  as  any  people  of  his  government,  and  perhaps  with  as 
much  reafon,  and  when  the  people  of  Ma/Tachufetts  imprifoned  him  and 
rc-affumed  their  charter,  Plymouth  affuraed  their  old  form  of  government 
alfo.  Now  it  was  that  they  firft  fenfibiy  found  the  want  of  a  charter. 
Connedicut  and  Rhode  Ifland,  who  had  refigned  their  charters,  were  juf- 
tined,  by  the  example  of  the  corporations  in  England,  in  afluming  them 
again,  but  Plymouth  had  none  to  afiume.  Their  lirft  attempt  was  to  pro- 
cure a  charter  and  to  continue  a  diftindl  government.  In  this  they  could 
not  fucceed.  Perhaps,  if  it  had  been  folicited  in  the  befl:  manner,  they 
might  have  Succeeded,  but  interior  divifions  prevented  any  proper  meafures 
being  purfued.  Mr.  Hinkley,  their  governor,  wrote  to  Mr.  Mather,  the 
Maflachufetts  agent,  to  defire  him  to  folicit  in  their  behalf,  but  the  people 
refufed  to  advance  any  money,  and  {o  fmall  a  fum  as  twO  hundred  pounds 
fterlino  could  not  be  raiSed.  The  inhabitants  of  fome  of  the  principal  towns 
Subscribed,  upon  condition  the  whole  Sum  fliould  be  raiSed,  and  Some  of 
the  towns  refufmg,  the  whole  fubfcription  failed.  Such  was  the  efl'eft  of 
their  divifions,  that  neither  party  would  acknowledge  the  authority  of  the 
government  when  any  ad  pafled  which  they  did  not  approve  of.  Mr. 
Wifwall,  one  of  their  minifliers,  by  advice  of  fonie  gentlemen  in  Boflon, 
went  to  England  ;  but  having  no  commilTion,  and,  which  is  more  fatal  to 
thofe  who  have  affairs  at  court,  no  money,  he  never  could  make  a  public 
appearance,  and  ferved  only  to  give  offence  to  the  mlnift:ry  by  offering  ex- 
ceptions to  the  propofal  of  joining  Plymouth  to  Mafllichufetts,  and  occa- 
fioned  their  being  annexed  to  New  York.  It  is  faid  they  were  taken  out 
of  Slaughter's  commiflion  by  Mr.  Mather's  interefl:.  Slaughter  arrived  at 
New  York  the  year  before  Phips  arrived  in  Mafl'achufetts,  and  fent  his 
orders,  copy  of  which  I  have  feen,  to  Little  Compton,  In  Plymouth  colo- 
ny, in  terms  as  high-  and  authoritative  as  if  he  had  been  their  governor  or 
depended  upon  being  fuch.  So  that  their  jundlion  with  New  York  Seemed 
rather  Sufj^ehded  than  SuperSeded  until  they  were  adually  included  in 
Mafl^achuSetts. 

We  certainly  are  not  in  a  proper  temper  when,  becauSe  we  cannot  ob- 
tain all  which  we  think  of  right  belongs  to  us,  we  are  indifferent  whether 

wc 
*  Vol.  I.  Chap.  ii. 


Appendix. 


423 


^e  retain  any  part  of  it.  I  dare  fay  there  is  not  a  man  in  the  colony  of 
Plymouth  at  this  day,  who  does  not  think  it  a  moft  happy  circumftancc 
that  they  were  annexed  to  MafTachufetts  rather  than  to  New  York.  And 
ahhough  at  firfl  there  might  be  jealouiies  of  unequal  diAin*51ions,  upon 
fome  occalions,  in  favour  of  Maflachufetts,  yet  they  have  long  (Incc  beea 
at  an  end,  and  the  cuftoms,  manners  and  religious  oninions  of  the  two 
colonies  being  much  the  fame,  they  mutually  confider  tlfemfelves  as  having 
one  joint  general  intereft,  as  fully  in  all  refpe^ls  as  if  they  had  been  one 
colony  from  the  beginning. 


N^-     11. 

November,  1637. 

The  Examination  of  H^rs,  Ami  Hutchlnfon  at  the  court  at 

Newtovjno 

Mr  JVlnthrop, governor,  MrS.  Hutchinfon,  you  are  called  here  as  one 
«f  thofe  that  have  troubled  the  peace  of  the  Commonwealth  and  the  churcli- 
cs  here  ;  you  are  known  to  be  a  woman  that  hatli  had  a  great  fhare  in 
the  promoting  and  divulging  of  thofe  opinions  that  are  caufcs  of  this  trouble, 
and  to  be  nearly  joined  not  only  in  affinity  and  atfeciion  v/ith  fome  of  thofc 
the  court  hath  taken  notice  of  and  paflbd  cenfure  upon,  but  you  have  fpo- 
ken  divers  things,  as  we  have  been  informed,  very  prejudicial  to  the  hon- 
our of  the  churches  and  minifters  thereof ;  and  you  have  maintained  a 
meeting  and  an  affcmbly  in  your  lioufe  that  hath  been  condemned  by  the 
general  alfembly  as  a  thing  not  tolerable  nor  comely  in  the  fight  of  God 
nor  fitting  for  your  fex  ;  and  notwithilanding  that  was  cried  down,  you 
have  continued  the  fame  ;  therefore  v/e  have  thought  good  to  fend  for  you 
to  underftand  how  things  are,  that  if  you  be  In  an  erroneous  way  wc  may 
reduce  you,  that  fo  you  may  become  a  profitable  member  here  among  us, 
otherwife  if  you  be  obfHnatc  in  your  courfe,  that  then  the  court  may  take 
fuch  courfe  that  you  may  trouble  us  no  further  ;  therefore  I  would  entreat 
you  to  exprefs  whether  you  do  not  hold  and  afTent  in  praclice  to  thofe 
opinions  and  factions  that  have  been  handled  in  court  already,  that  is  to 
fay,  whether  you  do  not  juftify  Mr.  Wheelwright's  fermon  and  the 
petition. 

Mrs.  HutchhifoTu  I  am  called  here  to  anfwer  before  you,  but  I  hear 
ne  things  laid,  to  my  charge. 

G01U     I  have  told  you  fome  already,  and  more  I  can  tell  you. 
:  Mrs.  H.     Name  one,  Sir. 

Gov.     Have  1  not  named  fome  already  ? 

Mrs.  H.     What  have  I  faid  or  done  i 

Gov. 


424  APPENDIX; 

Gov.     Why  for  your  doings,  this  you  did,  harbour  and  cotintenahce 
tKofe  that  are  parties  in  this  fadldn  that  you  have  heard  cf. 
Mrs.  H.     That's  matter  of  confcience,  Sir. 
Go'v.     Your  confcience  you  mufl  keep,  ot  it  muft  be  kept  for  you. 
Mrs  H.     Mufl  not  I  then  entertain  the  faints  becaufe  I  muft  keep  my 
confcience  ? 

Gov.     Say  that  6ne  brother  fhould  commit  felony  or  treafon  and  come 
to  his  other  brother's  houfe,  if  he  knows  him  guilty  and  conceals  him,  he 
is  guilty  of  the  fame.     It  is  his  confcience  to  entertain   him,  but  if  his 
confcience  comes  into  ad  in  giving  countenance  and  entertainment  to  him 
that  hath  broken   the  law,  he  is  guilty  too.     So  if  you  do  countenance 
thofe  that  are  tranfgreffors  of  the  law,  you  are  in  the  fame  fa(5t. 
Mrs.  H.     What  law  do  they  tranfgrefs  \ 
Gov,     The  law  of  God  and  of  the  State* 
Mrs.  H.      In  what  particular  ? 

Gov.     Why  in  this  among  the  reft,  whereas  the  Lotd  doth  fay,  Hon- 
our thy  father  and  thy  mother. 
Mrs.  H.     Ky  Sir  in  the  Lord. 

Gov.     This  honour  you  have  broke  in  giving  countenance  to  them. 
Mrs.  H.     In  entertaining  thofe  did  I  ente;:tain  them  againft  any  aft 
(for  there  is  the  thing)  or  what  God  hath' appointed  \ 

Gov.     You  knew  that  Mr.  Wheelwright  did  preach  this  fermon,  and 
thofe  that  countenance  him  in  this  do  break  a  lawi 
Mrs.  H.     What  lav/  have  I  broken  \ 
Gov.     Why  the  fifth  commandmenti 
Mrs,  H.     I  deny  that  for  he  faith  in  the  Lordi 
Gov.     You  have  joined  with  them  in  the  fadion. 
Mrs.  H.     In  what  faction  have  I  joined  with  theni  \ 
Gov.     In  preferiting  the  petition. 

Mrs.  H.     Suppofe  I  had  fet  my  hand  to  the  petition,  what  thca  \ 
Gov,     You  faw  that  cafe  tried  before. 
Mrs.  H.     But  I  had  not  my  hand  to  the  petition. 
Gov,     You  have  counfelied  them. 
Mrs,  H.     Wherein  ? 
Gov,     Why  in  entertaining  them. 
Mrs.  H,     What  breach  of  law  is  that.  Sir  \ 
Gov,     Why  dlfhonouring  of  parents. 

Mrs,  H.  But  put  the  cafe,  Sir,  that  I  do  fear  the  Lord  and  my 
parents,  may  not  I  entertain  them  that  fear  the  Lord  becaufe  my  parents 
v/IU  not  give  me  leave  ? 

Gov.  If  they  be  the  fathers  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  they  of  another 
religion,  if  you  entertain  them  then  you  difhonour  your  parents  and  are 
juftly  punifhable. 

Mrs,  H,  If  I  entertain  them,  as  they  have  difiionoured  their  parents 
I  do. 

Gov,  No,  but  you,  by  countenancing  them  above  others,  put  honour 
upon  them. 

Mrs.  H,  I  may  put  honour  upon  them  as  the  children  of  God,  and 
as  they  do  honour  the  Lord. 

Gov,     We  do  not  mean  to  difcourfe  with  thofe  of  your  fex  but  only 

this  % 


APPENDIX, 


4^5 


this ;  you  do  adhere  unto  them,  and  do  endeavour  to  fct  forward  this  fas- 
frion,  and  fo  you  do  difliont)ur  us. 

Mrs.  H,  1  do  acknowledge  no  fuch  thing,  neither  do  I  think  that  I 
ever  put  any  difhonour  upon  you. 

Gov.  Why  do  you  keep  fuch  a  meeting  at  your  houfc  as  you  do  every 
week  upon  a  fet  day  ? 

Mrs.  H.  It,  is  lawful  for  me  fo  to  do,  as  it  is  all  your  pravflices  ;  and 
can  you  find  a  warrant  for  yourfelf,  and  condemn  mc  for  the  fiime  ^hing  ? 
The  ground  of  my  taking  it  up  was,  when  I  firft  came  to  this  land  becaufe 
I  did  not  go  to  fuch  meetings  as  thofe  were,  it  w.is  prefently  reported  that. 
1  did  not  allow  of  fuch  meetings,  but  held  them  unlawful,  and  therefore 
in  that  regard  they  faid  I  was  proud  and  did  defpife  all  ordinances  ;  upon 
that  a  friend  came  unto  me  and  told  me  of  it,  and  1  to  prevent  fjcli 
afperJions  took  it  up,  but  it  was  in  praflice  before  I  came,  therefore  1  v/as 
fiot  the  firft. 

Gov.  For  this,  that  you  appeal  to  our  pra<5lice,  3^ou  need  no  confuta- 
tion. If  your  meeting  had  anfwered  to  the  foriiier  it  had  not  b^en  aften- 
five,  but  I  will  fay  that  there  was  no  meeting  of  women  alone,  but  ypur 
meeting  is  of  another  fort,  for  there  are  fometimcs  men  amon^  you. 

Mrs.  H.     There  was  ncvet  any  man  v.ith  us. 

Gcv.  Well,  admit  there  was  no  man  at  your  meeting  and  that  you 
was  forry  for  it,  there  is  no  warrant  for  your  doings,  and  by  what  warrant 
do  you  continue  fuch  a  courfe  ? 

Mrs.  H.  I  conceive  there  lies  a  clear  rule  in  Titus,  that  the  elder 
Women  fliould  znflruft  the  younger,  and  then  I  muft  have  a  time  whereia 
1  muft  do  it. 

Gdv.  All  this  i  grant  you  ;  I  grant  you  a  time  for  it  ;  but  what  is 
this  to  the  purpofe,  that  you,  Mrs.  Kutchinfon,  muft  call  a  company  to- 
gether from  their  callings  to  come  to  be  taught  of  you  ? 

Mrs.  H^  Will  it  picafe  you  to  anfwer  me  this,  and  to  give  me  a  rule, 
for  then  I  will  willingly  fubmit  to  any  truth.  If  any  come  to  my  houfe 
to  be  inftruc5ltd  in  the  ways  of  God,  what  rule  have  I  to  put  them  away  ? 

Gov.  But  fuppofe  that  a  hundred  men  come  unto  you  to  be  inftruflcd, 
will  you  forbear  to  inilru^  them  ? 

Mrs.  H.     As  far  as  1  conceive  I  crofs  a  rule  in  it. 

Gov.     Very  well,  and  do  you  not  fo  here  ? 

Mrs.  H.     No,  Sir,  for  my  ground  is  they  arc  men. 

Gov,  Men  and  women  all  is  one  for  that  ;  but  fappofc  that  a  man 
ihould  come  and  fay,  Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  I  hear  that  you  are  a  woman  that 
God  hath  given  his  grace  unto,  and  you  have  knowledge  in  the  worcL^f 
God,  I  pray  inftnidl  me  a  little  ;  ouolit  you  not  to  inlhu<S  this  man  ?  * 

Mrs.  H.  I  think  I  may.'  Do  you  think  it  not  lawfol  for  m$  to 
teach  women,  and  why  do  you  call  me  to  teach  the  court  ? 

Gon.     We  do  not  call  you  to  teach  the  court,  but  to  lay  open  yourfelf, 

Mrs.  H.  1  defire  you  that  you  would  then  fet  me  down  a  rule  by 
which  I  may  put  them  away  that  come  unto  me,  and  fo  have  peucc  in  fo 
doing. 

Gov.     You  muft  ftiew  your  rule  to  receive  thcm^. 

Mrs.  H.     I  have  done  it. 
Vol,  II.  D  d  Gov. 


426  APPENDIX. 

Goi).     I  deny  it,  becaufe  I  have  brought  more  arguments  than  yo'u  ^ave. 
Mrs.  If.     1  fay,  to  me  it  is  a  rule. 

Mr.  Endtcot,  You  fay  there  are  fome  rules  unto  you.  I  think  there 
is  a  contradicftLon  in  your  own  words. .  What  rule  for  your  pra6tic€  do' 
you  bringj  only  a  cuftom  in  E'ofton. 

Mrs.  H.  No,  Sir,  that  was  no  rule  to  me,  but  if  you  look  upon  the 
rule  in  Titus  it  is  a  rule  to  me.  If  you  convmce  me  that  it  is  no  rule 
ifhalTyieM. 

Gov.  You  know  that  there  Is  no  rule  tlrat  croffes  another,  but  this 
rule  crofles  that  in  the  Corintbians.  B<it  ^''ou  mufl:  take  it  in  this  fenfe, 
tliat  elder  women  mult  inflruft  the  younger  about  their  bufmefs,  and  ta 
love  their  hufbands,  and  not  to  make  them  to  clafh. 

Mrs'.  H.  I  do  not  conceive  but  that  it  is  meant  for  fome  pubKc  times. 
■    Gov.     Well,  have  you  no  more  to  fay  but  this  ? 

Mrs.  H.     I  have  fiid  fufhcient  for  my  practice. 

Gon).  Your  courfe  is  not  to  be  fuffered  for,  befides  that  we  find  fuch  a 
GDurfe  an  this  to  be  greatly  prejudicial  to  the  State,  befides  the  occafiori 
that  -it  is  to  feduce  many  honed  perfons  that  are  called  to  thofe  meetings, 
and  your  opinion's  beiirg  known  to  be  different  from  the  word  of  God  may 
(educe  many  fimple  fouls  that  refort  unto  you,  befides  that  the  occafion 
\?1ilch  hath  come  of  late  hath  conte  from  none  but  fuch  as  have  frequented 
your  meetings,  fo  that  now  they  are'  flown  off  from  m'agiftratcs  and  minif- 
ters,  and  this  fmce  they  have  come  to  you,  and  befides  that  it  will  not 
well  ftand  with  the  Commonwealth,  that  families  fhould  be  negle(^ed  for 
fo  many  neighbours  and  dames  and  fo  much  time  fpent,  we  fee  no  rule  of 
God  for  this,  we  fee  not  that  any  jQiould  have  authority  to  fet  up  any  other 
^xercifes  befides  what  authority  hath  already  fet  up,  and  fo  what  hurt 
comes  of  this  you  will  be  guilty  of,  and  we  for  fuffering  you. 

Mrs.  H.     Sir,  I  do  not  believe  that  to  be  fo. 

Go^u  Well,  we  fee  how  it  is,  we  riiult  therefore  put  it  away  from  you, 
ar  rcftiain  you  from  maintaining  this  courfe. 

Mrs*  II.     If  you  have  a  rule  for  it  from  God's  word  you  may. 

Gov.  We  are  your  judges,  and  net  you  ours,  and  we  mufl:  compel 
you  to  it. 

Mrs.  H.  If  it  pleafe  you  by  authority  to  put  it  down  I  will  freely  let 
you,  for  I  am  fubje6t  to  your  authority; 

Mr.  Bradflreet."^  I  v^'oiild  afic  this  queflion  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon, 
whether  you  do  think  this  is  lawful  ?  for  then  this  will  follow,  that  all 
other  v/omen  that  do  not  are  in  a  fin. 

Mrs.  H.      I.  conceive  this  is  a  free-will  oifering. 

Bradll.  If  it  be  a  free-\\ill  offering  you  ought  to  forbear  it,  beoaufe 
it  gives  offence. 

•Mrs.  II.  Sir,  in  regard  of  myfelf  I  could,  but  for  others  I  do  not  yet 
f©c  light,  but  (hall  further  confider  of  it. 

Bradjl.  I  am  not  againft  all  women's  meetings,  but  do  think  them  to 
be  lawful. 

Mr.  Dudley  drp.  gov.  Here  hath  been  much  fpoken  concerning  Mrs. 
Hutchinfon's  meetings,  and  among  other  «infwers,  fhe  faith  that  men  come 

not 
*  One  of  the  afliflants. 


APPENDIX.  427 

BOt  there  ;  I  would  afk  you  this  one  queftion  then,    whether  never  acy 
man  was  at  your  meeting  ? 

Gov.     There  are  two  meetings  kept  at  their  houfe, 

Dep.  gov.     How  ?    Is  there  two  meetings  ? 

Mrs.  H.     Ey  Sir,    I  fhall-  not  equivocate,  there  is  a  meeting  of  men 
and  women,  and  there  is  a  meeting  only  for  women. 

Dep.  gov.     Are  they  both  conftant  ? 

Airs.  H.     No,  but  upon  occafions  they  are  deferred. 

Mr.  Endlcot.*  Who  teaches  in  the  men's  meetings,  none  but  men, 
do  not  women  fometimes  ? 

Mrr.  H.     Never  as  1  heard,  not  one. 

Dep.  gov.  I  would  go  a  little  higher  with  Mrs.  Hutchinfon.  About 
three  years  ago  we  were  all  in  peace.  Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  from  that  time 
fhe  came,  hath  made  a  difturbance,  and  fome  that  came  over  with  her  in 
the  fhip  did  inform  me  what  fhe  was  as  foon  as  fhe  was  landed.  1  being 
then  in  place  dealt  with  the  paftor  and  teacher  of  Boflon,  and  defired  them 
to  inquire  of  her,  and  then  I  was  fatisfied  that  fne  held  nothing  different 
from  us  ;  but  within  half  a  year  after,  fhe  had  vented  divers  of  her  flrange 
opinions  and  had  made  parties  in  the  countn,-,  and  at  length  it  comes  that 
Mr.  Cotton  and  Mr.  Vane  were  of  her  judgment  ;  but  Mr.  Cotton  hath 
cleared  himfelf  that  he  was  not  of  that  mind  ;  but  now  it  appears  by  this 
woman's  meeting  that  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  hath  fo  foreflallcd  the  minds  of 
many  by  their  refort  to  her  meeting  that  now  .fhe  hath  a  potent  party  in 
the  country.  Now,  if  all  thefe  things  have  endangered  us  as  from  that 
foundation,  and  if  flie  in  particular  hath  difparaged  all  our  miniflers  in  the 
land  that  they  have  preached  a  covenant  of  works,  and  only  Mr.  Cotton 
a  covenant  of  grace,  why  this  is  net  to  be  fuffered,  and  therefore  being 
driven  to  the  foundation,  and  it  being  found  that  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  is  fhe 
that  hath  depraved  all  the  miniflers  and  hath  been  the  caufe  of  what  is 
fallen  out,  why  we  mufl  take  away  the  foundation  and  the  building  will 
fall. 

Mrs.  H.  I  pray,  Sir,  prove  it  tliat  I  fald  they  preached  nofhing  but 
a  covenant  of  works. 

/)(?/.  gov.  Nothing  but  a  covenant  of  works  ?  why  a  Jefuit  may  preach 
truth  fometimes. 

Mrs.  H.     Did  I  ever  fay  they  preached  a  covenant  of  works  then  ? 

Dep.  gov.  If  they  do  not  preach  a  covenant  of  grace  clearlv,  then  they 
preach  a  covenant  of  works. 

Mrs.  H.  No,  Sir,  one  may  preach  a  covenant  of  grace  more  clearly 
than  another  ;  fo  I  faid. 

Dep.  gov.     We  are  not  upon  that  now,  but  upon  pofition. 

Mrs.  H.     Prove  this  then.  Sir,  that  you  fay  I  faid. 

Dep.  gov.  When  they  do  preach  a  covenant  of  works  do  they  preach 
truth  ? 

Mr:.  H.  Yes,  Sir,  but  when  they  preach  a  coTCoant  of  works  for  fal- 
Tation,  that  is  not  truth. 

Dep.  gov^  I  do  but  alk  you  this,  when  the  miniflers  do  preach  a  cov- 
enant of  works  do  they  preach  a  way  of  falvation  ? 

Mrs»  H.     I  did  not  come  hither  to  anfwer  to  queftions  of  that  fort. 

D  d  2  ZJ^jfc. 

*  One  %i  the  aiiilants. 


428  APPENDIX. 

Dep.  gov.     Becaufe  you  will  deny  the  thmg. 

Mrs.  H.     Ey,  but  that  is  to  be  proved  fiifh 

Dep.  gov.  I  will  make  it  plain  that  you  did  fay  that  the  minillers  did 
preach  a  covenant  of  works. 

Mrs.  H,     I  deny  that. 

Dep.  go-v.  And  that  you  faid  they  were  not  able  minifters  of  the 
New  Teilaraent,  but  Mr.  Cotton  only. 

Mrs.  II.     If  ever  I  fpake  that  I  proved  it  by  God's  word. 

Court.     Very  well,  very  well. 

Mrs.  H.  If  one  (liall  come  unto  me  in  private,  and  defire  me  ferioufly 
to  tell  them  what  I  thought  of  fuch  an  one— I  muft  either  fpeak  falfe  or 
true  in  my  anfwer. 

Dtp),  gov.  Likewife  I  will  prove  this,  that  you  faid  the  gofpel  in  the 
letter  and  words  holds  forth  nothiHg  but  a  covenant  of  works,  and  that 
all  that  do  not  hold  as  you  do  are  in  a  covenant  of  works. 

Mrs.  H.  I  deny  this,  for  if  I  fliould  fo  fay  I  fiiould  fpeak  againft  my 
own  judgment.  .   '' 

Mr.  End'u-of.  I  defire  to  fpeak,  feeing  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  feems  to  lay 
fonjelhirg  againil  them  that  are  to  witnels  againft  her. 

Gov.  Only  I  wcuM  add  this.  It  is  well  difcerned  to  the  court  that 
Mrs.  Hutchinfon  can  tell  when  tA  fpeak  and  wheA  to  hold  her  tongue. 
Upon  the  anfwering  of  a  queftion  which  we  defire  her  to  tell  her  thoughts 
of  flie  defires  to  be  pardoned. 

Airs.  Hi  It  is  one  thing  for  \\i*  to  come  before  a  public  magiftracy 
and  there  to  fpeak  what  they  would  have  me  to  fpeak,  and  another  when 
■A  man  comes  to  me  in  a  way  of  friendlhip  privately,  there  is  difference  in 
that. 

Gov.     What  if  the  matter  be  all  one  .^ 

Mr.  Hugh  Peters.*  That  which  concerns  us  to  fpeuk  unto  as  yet  we  are 
fparing  in^unlefs  the  court  command  us  to  fpeak;  then  we  Ihall  anfwer  to 
Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  notwithltanding  our  brethren  are  very  unwilling  to 
aniwer. 

Gov,  This  fpeech  was  rtot  fpokcn  in  a  corner,  but  in  a  public  afTembly  ; 
and  thouQ.h  things  were  fpoken  in  private,  yet  now  coining  to  us,  we  are 
to  deal  with  them  as  public. 

Mr.  Peters.  We  (hall  give  you  a  fair  accotmt  of  what  was  faid,  and 
defire  that  we  may  not  be  thought  to  come  as  informers  againft  the  gen- 
tlewoman, but  as  it  may  be  ferviceable  for  the  country  and  our  pofterity  to 
give  you  a  brief  account.  This  gentlewoman  went  under  fufpicion,  not 
only  from  her  landing,  that  flie  was  a  woman  not  only  diificult  in  her 
opinions,  but  alfo  of  an  intemperate  fpirit.  What  was  done  at  her  land- 
ing I  do  not  well  remember,  but  as  foon  as  Mr.  Vane  and  ourfelves  cai«e 
this  controvcrfy  began,  yet  it  did  refled  upon  Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  and  fome 
of  our  brethren  had  dealt  with  her  ;  and  it  fo  fell  out  that  fome  of  our 
miniftry  doth  fuffer  as  if  it  were  not  according  to  the  gofpel,  and  as  if  we 
taught  a  covenant  of  works  inftead  of  a  covenant  of  grace.  Upon  thefe 
and  the  like  we  did  addrefs  ourfelves  to  the  teacher  of  that  church,  and 
the  court  then  affembled  being  f^nfible  of  thefe  things,  and  this  gentle- 
woman being  as  we  underftood  a  chief  agent,  our  defire  to  the  teacher  was 

to 
*  Mfeifter  of  Salcm,  afterwards  fa»6u5  in  England. 


APPENDIX.  429 

to  tell  us  wherein  the  difference  lay  betwfeen  him  and  us,  for  the  fpring  did 
then  arifc  as  nvc  did  conceive  from  this  gentlewoman,  and  fo  \vq  told  him. 
He  faid  that  he  thought  it  not  according  to  God  to  commend  this  to  th<j 
magilbates,  but  to  take  ibme  other  courfe,  and  fo  going  on  in  the  difcouric 
we  thought  it  good  to  fend  for  this  gentlewoman,  and  Ihc  willingly  came, 
and  at  the  very  firft  we  gave  her  notic^e  that  fuch  reports  t,here  were  ihnt 
(he  did  conceive  our  miniftry  to  be  different  from  the  miniftry  of  tlue  gof- 
pel,  and  that  we  taught  a  covenant  of  works,  &c.  and  this  was  her  table 
talk,  and  therefore  wg  delircd  her  to  clear  hcrfelf  and  deal  [>lain}y.  She 
%vas  ver)'  tender  at  the  firft.  Some  of  our  l»rethreji  did  defire  to  put  this 
upon  proof,  and  then  her  words  upon  that  were — The  fear  of  man  is  a 
fnare,  why  fliould  I  be  afraid  ?  Thefe  were  her  v/ords.  I  did  then  take 
upon  me  to  arte  her  this  queftion.  What  difference  do  you  conceive  to  be 
between  your  teacher  and  us  ?  §he  did  not  requeft  us  that  we  fhould  prc- 
ferve  her  from  danger,  or  that  we  fliQuld  be  filent.  Br-lcdy,  flic  toM  me 
there  was  a  wide  and  broad  difference  between  our  brother  Mr.  Cotton 
and  ourfelves.  I  defired  to  know  the  difference.  She  anfwercd  that  he 
preaches  the  covenant  of  grace  and  you  the  covenant  of  v/orks,  and  that 
you  are  not  able  minifters  of  tlic  New  Tcflament,  and  know  no  more  than 
the  apoftles  did  before  the  refarrection  of  ChrilL.  I  did  then  put  it  to 
her,  What  do  you  conceive  of  fuch  a  brother  ?  She  anfy/ered  he  had  not 
the  feal  of  the  Spirit.  And  other  things  we  aflced  her,  bi^t  gcfieral'y  tlic 
frame  of  her  courfe  was  this,  t^iat  fic  did  coneeive  that  wc  were  not  abie 
jniniftcrs  of  the  gofpel.  And  that  day  being  pafl,  our  brother  Cotton  was 
forry  that  fhe  fhould  lay  us  under  a  covenant  of  works,  and  QOuld  have 
wifhed  flie  had  not  done  fo.  The  eiders  being  there  prefent  v/c  did  charge 
them  with  her,  and  the  teacher  of  the  place  fjid  they  v/ould  fpeak  furtiier 
with  her,  and  after  fome  time  flie  anfwered  that  we  were  gone  as  far  as  the 
apoflles  were  before  Chriff's  afcenfion.  And  fmce  that  we  have  gone 
with  tears  feme  of  us  to  her. 

Mrs.  H.  If  our  paftor  would  flicw  his  writings  you  fliould  fee  what  I 
faid,  and  that  many  things  are  not  fo  as  is  reported. 

Mr.  JVilfon.*  Sifter  Hutchinfon,  for  the  writings  you  fj)eak  of  1  have 
them  not,  and  this  I  muft  fay,  I  did  not  write  down  all  that  was  faid  and 
did  p^fs  betwixt  one  and  another,  yet  I  fay  what  is  written  I  will  avouch. 

Dep.  ^Qv.  I  defire  that  the  other  elders  will  fay  what  Mr.  Peters  halh 
faid. 

Mr.  IVchL\  Being  defired  by  the  honoured  court,  that  wliich  our 
brother  Peters  hath  fpoken  was  the  truth,  and  things  were  fpoken  as  he 
hath  related,  and  the  occafion  of  calling  this  fifter  and  the  paiT.vges  that 
were  there  among  us.  And  myfelf  aficing  why  flie  did  caft  fuch  af])erf)ons 
upon  the  minifters  of  the  country, ^though  we  were  poor  finful  men,  and  for 
ourfelves  we  cared  not,  but  for  the  prpcious  doftrine  we  held  forth  Vv'e  could 
not  but  grieve  to  hear  that  fo  blafphemed.  She  at  that  time  v/as  fparing 
in  her  fpeech.  I  need  not  repeat  the  things,  they  have  been  truly  related. 
She  f^iid  the  fear  of  man  is  a  fnare  and  therefore  I  will  fpeak  freely,  and 
(lie  fpake  her  judgment  and  mind  freely  as  was  before  related,  that  Mr. 
Cotton  did  preach  a  covenant  of  grace    and  we   a  covenant  of  works. 

And 
*  Paftor  or  one  of  the  minlfccrs  of  Bofton. 
I  Minifler  of  Rtxburjr.     He  wrote  th»-hillory  of  antinombniifm. 


436  APPENDIX. 

And  this  I  rerneniber  flis  Taid,  we  could  not  preach  a  covenant  of  grace 
becaufe  we  were  not  fealed,  and  we  were  not  able  minifters  of  the  Ne>sr 
Tefbment,  no  more  than  were   the   difciples   before  the  refurredtion   of 

ChrilL  .         r      ■ 

Mr.  Phillips.^     Tor  my  own  part  I  have  had  little  to  do  m  thefe  things, 
only  at  that  time  1  was  there,  and  yet  not  being  privy  to  the  ground  of 
that  which  our  brother  Peters  hath  mentioned,  but  they  procuring  me  to 
go  along  with  them,  telling  me  that  they  were  to  deal  with  her  ;  at  firft 
fhe  was  unwilling  to  anfwer,  but  at  length  ihe   faid  there  was  a  great  deal 
of  difference  bet^ween  Mr.  Cotton  and  we.     Upon  this  Mr.  Cotton  did  fay 
that  he  could  have  wifhed  that  fhe  had  not  put  that  in.     Being  aiked  of 
particulars,   fhe  did  inftance  in   Mr.  Shephard  that  he  did  not  preach  a 
covenant  of  grace  clearly,  and  flie  inftanced  our  brother  Weld.     Then  I 
aflced  her  of  myfelf  (being    fhe  fpake  rafhly    of  them  all)   becaufe  fh^ 
never  heard  me  at  all.     She  likewife  faid  that  we  were  not  able  miniflers 
of  the  New  Teftament,   and  her  reafon  was  becaufe  we  were  not  fealed* 
Mr.  Simmes.f     For  my  own  part,   being  called  to  fpeak  in  this  cafe  to 
difcharge  the  relation   wherein  I    fknd  to  the  Commonwealth  and    that 
which  1  (bnd  in  unto  God,  I  fhall  fpeak  briefly.     For  my  accjuaintance 
with  this  perfon  I  had  none  in  our  native  country,  only  I  had  occafion  to 
be  in  her  company  once  or  twice  before  I  came,  where  I  did  perceive  that 
fhe  did  flight  the  minifters  of  the  word  of  God.     But  I  came  along  with 
her  in  the  fhi-,  and  it  fo  fell  out  that  we  were  in  the  great  cabin  together, 
and  therein  did  agree  with  the  labours  of  Mr.  Lothrop  and  myfelf,  only 
there  wifs   a  fecret   oppofition  to  things  delivered.     The  main  thing  th&t 
was  then  in  hand  was  about  the  evidencing  of  a  good  eftate,  and   among 
the  reft  about  that  place    in  John  concerning  the    love    of  the  brethren. 
That  which  I  took  notice  of  was  the  corruptnefs  and  narrownefs  of  her 
opinions,  which  1  doubt  not  but  I  may  call  them  fo  ;  but  fhe  faid,  whep 
fhe  came   to  Bofton  there  would  be  fomething  more  feen  than  I  faid,  for 
fuch  fpeeches  w?re  cafl  about  and  abufed  as  that  of  our  Saviour,  I  have 
many  things  to  fay,  but  you  cannot  bear  them  now.     And  being  come, 
and  flie  defiring  to  be  admitted  a  member,  I  was  defired  to  be  there,  and 
then  Mr.  Cotton  did  give  me  full  fatisfadlion  in  the  things  then  in  queftion. 
And  for  things  which  have  been  here  fpoken,  as  far  as  I  can  remember, 
they  are  the  truth,  and  when  I  aflved  her  what  fhe  thought  of  me,  fhe  faid, 
Alas,  you  know  my  mind  long  ago  ;  yet  I  do  not  think  myfelf  difparaged 
by  her  teftimony  ;  and  I  would  not  trouble  the  court,  only  this  one  thing 
1  fhall  put  in,   that  Mr.  Dudley  and  Mr.  Haines  were  not  wanting  in  the 
caufe  after  I  had  given  notice  of  her. 

Mr.  IVilfon.  1  defire  you  would  give  me  leave  to  fpeak  this  word, 
becaufe  of  what  has  been  faid  concerning  her  entrance  into  the  church. 
There  was  fome  difficulty  made,  but  in  her  anfwers  fhe  gave  full  fatisfac- 
tion  to  our  teacher  and  myfelf,  and  for  point  of  evidencing  juftification  by 
fanaification  flie  did  not  deny,  but  only  juftificatiou  mufl  be  firft.  Our 
teacher  told  her  then,  that  if  flie  was  of  that  mind  fhe  would  take  away 
the  fcruple  ;  for  we  thought  that  matter,  for  point  of  order  we  did  not 
greatly  ftand  upon,  becaufe  we  hoped  flie  would  hold  with  us  in  that  truth 
as  well  as  the  other.  j^^^ 

*  Miniiler  pf  Watertown.  f  Minifter  of  C^arleftpT/n. 


APPENDIX.  431 

Mr.  Shtpharrl.*  I  am  loth  to  (peak  in  this  aflcmbly  concerning  this 
igentlcwonian  in  qucftxon,  but  I  can  do  no  Icfs  tlian  f])cak  wliat  my  con* 
fcience  fpeaks  unto  me.  For  perfonal  reproaches  I  take  it  a  man's  wif- 
vlora  to  conceal.  Concerning  the  reproaches  of  the  miniflry  of  ours 
there  hath  been  many  in  the  country,  and  tliis  hath  been  my  thoughts 
of  that.  I-.et  men  fpeak  what  they  will,  not  only  againfl  pcrfons  but 
•gainfl  minillry,  let  that  pafs  ;  but  let  us  ftrivc  to  fpeak  to  the  cvn- 
fciences  of  men,  knowing  that  if  we  had  the  truth  with  us  wc  ih;iil  not 
need  to  approve  our  words  by  our  pra<5tice  and  our  minidry  to  the  hearts 
of  the  people,  and  tliey  fliould  fpeak  for  us,  and  therefore  I  hiive  fi..tisf  cd 
myfclf  and  the  bretliren  with  that.  N;.>w  for  that  v/liLch  concerns  this 
gentlewoman  at  this  time,  I  do  not  well  remember  every  particular,  only 
this  I  do  remember,  that  the  end  of  our  meeting  was  to  fatisfy  ourfelves  m 
iome  points.  Among  the  reft,  Mrs.  Hutchinfun  was  deiired  to  fpcr.k  her 
thoughts  concerning  the  miniiters  of  the  Bay.  Now  I  remember  tliat  ihe 
faid  that  we  were  not  able  miniders  of  the  New  Tellaipent.  I  fcllov/cd 
her  with  particulars  ;  flic  inftanced  myfelf,  as  being  at  the  Icdure  and 
hearing  me  preach  when  as  I  gave  fome  means  whereby  a  Chriftian  miglit 
come  to  the  afTurance  of  God's  lo.ve.  She  irJlanced  that  I  was  not  fealed. 
I  faid  why  did  flie  fay  fo.  She  faid,  becaufe  you  put  love  for  an  evidence. 
Now  I  am  fure  fiie  was  in  an  error  in  this  ^seech,  for  if  aflyjancc  be  ;.n 
holy  eftatc,  then  I  am  fure  there  are  not  graces  wanting  to  evidence  it. 

Mr.  Eliot. \  I  am  lo^h  to  fpend  time,  tiierefore  I  Ihall  confcrit  to  what 
hath  been  faid.  Our  brethren  did  entreat  us  to  write,  and  a  few  things  I 
did  write,  the  fubftance  of  which  hath  been  hejc  fpoken,  and  I  have  it  in 
writing,  therefore  1  do  avouch  it. 

Mr.  Sbi^hariL  I  dcfire  to  fpeak  this  word,  it  may  be  bui  a  flip  of 
her  tongue,  and  I  hope  fuc  will  be  forry  for  \X.f  ai?d  then  we  fliall  be  glad 
of  it. 

Dcp.  gov.  *I  called  thcfe  witncifes,  and  yoa  deny  them.  You  fee 
they  have  proved  this,  and  you  deny  this  ;  but  it  is  clear.  You  faid  they 
preached  a  covenant  of  w^orks,  and  that  they  were  not  able  minillers  of  the 
New  Tcftament ;  now  there  are  two  other  tilings  that  you  did  affirm, 
which  were,  that  the  fcriptures  in  the  letter  of  them  held  forth  nothing  but 
a  covenant  of  works,  and  iikewife  that  thufe  that  were  under  a  covenant 
of  works  capnot  be  faved. 

Mrs.  H.     Prove  that  I  faid  fo. 
Gov,     Did  you  fay  fo  ? 
Mrs.  H.     No,  Sir,  it  is  your  conclufion. 

Dep.  gov.  What  do  1  do  charging  of  you,  if  you  deny  what  is  fo  fully 
proved. 

Gov.  Here  are  fix  undeniable  mlnifters  who  fay  it  is  true,  and  yet  you 
deny  that  you  did  fjiy  that  they  did  preach  a  covenant  of  works  and  that 
they  were  not  able  minillers  of  the  gofpcl,  and  it  appears  plainly  that  you 
have  fpoken  it  ;  and  wheieas  you  fay  that  it  was  drawn  from  you  in  a  way 
of  friendiliip,  you  did  profefs  then  that  it  was  out  of  confcience  that  you 
fpakc  and  faid,  The  fear  of  man  is  a  fnare,  wherefore  ihould  I  be  afiaid  ? 
I  will  fpeak  plainly  and  freely.  ,  r . 

*  Minifter  of  Cambridge.  f  MinlfLvr  of  Roxbr.ry. 


432  APPENDIX. 

ilfrj.  H.  Tha^  I  aafolutely  deny,  for  the  firft  queftion  was  thus  an- 
fwered  by  me  to  them.  They  thought  that  I  did  conceive  there  was  a 
difference  between  them  and  Mr.  Cotton.  At  the  firft  I  was  fomewhat 
referved,  then  Taid  Mr.  Peters,  I  pray  anfwer  the  queftion  direftly,  as  fully 
and  as  plainly  a$  you  dellre  we  fhould  tell  you  our  minds.  Mr?.  Hutchin- 
fon,  we  come  for  plain  dealing,  and  telling  you  our  hearts.  Then  I  faid 
I  would  deal  as  plaialy  as  I  could  ;  and  whereas  they  fay  I  faid  they  were 
under  a  covenant  of  works  and  in  the  ftate  of  the  apoflles,  why  thefe  two 
fpeeches  crofs  one  another.  I  might  fay  they  might  preach  a  covenant  of 
works  as  did  the  apoftles,  but  to  preach  a  covenant  of  works  and  to  ba 
Tinder  a  cove-nant  of  works  is  anether  bufinefs. 

Dtp.  goii.  There  have  been  fix  witnefies  to  prove  this,  and  yet  you 
deny  it. 

Mrs.  H.     I  deny  that  thefe  were  the  firfl:  words  that  were  fpoken. 
Gov,     You  make  the  cafe  worfe,  for  you  clearly  fhew  that  the  ground 
ef  your  opening  your  mind  was  not  to  fatisfy  theip,  but  to  fatisfy  your  own 
Confcience. 

Mr.  Peters.  We  do  not  deGre  to  be  fo  narrow  to  the  court  apd  the 
gentlewoman  about  times  and  feafons,  whether  firfl:  or  after,  but  faid  it 
v/as. 

Dep.  gov.  For  that  other  thing  I  mentioned,  for  the  letter  of  the 
fcripture  that  it  held  forth  nothing  but  a  covenant  of  works,  and  for  the 
latter  that  we  are  in  a  ftate  of  damnation,  being  under  a  co\-epant  of  works,, 
or  to  that  efFe(5l,  thefe  two  things  you  alfo  deny.  Now  the  cafe  rtands 
thu^.  About  three  quarters  of  a  year  ago  I  heard  of  it,  and  fpeaking  of 
it,  there  came  one  to  me  who  is  not  here,  but  will  affirm  it  if  need  be,  as 
he  did  to  me,  that  he  did  hear  you  fay  in  fo  many  words.  He  fet  it  down 
under  his  hand,  and  I  can  bring  it  forth  when  the  court  pleafes.  His 
nan^e  is  fubfcribed  to  both  thefe  things,  and  upon  my  peril  be  it  if  I  bring 
you  not  in  the  paper  and  bring  the  mini[|er  (meaning  Mr.  Ward)  to  be 
depofed. 

'Gov.  What  fay  you  to  this  ;  though  nothing  be  diredlly  proved  yet 
you  hear  it  may  be. 

Mrs.  H.  I  acknowledge  ufing  the  words  of  the  apoftle  to  the  Corin- 
thians unto  him,  that  they  that  were  miniflers  of  the  letter  and  not  the  Spirit 
did  preach  a  covenant  of  works.  Upon  his  faying  there  was  no  fuch 
fcripture,  then  I  fetched  the  bible  and  Ihewed  him  this  place,  2  Cor.  iii.  6. 
He  faid  that  was  the  letter  of  t;he  law.  No,  faid  I,  it  is  the  letter  of  the 
gofpel. 

Gov,  You  have  fpoken  this  more  than  once  then. 
Mrs.  H..  Then  upon  further  difcourfe  about  proving  a  good  eftate, 
and  holding  it  out  by  the  manifeftation  of  the  Spirit,  he  did  acknowledge 
that  to  be  the  neareft  way  ;  but  yet,  faid  he,  will  you  not  acknowledge 
that  which  we  hold  forth "  to  be  a  way  too  whereip  we  may  have  hope  ; 
no,  truly,  if  that  be  a  way,  it  is  a  way  to  hell. 

Gov.  Mrs.  Hutchinfon,-the  court  you  ice  hath  laboured  to  bring  you 
to  acknowledge  the  error  of  your  way,  fo  that  you  might  be  reduced  ;  the 
time  now  grows  late  ;  we  fhall  therefore  give  you  a  little  more  time  to 
confider  of  it,  and  therefore  dellre  that  you  attend  the  court  again  in  the 
morning.  ^^^^^ 


APPENDIX.  43S 

The  n'e:!!t  mcrn'ikg. 

Gov.  We  proceeded  the  lafl:  night  as  far  as  we  could  in  hearing  of 
this  caufe  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon.  There  were  <livers  things  laid  to  her 
eharge,  her  ordinary  meetings  about  religion?  exercifes,  her  fpecches  in 
derogation  of  the  minifters  among  us,  and  the  weakening  of  the  hands 
and  hearts  of  the  people  towards  them.  Here  was  fufficient  proof  made 
of  that  which  (he  was  accufed  of  in  that  point  concerning  the  miniflcrs 
and  their  minillry,  as  that  they  did  preach  a  covenant  of  works  when  others 
did  preach  a  covenant  of  grace,  and  that  they  were  not  able  niinifters  of 
the  New  Tellament,  and  that  they  had  not  the  fcal  of  the  Spirit ;  and  this 
was  fpok.en  not  as  was  pretended  out  of  pri^'ate  conference,  but  out  of  con- 
fciencc  and  warrant  from  fcrlpture,  alleged  the  fear  of  man  is  a  fnare,  and 
feeing  God  had  given  her  a  calling  to  it  {lie  would  freely  fpeak.  Some 
other  fpeeches  ihe  ufed,  as  that  the  letter  of  the  fcripture  held  forth  a  cov- 
enant of  worksj  and  this  is  offered  to  be  proved  by  probable  grounds.  If 
there  be  any  thing  elfe  that  the  court  hath  to  fay  they  may  fpeak. 

Mrs.  H.  The  minifters  come  in  their  own  caufe.  Now  the  Lord 
hath  faid  that  an  oath  is  the  end  of  all  controverfy  r  tiiough  there  be  a 
fufficient  number  of  witneifes  yet  they  are  not  according  to  the  word, 
therefore  I  defire  they  may  fpeak  upon  oath. 

G(ro.  Well,  it  is  in  the  liberty  of  the  court  whether  they  will  have  an 
oath  or  no,  and  it  is  not  in  this  cafe  as  in  cafe  of  a  Jury.  If  they  be  fatif- 
fied  they  have  fufficient  matter  to  proceed. 

Mrs.  H.  I  have  fince  I  went  home  perufed  fome  notes  out  of  wHut 
Mr.  Wilfon  did  then  write,  and  I  find  things  not  to  be  as  hath  been  alleged. 

Gov,     Where  are  the  writings  ? 

Mrs.  H,     1  have  them  not,  it  may  be  Mr.  Wilfon  hath. 

Gov.     What  are  the  inftrudions  that  you  can  give,  Mr.  Wilfon  .? 

Mr.  JV'ilfon.  I  do  fay  that  Mr.  Vane  defired  me  to  write  the  difcourfe 
out,  and  whether  it  be  in  his  own  hands  or  in  fome  body's  elfe  I  know 
not.  For  my  own  copy  it  is  foniewhat  imperfed,  but  I  could  make  it  per- 
feft  with  a  little  pains. 

Gov.  For  that  which  you  allege  as  ar^  exception  again  ft  the  ciders  it  is 
vain  and  untrue,  for  they  are  no  profecutors  in  this  caufe,  but  are  called 
to  witnefs  in  the  caufe. 

Mrs.  H.     But  they  are  witnefTes  of  their  own  caufe. 

Gov.  It  is  not  their  caufe,  but  tlie  caufe  of  the  whole  country,  and 
they  were  unwilling  that  it  ihould  come  forth,  but  that  it  was  the  glory 
and  honour  of  God. 

Mrs.  H.  But  it  being  the  Lord's  ordinance  that  an  oath  fliould  be 
the  end  of  all  ftrife,  therefore  they  are  to  deliver  what  they  do  upon  oath. 

Mr.  Bradjlreet.  Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  thefe  are  but  circumftances  and 
adjun(5ts  to  the  caufe  ;  admit  they  (hould  miftake  you  in  your  fpeeches, 
you  would  make  them  to  fin  if  you  urge  them  to  fwear. 

Mrs.  H.  That  is  not  the  thing.  If  they  accufe  me  I  defire  it  may 
be  upon  oath. 

Gov,     If  the  court  be  not  fatisfied  they  may  have  an  oath. 

Mr.  Nowel*  I  ftiould  think  it  convenient  that  the  country  alfo 
ihouId  be  fatisfied,  becaufc  that    1  do  hear  it  aJTirmcd,  that  things  which 

wefs 
*  An  affii>nnt.  t 


434  A    P    P    E    N    D    I    X. 

were  fpoken   in  private  are  carried  abroad  to  the  public,  and    thereupon 
they  do  under\ralue  the  niinlfters  of  congregations. 

Air.  Brotvn.*  I  defire  to  fpeak.  If  I  miftake  not,  an  oath  is  of  a 
high  nature,  and  It  is  not  to  be  taken  but  in  a  controverfy,  and  for  my 
fart  I  am  afraid  of  an  oath,  and  fear  that  we  fhall  take  God's  name  in 
vain,  for  we  may  take  the  witnefs  of  thefe  men  without  an  outh. 

Mr.  Endicot.  I  think  the  minifters  are  fo  well  kaown  unto  us,  that  we 
need  not  take  an  oath  of  them,    but  indeed  an  oath  is  the  end  of  all  ftrife. 

Mrs.  H.     There  are  fome  that  will  take  their  oaths  to  the  contrary. 

Mr.  Endkot.  Then  it  fliall  go  under  the  name  of  a  controverfy,  ther«r 
fore  we  defire  to  fee  the  notes  and  thofe  alfo  that  will  fwear. 

Gov.     Let  thofe  that  are  not  fatisfied  in  the  court  fpeak. 

Many  fay^-We  are  not  fatisfied. 

Go'u.  I  would  fpeak  this  to  Mrs.  Hutchlpfon.  If  the  minifters  fhall 
take  an  oath  will  you  fit  down  fatisiied  f 

Mrs.  H.  I  can't  be,  notwithftanding  oaths,  fatisfied  agalnft  my  own 
confclence. 

Mr.  Stoiighton.  \  I  am  fully  fatisned  with  this  that  the  minifters  do 
ipcak  the  truth,  but  now  in  regard  of  cenfure  I  dare  not  hold  up  my  hand 
to  that,  becaufe  it  is  a  courfe  of  juftlce,  and  I  cannot  fatisfy  myfelf  to 
proceed  fo  far  in  a  way  of  juftlce,  and  therefore  I  (hould  defire  an  oath  in 
this  as  in  all  other  things.  I  do  but  fpeak  to  prevent  offenoe  if  I  Ihould 
not  hold  up  my  hand  at  the  cenfure,  unlefs  there  be  an  oath  given. 

Mr.  Peters.     We  are  ready  to  fv/ear  if  we  fee  a  way  of  God  In  it. 
{^Here  was  a  parley  between  the  deputy  governor  and  Mr.  Stoughton 
about  the  oath.] 

Mr.  Endicot.  If  they  will  not  be-  fatisfied  y/ith  a  teftimony,  an  oath 
•will  be  in  vain. 

Mr.  Stoughton.  I  am  perfuaded  that  Mrs.  Hutchlnfon  and  many  other 
godly-minded  people  will  be  fatisfied  without  an  oath. 

Mrs.  H.  An  oath.  Sir,  is  an  end  of  all  ftrife,  and  It  is  God's  ordir 
nance. 

Mr.  Endicot.  A  fign  It  is  what  ref}>e<a  flie  hath  to  their  words  ;  and 
fiirther,  pray  fee  your  argument,  you  will  h.'ive  the  words  that  were  written, 
-^d  yet  Mr.  Wilfon  faith  he  writ  not  all,  and  now  you  will  not  believe  all 
thefe  godly  minifters  without  an  oath. 

Mrs.  H.  Mr.  Wilfon  did  afSrm  that  which  he  gave  in  to  the  governor 
that  then  v/a.s  to  be  true. 

Some  reply — But  not  all  the  truth. 

Mr.  IVUfjn.     I  did  fay  fo  far  as  I  did  take  them  they  were  true. 

Mr.  UarlahendcH.X     I  would  have  the  i^^edtators  take  notice   that   the 

court  doth  not  fufped  the  evidence  that   is  given  in,  though  we  fee    that 

JTsvhatever  evidence  is  brought  in  will  not  fatisfy,  for  they  are  refolved  upon 

the  thing,  and  therefore  1  think  you  will  not  be  unwilling  to  give  your  oaths. 

Gm).  I  fee  no  neceiuty  of  an  oath  in  this  thing,  feeing  It  is  true  and 
the  fabftance  of  the  matter  confirmed  by  divers  ;  yet  that  all  may  be  fatlfr 
€ed,  if  the  elders  will  take  an  oath  they  fliall  have  it  given  them. 

Dcp.  goH).  Let  us  join  the  things  together,  that  Mrs.  Hutchlnfon  may 
Cee  what  they  have  their  oaths  for.  ^^^ 

*  A  deputy  fcr  V.'■aterto^vn  and  a  ruling;  elder  there. 
t  An  afliflant.  \  An  afTiflant. 


APPENDIX.  435 

Mrs.  H.  I  will  prove  by  what  Mr.  Wilfon  hath  written  that  they 
never  heard  me  fay  fuch  a  thing. 

Mr.  Sims,     We  defire  to  have  the  paper  and  have  it  read. 
Mr.  Harlahndcn.      1  am  perfuaded  that  is  the  truth  that  the  elders  do 
fay,  and  therefore  I  do  not  fee  it  necefTary  now  to  call  them  to  oath. 
Gov.     We  cannot  charge  any  thing  of  untruth  upon  them. 

■  Mr.  Harlakenden.     Befides,  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  doth  fay  that  they  are 
«ot  able  minifters  of  the  New  Teftament. 
Mrs.  H.     They  need  not  fwear  to  that. 

Dep.  gov.     Will  you  confefs  it  then  ? 
Mrs.  H.     1  will  not  deny  it  nor  fay  it. 

Dep.  gov.     You  muft  do  one. 

Mrs.  H.  After  that  they  have  taken  an  oath,  I  will  make  good  what 
Uay. 

Gov.  Let  us  ftate  the  cafe,  and  then  we  may  know  what  to  do.  That 
which  is  laid  to  Mrs.  Hutchinfon 's  charge  is  this,  that  flie  hath  traduced 
the  magiftrates  and  miniders  of  this  jurifdiclion,  that  fhe  hath  faid  the  min- 
ifters  preached  a  covenant  of  works  and  Mr.  Cotton  a  covenant  of  grace, 
and  that  tjiey  were  not  able  minifters  of  the  gofpel,  and  ilie  excufes  it  that 
file  made  it  a  private  conference  and  with  a  promife  of  fecrecy,  &c. — now 
tliis  is  charged  upon  her,  and  they  therefore  fent  for  her,  feeing  flie  made 
it  her  table  talk,  and  then  (lie  faid  the  fear  of  man  was  a  fnare,  and  there- 
fore fhe  would  not  be  afraid  of  them. 

Mrs.  H.  This  that  yourfelf  hath  fpoken,  I  defire  that  they  may  take' 
their  oaths  upon. 

Gov,  That  that  we  fhould  put  the  reverend  elders  unto  is  this,  that 
they  would  deliver  upon  oath  that  which  they  can  remember  themfclves. 

Mr.  Skephard.  I  know  no  reafon  of  the  oath  but  the  importunity  of 
this  gentlewoman. 

Mr.  EndicGt.  You  lifted  up  your  eyes  as  if  you  took  God  to  witnefs 
that  you  came  to  entrap  none,  and  yet  you  will  have  them  fwear. 

Mr.  Harlakenden.     Put  any  panage  unto  them  and  fee  uhat  they  fay. 

Mrs.  H.  They  fay  I  faid  the  fear  of  man  is  a  fnare,  why  fhould  1  be 
afraid  ?  When  I  came  unto  them,  they  urging  many  things  unto  me  and 
I  being  backward  to  anfwer  at  firft,  at  length  this  fcripture  came  into  my 
imnd,  xxixth  of  Prov.  15.  "  The  fear  of  man  bringeth  a  fnare,  but  whofo 
puttetli  his  truft  in  the  Lord  fhall  be  fafe.'* 

Mr.  Harlakenden.     This  is  not  an  effential  thing. 

Gov,     I  remember  his  teflimony  was  this. 

Mrs.  H.  Ey,  that  was  the  thing  that  I  do  deny,  for  tliey  were  my 
words,  and  they  were  not  fpoken  at  the  firft  as  they  do  allege. 

Mr.  Peters.  We  cannot  tell  what  was  firil  or  lafl:,  we  fuppofe  that  an 
oath  is  an  end  of  all  ftrife,  and  we  are  tender  of  it ;  yet  this  is  the  main 
thing  againfl  her,  that  fhe  charged  us  to  be  unable  miniflers  of  the  gofpel, 
and  to  preach  a  covenant  of  works. 

Gov.  You  do  underfland  the  thing,  that  the  court  is  clear,  for  we  are 
all  fatisfied  that  it  is  truth,  but  becaufe  we  would  take  away  all  fcruples, 
we  defire  that  you  would  fatisfy  the  fpedlators  by  your  oath. 

Mr.  B'l/ljop.*  I  defire  to  know  before  they  be  put  to  oath,  whether 
their  teiiimony  be  of  validity. 

♦  One  of  the  deputies  or  reprefentatives.  JJ^p' 


430    ■  APPENDIX. 

Dep.  gov.  What  do  you  mean  to  trouble  the  court  with  fuch  quef- 
tions  ?  Mark  what  a  flourish  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  puts  upon  the  bufmefs  that 
Ihe  had  witnefi^s  to  difprovc  what  was  faid,  and  here  is  no  man  to  bear 
witnefs. 

Mrs,  //.     If  you  win  not  call  them  in  that  is  nothing  to  me. 

Mr,  E:iotf  We  defire  to  know  of  her  and  her  witnefTes  what  they 
jdeny,  and  then  we  fhall  fpeak  upon  oath.  I  know  nothing  we  have 
fpoken  of  but  we  may  fwear  to. 

Mr,  Sims.     Ey,  and  more  than  we  have  fpoken  to. 

Mr.  Siougoton.  I  would  gladly  that  an  oath  fhould  be  given,  that  fo 
the  perfon  to  be  condemned  fnould  be  fatisfed  in  her  confcience,  and  1 
nvould  fay  the  fame  for  my  own  conicience  if  I  fhould  join  in  the  cenfure 
T<ivo  or  three  lines  in  the  MS  are  defaced  and  not  kgible, 

Mr,  Cogg'-jlmlL^'  I  defire  to  fpeak  a  word — It  is  defired  that  the  elders 
would  confer  with  Mr.  Cotton  before  they  fwear. 

Go^j.  Shall  we  not  believe  fo  many  godly  elders  in  a  caufe  whereia 
we  know  the  mind  of  the  par.ty  without  their  teftimony  ? 

Mr.  Endlcot  to  Mr,  Coggejlmll,  I  will  tell  you  wh^t  I  fay.  I  think 
that  this  carriage  of  yours  tends  to  further  cafling  dirt  upon  the  face  c^ 
the  judges. 

Mr,  Harlalenden,  Her  carriage  dpth  the  fame,  for  (lie  doth  KOt  object 
any  effential  thing,  but  (he  goes  upon  circumllances  and  yet  would  have 
them  fworn. 

Mrs,  H,  This  I  would  fay  unto  them.  For;^fmuch  as  it  was  affirmed 
by  the  deputy  that  he  would  bring  proof  of  th&fe  things,  and  the  elders 
they  bring  proof  iai;heir  own  caufe,  therefore  I  defire  that  particular  wit^ 
ntlFes  be  for  thefe  things  that  they  do  fpeak. 

Goxi,  The  elders  do  know  what  an  oath  is,  and  as  it  is  an  ordinance 
of  God  fo  it  Ihould  be  ufed. 

Mrs,  H,  That  is  the  thing  I  defire,  andbecaufe  the  deputy  ^ake  of 
witnefTes  I  have  them  here  prefcnt. 

Mr,  Colhorn,\  We  def  re  that  our  teacher  rnay  be  called  to  hear  what 
is  f  lid.      [Upon  this  Mr.  Cotton  came  and  fat  down  by  Mrs.  Hutchinfon. 3 

Mr,  Endicot.  This  v/ould  caft  fome  blame  upon  the  minillers — Well, 
tut  whatfoever  he  will  or  can  fay  we  will  believe  the  minifters. 

Mr.  Eliot  afid  Mr,  Sliephard,  We  defire  to  fee  liglit  why  we  fhould 
take  an  oath. 

Mr,  Stoughton.  Why  it  is  an  end  of  all  ftrife,  and  1  think  you  ought 
to  fwear  and  put  an  end  to  the  matter. 

Mr,  Peters,     Our  oath  is  not  to  fatisfy  Mrs.  Hutchinfgn  but  the  court* 

Mr,  Endicot,     The  affembly  will  be  fatisfied  by  it. 

Dep,  gov.     If  the  country  will  not  be  fatisfied  you  mvl\  fwear. 

Mr,  Shephard,     I  conceive  tlie  country  doth  not  require  it. 

Dep,  gov.     Let  her  witnelfes  be  called. 

Gov.     V/ho  be  they  ? 

Mrs,  H,     Mr.  I.everct  and  our  teacher  and  Mr.  Coggefliall. 

Gov.     Mr.  Coggefliall  was  not  prefent. 

Mr,  Coggejhall,  Yes  but  I  was,  only  I  defired  to  be  filent  till  X  fliould 
be  called.  q^^.^ 

*  One  of  the  deputies  for  Eofi:on. 

f  A  depilty  for  Bofton  and  a  ruKng  elder  in  the  ehurck. 


APPENDIX.  437 

Gov.     Will  you,  Mr.  Coggefliall,  fny  that  {l*e  did  net  fay  To  ? 

Mr.  Cog^rJlalL  Yes,  I  djrc  fyy  that  ihe  did  not  lay  all  that  which 
ihcy  lay  again  (I  her. 

Mr.  Peters.     liow  dare  you  look  into  the  ccw.rt  to  fay  Tjch  a  woid  ? 

iT/r;  CoggfJ)ji'Jl.  Mr.  Peters  tahes  upon  him  to  forbid  me.  1  fliall  be 
filent. 

Air.  Stotighton.     Ey,  but  fhe  intended  this  that  they  fay. 

Gcv.     Well,  Mr.  Leveret,  what  v/ere  the  words  I  I  pray  fpeak. 

Mr,  Leverd.*  To  my  beft  remembrance  when  the  elders  did  fend 
for  her,  Mr.  Peters  did  with  much  vchemency  and  entreaty  urge  her  to 
tell  what  difference  there  was  between  Mr,  Cctton  and  them,  and  upon 
his  urgitig  of  her  Ihe  faid — The  fear  of  man  is  a  fnare,  but  they  th<it  trutt 
upon  the  Lord  lliall  be  fafe.  -And  being  aflced  wherein  the  diticrence 
was,  fl.e  anfwercd,  that  they  did  rot  preach  a  covenant  of  grace  fo  clearly 
as  Mr.  Cotton  did,  and  fh^  gave  this  reafon  cf  it,  becaufe  th;;t  as  the  apof- 
tles  were  for  a  time  without  tlie  Spirit,  fo  until  they  had  received  the  wit^ 
r.cfs  of  the  .Sjiirit  they  could  not  preach  a  covenant  oi'«race  fo  cler.iiy. 

Gov.  r^on't  you  remember  tliut  flie  faid  they  were  not  sble  m.inifteis  of 
the  New  Teftament  ? 

Mrs.  H.  Mr.  Weld  and  I  had  an  hour's  difcourfe  at  the  window,  and 
then  I  fpnke  that,  if  I  fpake  it. 

Mr,  Weld.  Will  you  affirm  that  in  the  court  ?  Di<l  not  I  f^y  unto  yoo, 
Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  before  the  elders.  AVhen  I  produced  tlie  thin^,  ycu 
then  called  for  proof.  Was  not  my  anfwer  to  you,  leave  it  there,  and  if 
I  cannot  prove  it  you  (hall  be  blamelcfs  ? 

Mrs.  H.  This  I  remember  I  fpake,  but  do  not  you  remember  that  I 
came  afterwards  to  the  window  when  you  was  writing  .md  there  fpake 
unto  you  ? 

Mr,  JVeU:     No  truly. 

Mrs.  H.     But  I  do  v^iy  well. 

Gov,  Mr.  Cotton,  the  court  dcfires  that  you  declare  what  you  do  re- 
member cf  the  conference  which  was  at  that  time  and  is  now  in  oueflion. 

Mr,  Cotion.\  I  did  not  think  1  fliould  be  called  to  bear  witneis  in  this 
caufe  and  therefore  did  not  labour  to  call  to  remembrance  what  WiJS  done  ; 
but  the  greatest  paffage  that  took  imprefllon  upon  me  was  to  this  puipofe. 
The  elders  fpake  that  they  had  heard  that  fhe  had  fpoken  fome  condemn- 
ing words  of  their  miniftry,  and  among  other  things  they  did  fnft  ];ray 
her  to  anfwer  wherein  ftie  thought  their  mimflry  did  difler  from  m.ine  ; 
how  the  compnrifon  fprang  I  am  ignorant,  but  foiry  I  was  that  any  ccn:- 
parifon  (liould  he  between  me  and  my  bretlirea,  and  uncomfortable  it  was  ; 
9i\Q.  told  them  to  thie  purpofe  that  they  did  not  hold  fofth  a  cGven::nt  of 
grace  as  I  did,  but  wherein  did  we  differ  i*  Why  fhe  faid  that  they  did  not 
hold  forth  the  feal  of  the  Spirit  as  he  doth.  \^'here  is  the  difference 
there  ?  fay  they.  Why,  faith  (he,  fpeaking  to  one  or  other  of  them,  I 
know  not  to  whom — You  preach  of  the  feal  of  the  Spirit  upon  a  work, 
and  he  upon  free  grace  without  a  work,  or  without  rcfpccft  to  a  work  ;  he 
preaches  the  lial  of  the  Spirit  upon  free  grace  and  you  upon  a  work.  I 
told  her  I  was  very  forry  tJiat  ihe  put  comparifoRS  between  my  miniriry 

and 
*  A  ruling"eldtT  ia   B^illMi  chuiJh. 
I  Teacher  of  Bofton  church. 


438  APPENDIX. 

and  theirs,  for  fhe  had  faid  more  than  I  could  myfelf,  and  rather  I  had 
that  (he  had  put  us  in  fellowfhip  with  them  *nd  not  have  made  that  difcre- 
pancy.  She  faid,  fhe  found  the  difference.  Upoa  that  ther-e  grew  fome 
fpeeches  upon  the  thing,  and  I  do  remember  I  initaneed  to  them  the  ftory 
of  Thomas  Bilney  in  the  book  of  martyrs,  how  freely  the  Spirit  witnefled 
unto  him  without  any  refpeft  unto  a  work,  as  himfelf  profefTes.  Now 
upon  this  other  fpeeches  did  grow.  If  you  put  me  in  raind  of  any 
thing  I  fliall  fpeak  it,  but  this  was  the  fum  of  the  difference,  nor  did  it 
ffeem  to  be  fo  ill  taken  as  it  is,  and  our  brethren  did  fay  alfo  that  they 
would  not  fo  eafily  believe  reports  as  they  had  done,  and  withal  mentioned 
that  they  would  fpeak  no  more  of  it,  fome  of  them  did  ;  and  afterwards 
fome  of  them  did  fay  they  were  lefs  fatisfied  than  before.  And  I  muft 
fay  that  I  did  not  find  her  faying  they  were  under  a  covenant  of  works, 
nor  that  fhe  faid  they  did  preach  a  covenant  of  works. 

Gov.     You  fay  you  do  not  remember,  but  can  you  fay  fhe  did  not  fpeak 

fo Here  tnuo  lines  aga'm  defaced. 

Mr.  CoUoti.  I  do  remember  that  fhe  looked  at  them  as  the  apoflles 
before  the  afcenflon. 

Mr.  Peters.  I  humbly  defire  to  remember  our  reverend  teachcF.  May 
it  pleafe  you  to  remember  how  this  came  in.  Whether  do  you  not  remem- 
ber that  file  faid  we  were  not  fealed  with  the  Spirit  of  grace,  therefore 
could  not  preach  a  covenant  of  grace  ;  and  fhe  faid  further  you  may  do  it 
in  your  judgment  but  not  in  experience,  but  fhie  fpake  plump  that  we  were 
Bot  fealed. 

Mr.  Cotton.  You  do  put  me  in  remembrance  thsit  it  was  afked  her  why 
cannot  we  preach  a  covenant  of  grace  ?  Why,  faith  fhe,  becaufe  you  can 
preach  no  more  than  you  know,  or  to  that  purpofe,  fhe  fpake.  Now 
that  fhe  faid  you  could  not  preach  a  covenant  of  grace  I  do  not  remember 
fuch  a  thing.  I  remember  well  that  fhe  faid  you  were  not  fealed  with 
the  feal  of  the  Spirit. 

Mr.  Peters.  Thfere  was  a  double  feal  found  out  that  day  which  never 
was. 

Mr.  Cotton.  I  know  very  well  that  fhe  took  the  feal  of  the  Spirit  in 
that  fenfe  for  the  full  affurance  of  God's  favour  by  the  Holy  Ghoft,  and 
now  that  place  in  the  Ephefians  doth  hold  out  that  feal. 

Mr.  Peters.  So  that  was  the  ground  of  our  difcourfe  concerning  the 
great  feal  and  the  little  feal. 

Mr.  Cotton.  To  that  purpofe  I  remember  fomebody  fpeaking  of  the 
difference  of  the  witnefs  of  the  Spirit,  and  the  feal  of  the  Spirit,  fome  to  put 
a  dilHndllon  called  it  the  broad  feal  and  the  little  feal.  Our  brother 
Wheelwright    anfwered.  If  you  will  have  it  fo  be  it  fo. 

Mrs.  H.     Mr.  Ward  faid  that. 

Some  three  or  four  of  the  mmflers.     Mr.  Wheelwright  faid  it. 

Mr.  Cotton.  No,  it  was  not  brother  Wheelwright's  fpeech,  but  one  of 
your  own  exprefjions,  and  as  I  remember  it  was  Mr.  Ward. 

Mr.  Peters.      -     - 

Mr.  Cotton.     Under  favour  I  do  not  remember  that. 

Mr.  Peters.  Therefore  her  anfwer  clears  it  in  your  judgment  but  not 
in  your  experience. 

Mrs. 


APPENDIX.  43^ 

Mrs.  H.  My  name  is  precious,  and  you  do  affirm  a  thing  which  I 
Utterly  deny. 

Dep.  gov.     You  rhould  have  brought  tJie  book  with  you. 
Mr.  Notuell.     The  witnefl'es  do  not  anfwer  that  which  you  require. 
Gov.     I  do  not   fee  that  we   need  their   telHmony   any  further.    "  Mr. 
Cotton  hath  cxprefTed  what  he   remembered,  and  what  took  imprcflion 
upon  him,   and  fo  I  think  the  other  elders  alfo  did  remember  that  which 
took  imprefllon  upon  them. 

Mr.  Weld.  I  then  fiid  to  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  when  it  was  come  ta  this 
iflue,  why  did  you  let  us  go  thus  long  and  never  tell  us  of  it  ? 

Gov.  I  fliould  wondtr  why  the  elders  fliould  move  the  elders  of  our 
congregation  to  have  dealt  with  her  if  they  f.tw  not  forae  caufe. 

Mr.  Cotton.  Broth&r  Weld  and  brother  Shephard,  I  did  then  clear 
myfelf  unto  you  that  I  underftood  her  fpeech  in  exprelTing  herfelf  to  you 
that  you  did  hold  forth  fome  matter  in  your  preaching  that  was  not  pciti- 

nent  to  the  feal  oi  the  Spirit T^mo  lines  (kfaced. 

Dsp.  gov.     They  affirm  that  Mrs»   Hutchinfon  did  fay  they  were  not 
able  minifters  of  the  New  Teftament. 
Mr.  Cotton.      I  do  not  remember  it. 

Mrs.  H.  If  you  pleafe  to  give  me  leave  I  fhall  give  you  the  ground  of 
xvhat  I  know  to  be  true.  Being  mueh  troojbled  to  fee  the  falfcnefs  of  the 
conlHtution  of  die  church  of  England.  1  had  like  to  have  turned  feparatift  ; 
whereupon  I  kept  a  day  of  folemn  humiliation  and  pondering  of  the  thin;^  5 
this  fcripture  was  brought  unto  me — He  thai  denies  jfefus  Chr'ijl  to  he  come 
in  the  fejh  is  antichrtj} — this  I  confidered  of,  and  in  conlidering  fourid  that 
the  Papiih  did  not  deny  him  to  be  come  in  the  ilcih,  nor  we  did  not  deny 
him — who  then  was  antichrid  ?  Was  the  1'urk  antichrift  only  ?  The 
Lord  knows  t"hat  I  could  not  open  fcripture  ;  he  mult  by  his  prophetical 
office  open  it  unto  me.  So  after  that  being  unfatisiied  in  the  thing,  the 
Lord  was  pleafed  to  bring  this  fcripture  out  of  the  Hebrews.  He  that 
denies  the  teftament  denies  the  teftator,  and  in  this  did  open  unto  me  and 
give  me  to  fee  that  thofe  which  did  not  teach  the  new  covenant  had  the 
fpirit  of  antlchrili,  and  upon  this  he  did  difcover  the  minittry  unto  me  and 
ever  fince.  I  blefs  the  Lord,  he  hath  let  me  fee  which  was  the  clear 
miniftry  and  which  the  wrong.  Since  that  time  I  confefs  I  have  beea 
more  choice,  and  he  hath  led  me  to  diilinguilh  betv/een  the  voice  of  my  be- 
loved and  the  voice  of  Mofes,  the  voice  of  John  Baptifl  and  the  voice  of 
antichrift,  for  all  thofe  voices  are  fpoken  of  in  fcripture.  Now  if  you  do 
condemn  me  for  fpeaking  what  in  my  confcience  I  know  to  be  truth  I 
muft  commit  myfelf  unto  the  Lord, 

Mr.  Notuell.     How  do  you  know  that  that  was  the  Spirit  ? 
Mrs.  H.     How  did  Abraham  know  that  it  was  God  that  bid  liira  o2cr 
his  Son,  being  a  breach  of  the  fixth  commandment  ? 
Dep.  gov.     By  an  immediate  voice. 
Mrs.  H.     So  to  me  by  an  immediate  revelation. 
Dep.  gov.     How  !   an  immediate  revelation. 

Mrs.  H.  By  the  voice  of  his  own  Spirit  to  my  foul.  I  wiU  give  you 
aaother  fcripture,  Jcr.  xlvi.  27,  28— out  of  wliich  the  Lord  Ihewed  nit; 
what  he  would  do  for  me  and  the  reft  of  his  fervants. — But  aftjr  he.  was 

plcafc<f 


440 


APPENDIX. 


pleafcd  to  reveal  hlmfelf  to  me,  I  did  prefently  like  Abraham  run  to  Ha- 
i^ar.  -And  after  that  he  did  let  me  fee  the  atheifm  of  my  own  heart,  for 
which  I  begged  of  the  Lord  that  it  might  not  remain  in  my  heart,  and 
being  thus,  he  did  (hew  mc  this  (a  twelvemonth  after)  which  I  told  yoii- 
of  before.  Ever  fmce  that  time  I  have  been  confident  of  what  he  hath 
revealed  unto  me.  .  ^ 

Oh}''       A    \  ^^^^^^^^  ^\^CQ  out  of  t)aniel  chap.  7.  and  he 

Kcra  e  ,    ^        ^^^  ^^^,  ^^^  ^^1^  wherein  he  (hewed  me  the  fitting  of  the 

judgment  and  the  ftanding  of  all  high  and  low  before  the  Lord,  and 
how  thrones  and  kingdoms  were  caft  down  before  him.  When  our 
teacher  came  to  New  England  it  was  a  great  trouble  unto  nie,  my  brother 
Wheelwright  being  put  by  alfo.  I  was  then  much  troubled  concerning 
the  minilhy  under  which  I  lived,  and  then  that  place  in  the  xxxth  of 
Ifaiah  was  brought  to  my  mmd^— -Though  the  Lord girg  thee  bread  of  adver- 
Jlty  and  ivaler  of  afflidicn^  yetfuall  not  thy  teachers  be  removed  into  corners  any 
more,  hut  thine  eyes  fiall  fee  thy  teachers.  The  Lord  gii'lng  me  this  promife 
and  -they  being  gone  there  was  none  then  left  that  I  was  able  to  hear,  and 
I  could  not  be  at  reft  but'  I  mud  ccme  hither.  Yet  that  place  of  Ifaiah 
did  much  follow  me^  Though  the  Lord g'lve  thee  the  bread  of  advetfty,  and 
nvater  of  qfflidion.  This  place  lying,  I  fay,  upon  me,  then  this  place  in 
Daniel  was  brought  nnto  me  and  did  fhew  me  that  though  I  fhould  meet 
with  afflidtion,  yet  I  am  the  fame  God  that  delivered  Daniel  out  of  the 

lion's  den,    I  will  alfo  deliver  thee.  —^ Therefore  I  defire  you  to 

look  to  it,  for  you  fee  this  fcripture  fulfilled  this  day,  and  therefore  1  de- 
fire  you,  that  as  you  tender  the  Lord  and  the  church  and  commonwealth 
to  confider  and  look  What  you  do.  You  have  power  over  my  body,  but 
the  Lord  Jefus  hath  power  over  my  body  and  foul,  and  aflure  yourfelves 
thus  much,  you  dp  as  much  as  in  you  lies  to  put  the  Lord  Jefus  Chrifi 
from  you,  and  if  you  go  on  in  this  courfe  you  begin  you  will  bring  a  curfe 
upon  you  and  your  pofterity,  and  the  mouth  of  the  Lord  hath  fpoken  it. 

Dep.  gov.     What  is  the  fcripture  flie  brings  ? 

Mr.  St  ought  on.     Behold  I  turn  away  from  you. 

Mrs.  H.  But  now  having  feen  him  which  is  invifible  I  fear  not  what 
man  can  do  unto  me. 

Gov,  Daniel  was  delivered  by  miracle,  do  you  think  to  be  delivered 
fo  too  ? 

Mrs.  H.  I  do  here  fpeak  It  before  the  court.  1  look  that  the  Lord 
fhould  deliver  me  by  his  providence. 

Mr.  Harlahenden.  I  may  read  fcripture  and  the  moft  glorious  hypo- 
crite may  read  them,  and  yet  go  down  to  hell. 

Mrs.  H.     It  may  be  fo. 

Mr.  Bariholomeiu.*  I  would  remember  one  word  to  Mrs.  Hutchinfon 
among  many  others.  She  knowing  that  I  did  know  her  opinions,  being 
fhe  was  at  my  houfe  at  London,  (he  was  afraid  I  conceive  or  loth  to  im- 
part herfelf  unto  me  ;  but  when  (he  c^me  within  fight  of  Bofton  and  look- 
ing upon  the  meannefs  of  the  place,  I  conceive  ihe  uttered  thefe  v/ords,  if 
jhe  had  not  a  fure  word  that  England  (hould  be  deftroyed  her  heart  would 
(hake.     Now  it  feemed  to  me  at  that  time  very  ftrange  that  ihe  fhould 

fey  %  Mrs. 

*  A  deputy  I  fuppofc  f^r  Salem. 


APPENDIX.  441 

Mrs.  If.  I  do  not  remember  that  I  looked  upon  the  meanncfs  of  the 
place,  nor  did  It  difcourage  me,  becaufe  I  knew  the  bounds  of  my  habita- 
tion were  determined,  &c. 

Mr.  Bartholomew.  I  Ipeak  as  a  member  of  the  court.  I  fear  that  her 
Irevelations  will  deceive. 

Gov,  Have  you  heard  of  any  of  her  revelations  ? 
Mr.  Bartholometjj.  For  my  own  part  I  am  forry  to  fee  her  now  here, 
and  I  have  nothing  agalnft  her,  but  wliat  I  fald  was  to  difcover  what  man* 
Dcr  of  fplrit  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  is  of;  only  I  remember  as  we  were  once 
going  through  Paul's  church  yard  flie  then  was  very  Inquifitlve  after  reve- 
lations, and  faid  that  fhe  had  never  had  any  great  thing  done  about  her 
but  it  was  revealed  to  her  beforehand. 
Mrs.  H.     I  fay  the  fame  thing  again. 

Mr.  Bartholomenv.  And  alfo  that  fhe  fald  that  (he  was  come  to  New 
England  but  for  Mr.  Cotton's  fake.  As  for  Mr.  Hooker  (as  I  remem- 
ber) fhe  faid  fhe  liked  not  his  fplrit,  only  fhe  fpake  of  a  fcrmon  of  his  in 
the  Low  Countries  wherein  he  faid  thus—- It  was  revealed  to  me  yefterday 
that  England  fliould  be  deflroyed.  She  took  notice  of  that  paflage,  and 
it  was  very  acceptable  with  her. 

Mr.  Cotton.  One  thing  let  me  entreat  you  to  remember,  Mr.  Barthol- 
omew, that  you  never  fpake  any  thing  to  me. 

Mr.  Bartholomew.  No,  Sir,  I  never  fpake  of  it  to  you,  and  therefore 
I  defire  to  clear  Mr.  Cotton. 

Gov.     There  needs  no  more  of  that. 

Mr.  Bartholomevj.  Only  1  remember  her  eldefl  daughter  f-ild  in  the 
fliip  that  fhe  had  a  revelation  that  a  young  man  In  the  fhip  fhould  be  faved, 
but  he  mufl  walk  in  the  ways  of  her  mother. 

Mr.  Shns^  I  could  fay  fomething  to  that  purpofe,  for  flic  faid — Then 
what  would  you  fay  if  we  fhould  be  at  New  England  within  thefe  three 
weeks,  and  I  reproved  her  vehemently  for  It. 

Mr.  Eliot.  That  fpeech  of  Mr.  Hooker's  which  they  allege  is  agalnft 
his  mind  and  judgment.* 

Mr.  Sims.  I  would  entreat  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  to  remember,  that  the 
humble  he  will  teach — 1  have  fpoken  before  of  it,  and  therefore  I  will 
leave  the  place  with  her,  and  do  defire  her  to  confider  of  many  exprefTions 
that  fhe  hath  fpoken  to  her  hufband,  but  I  will  not  enlarge  myfelf. 

Mr.  Endicot,  I  would  have  a  word  or  two  with  leave  of  that  which 
hath  thus  far  been  revealed  to  the  court.  I  have  heard  of  many  revelations 
of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon's,  but  they  were  reports,  but  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  I  fee 
doth  maintain  fome  by  this  difcourfe,  a-nd  I  think  it  is  a  fpecial  providence 
of  God  to  hear  what  flie  hath  faid.  Now  there  is  a  revelation  you  fee 
"which  fhe  doth  expe«5t  as  a  miracle.  She  faith  flie  now  fuffers,  and  let  us 
do  what  we  will  fhe  fhall  be  delivered  by  a  miracle.  I  hope  the  court 
takes  notice  of  the  vanity  of  it  and  heat  of  her  fplrit.  Now,  becaufe  her 
reverend  teacher  is  here,  I  fhould  defire  that  he  would  pleafe  to  fpcak  freely 
whether  he  doth  condefcend  to  fuch  fpeeches  or  revelations  as  have  been 
here  fpoken  of,  and  he  will  give  a  great  deal  of  content. 
Vol.  n.  E  e  Mr. 

*  Mr.  Eliot  was  miftaken.  The  pcifTage  from  his  fermon  is  ir.  print,  zni  Mr. 
Hooker  avowed  it  afterwards  at  Hartford.     Magn.  B,  iii.  P.  63. 


442  APPENDIX. 

3fr.  Cotton.  May  it  pleafe  you,  Sir.  There  are  two  forts  of  revela- 
tions, there  are  \_defaced']  or  againft  the  w6rd 
befides   fcripture  both  \tfhich              \_defaced'\  taftical  and  tending 

to  danger  more  ways  than  one there  is  another  fort  which  the  apoflle 

prays  the  beHevIng  Ephefians  ni.ay  be  made  parta^kers  of,  and  thofe  are 
fuch  as  are  breathed  by  the  Spirit  of  God,  and  are  never  difpenfed  but  in 
a  word  of  God  and  according  to  a  word  of  God  ;  and  though  the  word 
revelation  be  rare  In  common  fpeech  and  we  make  it  uncouth  in  our  ordi- 
Tiary  expreffions,  yet  notwithftanding,  being  underftood  in  a  fcripture  fenle, 
I  think  they  are  not  only  lawful,  but  fuch  as  ChriiHans  may  receive  and 
God  bear  witnefs  to  it  in  his  v/ord,  and  ufually  he  doth  exprefs  it  in  the 
miniitry  of  the  word,  and  doth  accompany  it  by  his  Spirit,  or  elfe  it  is  in 
the  reading  of  the  word  in  fome  chapter  or  verfe,  and  whenever  it  comes 
it  comes  liylng  upon  the  wings  of  the  Spirit. 

Mr.  Endlcot.  You  give  me  fatisfadtion  in  the  thing,  and  therefore  I 
defire  you  to  give  your  judgment  of  Mrs:  Hutchinfon  ;  what  (he  hath 
faid  you  hear,  and  all  the  circumlfances  thereof. 

Mr.  Cotton.  I  would  demand  whether  by  a  miracle  fhe  doth  mean  a 
work  above  nature,  or  by  fome  wonderful  providence,  for  that  is  called  ^ 
miracle  often  in  the  pfalms. 

Mrs.  H.  I  defire  to  fpeak  to  our  teacher.  You  know,  Sir,  what  he 
doth  declare  though  he  doth  not  know  hlmfelf  \_fomeihing  nvanting'Y 

tiow  either  of  thefe  ways  or  at  this  prefent  time  it  fliall  be  done,  yet  1 
would  not  have  the  court  fo  to  underhand  me  that  iie  will  deliver  me  now 
even  at  this  prefent  time. 

Dep.  gov.  I  defire  Mr.  Cotton  to  tell  us  whether  you  do  approve  of 
Mrs.  Hutchinfon's  revelations  as  Hie  hath  kid  them  down. 

Mr.  Cotton.  I  know  not  whether  I  do  underftand  her,  but  this  I  fay, 
if  (he  doth  expert  a  deliverance  in  a  way  of  providence— rthen  I  cannot 
deny  it. 

Dep.  gov.     No,  Sir,  we  did  not  fpeak  of  that. 

Mr.  Cotton.     If  it  be  by  way  of  miracle  then  I  would  fuipe^l  It. 

Dep.  gov.     Do  you  believe  that  her  revelations  are  true  ? 

Mr.  Cotton.  That  ihe  may  have  fome  fpecial  providence  of  G^d  t9 
help  her  is  a  thing  that  1  cannot  bear  witnefs  againfl:. 

Dep.  gov.  Good  Sir,  1  do  aflc  whether  this  revelation  be  of  God 
or  no  ? 

Mr.  Cotton.  I  fhould  defire  to  know  whether  the  fentence  of  the  court 
rjiVi  bring  her  to  any  calamity,  and  then  I  would  know  of  her  whether  fhe 
expeds  to  be  deUvered  from  that  calamity  by  a  miracle  or  a  providence  of 
God. 

Mrs.  H.  By  a  providence  of  God,  I  fay,  I  exped  to  be  delivered 
from  fome  calamity  that  (hall  come  to  me. 

Gov.  The  cafe  is  altered  and  will  not  ftand  with  us  now,  but  I  fee  a 
marvellous  providence  of  God  to  bring  things  to  this  pafs  that  they  are» 
We  have  been  hearkening  about  the  trial  of  this  thing,  and  now  the  mercy 
of  God  by  a  providence  hath  anfwered  our  defires  and  made  her  to  lay 
open  herfelf  and  the  ground  of  all  thefe  difturbances  to  be  by  revelations, 
for  we  receive  no  fuch  made  OUt  of  the 

minifhy  of  the  word 

and 


APPENDIX. 


443 


and  K>  one  fcripture  after  another,  but  all  this  while  there  is  no  ufe  of  the 
mlniftry  of  the  word  nor  of  any  clear  call  of  God  by  his  word  ;  but  the 
groundwork  of  her  revelations  is  the  immediate  revelation  of  the  Spirit, 
and  not  by  the  miniflry  of  the  word,  and  that  is  the  means  by  which  flie 
hath  very  much  abufed  the  country  that  they  fliall  look,  for  reveLitions  and' 
are  not  bound  to  the  miniftry  of  the  word,  but  God  will  teach  them  by 
immediate  revelations,  and  this  hath  been  the  ground  of  ull  thcfc  tuinuiLs 
and  troubles,  and  I  would  that  thofe  were  ail  cut  off  from  us  that  trouble 
us,  for  this  is  the  thing  tliat  hath  been  the  root  of  all  the  niifchicf. 

Court,     We  all  confcnt  v/ith  you. 

Gov,  Ey,  it  is  the  mod  defperate  cnthuCafm  In  die  world,  for  nothing' 
but  a  word  comes  to  her  mind,  and  then  an  application  is  made  which  is 
nothing  to  the  purpofe,  and  this  is  her  revelations,  when  it  is  inipofTible 
but  that  the  word  and  Spirit  ihould  fpeak  the  fume  thing. 

Mr,  Endlcot,  1  (peak  in  reference  to  Mr.  .Cotton.  I  am  tender  of 
you.  Sir,  and  there  lies  much  upon  you  in  this  particular,  for  the  anfwer 
of  Mr.  Cotton  doth  not  free  him  from  that  way  which  his  laft  anfwer 
did  bring  ujxDn  him,  therefore  I  befeech  you  that  you'd  be  pleafed  tQ. 
fpeak  a  word  to  that  which  Mrs.  Hutcliinfon  hath  fpoken  of  her  revela- 
tions as  you  have  heard  the  manner  of  it.  Whether  do  you  witiiefb  for 
her  or  again  ft  her. 

Mr.  Cotton,  This  is  that  I  fald.  Sir,  and  nxy  anfwer  is  plain,  tl^t  if 
fhe  doth  look  for  deliverance  from  the  hand  of  God  by  his  providence,  and. 
the  revelation  be  in  a  word  or  accord irg  to  a  word,  that  1  cannot  deny. 

Mr,  Em'i'uct,     You  give  "me  fatisfadion. 

Dep,  go'iK     No,  no,  he  gives  me  none  at  all. 

Mr,  Cotton.  But  if  it  be  in  a  way  of  miracle  or  a  revelation  without 
the  word,  that  I  do  not  afTcnt  to,  but  look  at  it  as  a  delufion,  and  I  think 
fo  doth  flie  too  as  I  underltand  her. 

Dep.  gov.     Sir,  you  weary  me  and  do  not  fatibfy  me. 

Mr.  Cotton.  I  pray.  Sir,  give  me  leave  to  exprefs  myfelf,  In  that 
fenfe  that  fiie  ^eaks  I  dare  not  bear  witnefs  againd  It. 

Mr.  NoiL-ell.     1  think  it  is  a  dcvilifli  delufion. 

Gov.  Of  all  the  revelations  that  ever  I  read  of  I  never  read  the  like 
ground  laid  as  is  for  this.  The  enthufiafb  and  Anabaptifts  had  nevct 
the  like. 

Mr.  Cotton.  You  know.  Sir,  that  their  revelations  broach  new  m?t- 
ters  of  faith  and  do6lrine. 

Gov.  So  do  thefe,  and  what  may  they  breed  more  if  they  be  let  alone  ? 
I  do  acknowledge  that  tltere  are  fuch  revelations  as  do  concur  with  tlic 
word,  but  there  hath  not  been  any  of  this  nature. 

Dep.  gov,  I  never  faw  fuch  revelations  as  thefe  among  the  Anabal)t;^I<^, 
therefore  am  forry  that  Mr.  Cotton  lliould  iiand  to  juftify  her. 

Mr.  Peters,  I  can  fay  the  fame,  and  this  runs  to  enthufiafm,  and  I 
think  that  is  very  difputable  which  our  brother  Cotton  hath  fpoken 

\_^uaTTt'ing']  an  immediate  promife  that  he  v/ill 

deliver  them  \_-zuanting']  in  a  day  of  trouble. 

Gov.     It  overthrows  all. 

Dep.  gov.  Thefe  diilurbances  that  have  come  among  the  Germans 
have  been  all  grounded  upon   revelations,  and  fo   they  that'  have   v'entcii 

them 


444  APPENDIX. 

them  have  ftlrred  up  their  hearers  to  take  up  arms   againfl   their  prince 
and  to  cut  the  throats  of  one  another,    and  thefe   have  been  the  fruits  of 
them,  and  whether  the  devil  may  infpire  the  fame  into  their  hearts  here  I 
know  not,  for  I  am  fully  perfuaded  that  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  is  deluded  by 
the  devil,  becaufe  the  Spirit  of  God  fpeaks  truth  in  all  his  fervants. 
Gov.     I  am  perfuaded  that  the  revelation  (he  brings  forth  is  delufion. 
[All  the  court  but  fome  two  or  three  minifters  cry  out,  we  all  believe 
it — v/e  all  believe  it.] 
Mr.  End'icot.     J  fuppofe  all  the  world  may  fee  where  the  foundation  of 
all  thefe  troubles  among  us  lies. 

Mr.  Eliot.  I  fay  there  is  an  expectation  of  things  promifed,  but  to, 
have  a  particular  revelation  of  things  that  flull  fall  out,  there  is  no  fuch 
thing  in  the  fcripture. 

Go%K     We  will  not  limit  the  word  of  God, 

Mr.  Collicut.'^  It  is  a  great  burden  to  us  that  we  differ  from  Mr.  Cot-, 
ton,  and  that  he  fliould  juftify  thefe  revelations.  I  would  entreat  him 
to  anfwer  concerning  that  about  the  deftrudlion  of  England. 

Gov.  Mr.  Cotton  is  not  tailed  to  anfwer  to  any  thing,  but  we  are  to 
deal  with  the  party  here  ftanding  before  us. 

Mr.  Bartholomew^.  My  wife  hath  faid  that  Mr.  Wheelwright  was  not 
acquainted  with  this  way  until  that  fhe  imparted  it  unto  him. 

Mr.  Broavn.  Inafinuch  as  I  am  called  to  fpeak,  I  would  therefore 
fpeak  the  mind  of  our  brethren.  Though  we  had  fufficient  ground  for 
the  cenfure  before,  yet  now  fhe  having  vented  herfelf  and  I  find  fuch  flat 
contradi(5tIon  to  the  fcripture  in  what  rtie  faith,  as  to  that  in  the  firft  to, 
the  Hebrews — God  atjundry  ttm^s  /pake  to  our  fathers — For  my  part  1 
underhand  that  fcripture  and  other  fcriptures  of  the  Lord  Jefus  Chrift, 
and  the  apoftle  writing  to  Timothy  faith,  that  the  fcripture  is  able  to  make 
one  perfed — therefore  I  fay  the  mind  of  the  brethren — T  think  fhe  deferves 
DO  iefs  H  cenfure  than  hath  been  already  pafl,  but  rather  fomething  more, 
for  this  is  the  foundatior^  of  all  mifchief  and  of  all  thofe  baflardly  things 
which  have  been  overthrowing  by  that  great  meeting.  They  have  all  come 
out  from  this  curfcd  fountain. 

Gov.^  Se'eing  th.e  court  hath  thus  declared  itfelf,  and  hearing  what  hath 
been  laid  laid  to  the  charge  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  and  efpecially  what  fhe 
by  the  providence  of  God  hath  declared  freely  without  being  aflied,  if 
tnerefore  it  be  the  mind  of  the  court,  looking  at  her  as  the  principal  caufe 
of  all  our  trouble,  that  they  would  now  confider  what  is  to  be  done  to 
her .  •  -^ 

Mr.  Coddlngton.  I  do  think  that  you  are  going  to  cenfure,  therefore  I 
dcfire  to  fpeak  a  word. 

Gov.     I  pray  you  fpeak. 

Mr.  Coddlngton.  There  is  one  thing  obje^ed  againfl  the  meetings. 
What  if  ihe  defigned  to  edify  her  own  family  in  her  own  meetings,  may 
none  elfe  be  prefent  ? 

Gov.  U  you  haT'e  nothing  d^c  to  fay  but  that,  it  is  pity,  Mr,  Coddlng- 
ton, that  you  fhould  interrupt  us  in  proceeding  to  cenfure. 

Mr.  Coddmgton.  I  would  fay  more.  Sir,  another  thing  you  lay  to  her 
charge   is  her  fpeech  to  the  elders.     Now  1  da^'^ot  fee  any  clear  witnefs 

again^ 

*  A  deputy,  !  know  not  for  what  town,  but  I  take  him  to  be  an  inhabitant  of 
^pftpn  ^nd  a  principal  merchant. 


APPENDIX.  44S 

againft  her,  and  you  know  it  is  a  rule  of  the  court  that  no  man  may  be  a 
judge  and  an  accufer  too.  I  do  not  fpeak  to  difparage  our  elders  and 
their  callings,  but  I  do  not  fee  any  thing  that  they  accufe  her  of  witnefled 
againft  her,  and  therefore  I  do  not  fee  how  flie  (hould  be  cenfured  for 
that.  And  for  the  other  thing  which  hath  fallen  from  her  occafionally  by 
the  Spirit  of  God,  you  know  the  Spirit  of  God  witnefles  with  our  fpirits, 
and  there  is  no  truth  in  fcripture  but  God  bears  witnefs  to  it  by  his  Spirit, 
therefore  I  wowld  entreat  you  to  confider  whether  thofe  things  you  have 
alleged  againft  her  deferve  fuch  cenfure  as  you  are  about  to  pafs,  be  it  to 
banishment  or  imprifonment.  And  again  here  is  nothing  proved  about 
the  elders,  only  that  flie  faid  they  did  not  teach  a  covenant  of  grace  fo 
clearjy  as  Mr.  Cotton  did,  and  that  they  were  in  the  (late  of  tiie  apoftlcs 
before  the  afcenfion.  Why  I  hope  this  may  not  be  offcnfive  nor  any 
wrong  to  them. 

Gov.  Pafs  by  all  that  hath  been  faid  formerly,  and  her  own  fpeechcs 
have  been  ground  enough  for  us  to  proceed  upon. 

Mr.  Coddington.  I  befeech  you  do  not  fpeak  fo  to  force  things  along, 
for  I  do  not  for  my  own  part  fee  any  equity  in  the  court  in  all  your  pro- 
ceedings. Here  is  no  law  of  God  that  fhe  hath  broken  nor  any  law  of 
the  country  that  fhe  hath  broke,  and  therefore  deferves  no  cenfure,  and 
if  Ihe  fay  that  the  elders  preach  as  the  apoftles  did,  why  they  preached  a 
covenant  of  grace,  and  what  wrong  is  that  to  them  ?  for  it  is  without 
queftion  that  the  apoftles  did  preach  a  covenant  of  grace,  though  not  with 
that  power,  till  they  received  the  manifeftation  of  the  Spirit  ;  therefore  I 
pray  confider  what  you  do,  for  here  is  no  law  of  God  or  man  broken. 

Mr.  Harlahnden.  Things  thus  fpoken  will  flick.  I  would  therefore 
that  the  afiembly  take  notice  that  here  is  none  that  condemns  the  meeting 
of  Chriftian  women  ;  but  in  fuch  a  way  and  for  fuch  an  end  that  it  is  to 
be  detefted.  And  then  though  the  matter  of  the  elders  be  taken  away, 
yet  there  is  enow  befides  to  condemn  her,  but  I  ihall  fpeak  no  further. 

Dep.  gov.     We  fliall  be  all  fick  with  failing. 

Mr.  Colburr:.     I  diffent  from  cenfure  of  banifliment. 

Mr.  Stoughton.  The  cenfure  which  the  court  is  about  to  pafs  in  my 
confcicnce  fs  as  much  as  fhe  deferves,  but  becaufe  flie  defires  witnefs  and 
there  is  none  in  way  of  witnefs,  therefore  I  fiiall  defire  that  no  otfence  be 
taken  if  I  do  not  formally  condemn  her,  becaufe  fhe  hatli  not  been  for- 
mally convicted  as  others  are  by  witneffes  upon  oath. 

Mr.  Codd'ington.  That  is  aYcruple  to  me  alfo,  becaufe  Solomon  faith, 
every  man  is  partial  in  his  own  caufe,  and  her3  is  none  that  accufes  her 
bat  the  elders,  and  fhe  fpake  nothing  to  them  but  in  private,  and  I  do  not 
know  what  rule  they  had  to  make  the  thing  public  ;  fecret  things  ought 
to  be  fpoken  in  fecret,  and  public  things  in  public  ;  therefore  I  tiiink  Uiey 
have  broken  the  rules  of  God's  word. 

Gov.  What  was  fpoken  in  the  pref-.  ce  of  many  is  not  to  be  made 
fecre:. 

Mr.  Ccddingtcn.      But  that  was  fpoken  but  to  a  few  and  In  private. 

Gov.  In  regard  Mr.  Stoughton  is  not  fiitisficd,  to  the  end  all  fcniples 
may  he  removed  we  lliall  defire  the  elders  to  take  their  oaths. 

[Here  now  was  a  great  whifpering  among  the  miniders,  fo;-ae  drew 

buck.,  others  were  animated  on.] 

Mr. 


446  APPENDIX. 

Mr»  Eliot.     If  the  court  calls  us  out  to  fwear  we  will  fwear. 

Gov.     Any  two  of  you  will  ferve. 

Mr.  StGughton.  There  are  two  things  that  I  would  look  to  difcharge  my 
confcience  of,  ifh  to  hear  what  they  telHfy  upon  oath,  and  2dly,  to  ■ 

Gov.     It  is  required  of  you,  JMro  Weld  and  Mr.  Eliot. 

Mr.  Weld  and  Mr.  Eliot.     Vie  fliall  be  willing. 

Go^.  We'll  give  them  their  oaths.  You  fliall  fwear  to  the  truth,  and 
Mr.  Peiers  held  up  1     nothing  but  the  truth,  as  far  as  you  know.     So  help 

his  hand  alfo.  j  you  God.  What  you  do  remember  of  her  Ipeak, 
pray  fpeak. 

Mr.  Eliot.  I  do  remember  and  I  have  it  written,  that  which  fhe  fpake 
firft  was,  the  fear  of  man  is  a  fnare,  why  fhould  flie  be  afraid,  but 
would  fpeak  freel}^  The  queftion  being  aflced  whether  there  was  a  differ- 
ence between  Mr.  Cotton  and  us,  flte  faid  there  was  a  broad  difference. 
I  would  not  flick  upon  words — the  thiing  fhe  faid — and  that  Mr.  Cotton 
did  preach  a  covenant  of  grace  and  we  of  works,  and  fhe  gave  this  reafon-— 
to  put  a  work  in  point  of  evidence  is  a  revealing  upon  a  work.  We  did 
labour  then  to  convince  her  that  our  dodlrine  was  the  fame  with  Mr.  Cot* 
ton's  :  She  faid  no,  for  we  were  not  fealed.      That  is  all  that  I  fliall  fay. 

Gov.     What  fay  you,  Mr.  Weld  ? 

Mr.  Weld.  I  will  fpeak  to  the  things  themfelves— thefe  two  things  I 
am  fully  clear  in- — fhe  did  make  a  difference  in  three  things,  the  firfl  I 
was  not  fo  clear  in,  but  that  fhe  faid  this  I  am  fully  fure  of,  that  we  were 
rot  able  minifler's  of  the  New  Teflament,  and  that  we  were  not  clear  in 
our  experience  becaufe  we  were  not  fealed. 

Mr.  Eliot.  I  do  further  remember  this  alfo,  that  flie  faid  we  were  not 
able  minifters  of  the  gofpel  becaufe  we  were  but  like  the  apoflles  before 
tlie  afcenfion. 

Mr.  Coddington.     This  was,  I  hope,  no  difparagement  to  you. 

Gov.  Well,  we  fee  in  the  court  that  fhe  doth  continually  lay  and  unfay 
things. 

Mr.  Peters.  I  was  much  grieved  that  fhe  fliould  fay  that  our  miniflry 
was  legal.  Upon  which  we  had  a  meeting  as  you  know,  and  this  was 
the  fame  fhe  told  us,  that  there  was  a  broad  difference  between  Mr.  Cot- 
ton and  us.  Now  if  Mr.  Cotton  do  hold  forth  things  more  clearly  than 
we,  it  was  our  grief  we  did  not  hold  it  fo  clearly  as  he  did,  and  upon  thofe 
grounds  that  you  have  heard. 

Mr.  Coddington.  What  wrong  was  that  to  fay  that  you  were  not  able 
minifters  of  the  New  Teflament,  or  that  you  were  like  the  apoflles— . 
mcthinks  the  comparifon  is  very  good. 

Gov.  Well,  you  remember  that  fhe  faid  but  now  that  fhe  fliould  be 
deUvercd  from  this  calamity. 

MS'.  Cotton.  I  remember  flie  faid  fhe  fliould  be  delivered  by  God's 
providence,  whether  now  or  at  another  time  fhe  knev/  not. 

Mr.  Peters.  I  profefs  I  thought  Mr.  Cotton  would  never  have  took 
her  part. 

Mr.  Stoughton.  I  fay  now  this  teflimony  doth  convince  me  in  tlie 
thing,  and  I  am  fully  fatisfied  the  words  were  pernicious,  ^d  the  frame 
of  her  .fpirit  doth  hold  forth  the  fame. 

Gov. 


APPENDIX. 


447 


Gov,  The  court  hath  already  declared  themfclvcs  fatlsfied  concerning 
the  things  you  hear,  and  concerning  the  troublefomenefs  of  her  fpirit  and 
the  danger  of  her  courfe  amongfl:  us,  which  is  not  to  be  fuffcrcd.  There- 
fore if  it  be  the  mind  of  the  court  that  Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  for  thefe  things 
that  appear  before  us,  is  unfit  for  our  fociety,  and  if  it  be  the  mind  of  the 
court  that  (he  ftiall  be  banifhcd  out  of  our  hberties  and  imprifoned  till  ihe 
be  fent  away,  let  them  hold  up  their  hands. 
All  but  three. 

Thofe  that  are  contrary  minded  hold  up  yours. 
Mr.  Coddington  and  Mr.  Colburn,  only. 

Mr.  Jennifon.'^  I  cannot  hold  up  my  hand  one  way  or  the  other> 
and  I  Ihall  give  my  reafon  if  the  court  require  it. 

Gov,  Mis.  Hutchinfon,  the  fentence  of  the  court  you  hear  is,  that 
you  are  banifhed  from  out  of  our  jurifdidion  as  being  a  woman  not  fit  for 
our  fociety,  and  are  to  be  imprifoned  till  the  court  (hall  fend  you  away, 

Mrs*  H.     I  defire  to  know  wherefore  I  am  banifhed  ? 

Gov.     Say  no  more,  the  court  knows  wherefore,  and  is  fatisfied* 


*  A  deputy,  I  fuppofe,  of  Ipfwith. 


N       D       E       X. 


A. 

ACADIANS,  their  fuffcrlngs,  page  93. 
Addington,  Ifaac,  fecretary,  his  death,  t^i. 

Admiralty,  judge  of,  firll  appoihted,  78. 

iAgents,  Conftantine  Phips,  82.  Waitftill  Winthrop,  120.  Sir  William  Afhurft,  169, 
Jeremiah  Dummcr,  170.  Anthony  Sundcrfou,  464.  E.  Cooke,  27 -j.  Francij 
Wilks,  318.  Jonathan  Belcher,  .31S.  Chriftophcr  Kilby,  351.  William  Hol- 
land, 391.     Remarks  upon  the  agency,  122. 

Alden,  captain  John,  accufed  af  witchcraft,  and  imprifoncd,  jo. 

Allen,  fecretar)'  of  Connetfticut,  61. 

Andover,  troubles  there,  44,  50. 

Andros,  Sir  Edmund,  his  death,  189-. 

Alhurft,  Sir  Henry,  his  death,  122.     Sir  William  chofen  agent,  169. 

B. 
Banic,  private,  188,  352. 
Belcher,  Jonathan,  agent,  318.     Governor,  329.    Arrives,  331.     Removed,  judged 

and  retaliated,  336.     Oppofcs  the  land  bank,  255-      Falfely  charged,  356. 

Difplaced,  358. 
Bellamont,  lord,  governor,  84.     Arrives  at  New  York,  103.     At  Bollon,  106.     His 

charadler^  io6  to  no.     Death,  114. 
Bills  of  credit,  189,  222,  302,  340^.  361.     Abolilhed,  392. 
Bbllan,  William,  his  great  fcrvices,  391. 
Bomazeen,  a  noted  Indian  Chief,  84,  149. 
Borland,  John,  his  trial,  142. 
Bofton,  great  tumult  there,  386. 
Bounds  of  the  fecond  charter,  17, 

Boylftonc,  Zabdiel,  prornotes  inoculation  in  EoHon,  247. 
Bradflreet,  gbverrtor,  refigns  to  Phips,  20.     Death  and  charaAer,  loo. 
Brenton,  Jahleel,  controvcrfy  with  Sir  William  Phips,  74. 
Bridger,  John,  furveyor  of  woods,  202. 

Bullivant,  one  of  Andros'  juflices,  his  reply  to  lord  Bellamont,  107. 
Burnet,  William,  governor,  294.     Arrives,  300.     Controverfy  with  tkc  houfe,  30I 

to  304.     Death,  326. 
Burrill,  John,  his  charaifter,  212,  172,  180. 

C. 
Canada  expedition,  95.     Unfuccefsful,  172  to  iSo,  and  357  to  3O©, 
Candy,  a  negro  witch,  37. 
Cape  Breton  expedition,  364  to  380. 
Carrier,  Sarah,  a  witch  child,  47. 
Cary,  Mrs.  imprifoned,  and  efcape»,  50. 
Caftine,  Baron,  89,  133,  286. 
Charter  purchafed,  9. 

Charlevoix,  erroneous,  72,  80,  85,  236,  279. 
Cheever,  Ezekiel,  his  death,  160. 
Church,  Benjamin,  his  adions  in  eallern  parts,  69.      Expedition  to  Chigncdo,  91. 

Superfeded  and  offended,  95.     Expedition,  133.     Death,  202. 
Chubb,  captain,  furrctiders  Pcniaquid,  89.     Cruelty,  90.     Killed,  loo, 
Clark,  John,  fpeaker,  226. 
CoUedors  of  cuftoms  firft  eftabliflicd,  73. 
Conneaicut  line  fettled,  183.  €«nvers 

V*L.  II.  F  f 


450 


N 


Convers,  captain,  67,  72.  "      '  , 

Cooke,  Eiifha,  negatived,  70.  Begins  the  controverfy  with  governor  Shute,  aoo. 
Chofen  fpcaker  and  negatived,  211.  Ag^"^>  ^73'  Proceedings  in  England, 
288  to  291.     Returns,  293.     Death,  351. 

Coram,  Thomas,  projector,  ao^. 

Coj-nbury,  lord,  perfecutes  difienters,  115. 

Cory,  Giles,  preffed  to  death,  60. 

Council  of  MaiTachufetts,  their  powers  by  charter,  15,  16,  1 7.  Nominate  civil 
officers,  20.  The  firfl  counfellors,  20.  The  firft  eledion,  69.  Aflume  govern- 
ment, 117,  191. 

D. 

Deanc,  Francis,  accufed  of  witchcraft,  and  efcapes,  41. 

D'x^nville,  duke  of,  his  expedition,  381. 

Davis,  Silvanus,  counfellor,  21. 

Decrficld  dcftroyed  by  the  French,  izy. 

Douglafs,  erroneous,  29,  52,  78. 

Dudley,  Jofeph,  foHcits  for  the  government  of  New  York,  82.  Member  of  Par- 
liament, 83.  Governor,  116.  Negatives  five  counfellors,  125.  Severely 
cenfured,  134,  135,  140,  1455  148.  In  danger  in  a  ftorm,  196.  Gains 
friends,  170.  Superfeded  by  the  council,  196.  By  colonel  Tailer,  193. 
Character,  193.  .t 

Dudley,  Paul,  offends  the  hoiife,  2^31. 

Dummer,  Jeremiah,  agent,  170.  Raifes  a  bubble  in  1 7  20.  Slighted  by  the  houfe, 
231. 

Dummer,  William,  lieutenant  governor,  263.  Reprimanded,  291.  Retires,  and 
his  charailer,  329. 

Dunftun,  Hannah,  an  heroine,  loi. 

E. 

Earthquake,  memorable,  294. 

Expedition,  French,  defigned  againft  Boflon,  380.  Agalrifl  Canada,  172,  357. 
Ag?.infl  Louifbourg,  364. 

Eire,  in  Bollon,  in  1711,  181. 

F. 

Fofler,  John,  his  death,  172. 

French,  immediately  after  peace,  take  meafures  for  war,  104. 

Frontenac,  governor  of  Canada,  appointed  to  command  forces  ag,ain{l  New  En- 
gland, 97. 

G. 

George  the  firfl  proclaimed  with  unufual  marks  of  joy,  190. 

Goodwin,  John,  his  children  bewitched,  24. 

H. 

Hale,  Sir  Matthew,  with  trials,  a  precedent  for  New  England,  ly. 

Hale,  John,  his  wife  accufed,  &c.  61. 

Hammond,  major,  taken  prifoner,  85. 

Karley,  Mr,  tradition  of  him,  1 14. 

Harman,  captain,  his  expedition,  279. 

Haverhill  deftroyed,  157. 

Hawthorne,  John,  examines  witches,  34. 

Hinkley,  Thomas,  governor  of  Plymouth,  his  death,  141. 

Hobby,  Sir  Charles,  folicits  for  the  government,  140. 

Higginfon,  John,  his  death,  160. 

Higginfon,  Nathaniel,  146. 

Houfe  of  reprefentatives  offended  with  governor  Shute  for  negativing  their  fpcaker, 
219.  Infert  themfelves  in  difpute  about  pine  trees,  223.  Withhold  part  of 
the  governor's  fulary,  220.  Adjourn  for  fix  days,  232.  Take  the  diredlion 
of  the  war,  243.  Remarks  upon  their  conducfl,  261.  Order  Ueutenant  gov- 
ernor's fcal  to  be  defaced,  270.     Accept  an  explanatory  charadcr,  290. 

Hubbard,  William,  136. 

Hubbard,  Nathaniel,  136,  362,  HutchLnfon, 


INDEX.  451 

Hutchliifon,  Eliflia,  commander  In  chief  of  forces,  66,  153.     Dies,  0.02, 

Hutchtnfon,  Eliakim,  his  death,  202. 

Hutchinfon,  William,  his  charader,  225. 

Hutchiulon,  Thomas,  arrefts  Kidd,  1 1 2.     Death  and  charadlcr,  ;^s^. 

J. 

Jacobs,  Margaret,  accufes  Iwrfelf  and  p;randfathcr  of  vi-itchcrsft,  and  thrn  rer:<nT«,  4T, 
Iber>rille  takes  the  Newport,  captain  Paxton,  88.      The  fort  at  Pemaquid,  89. 
Increafc  of  the  colonies,  remai Us,  i<^y. 
Indians  alarm  the  colony,  113.     Deftroy  Deerfield,  127.     Haverhill,  157.     Treadi- 

erou"!,  162. 
Indians,  eailern  treaty  of  peace  with  them,  72,  IC4,  182,  198,  287,  288.      IIof> 

tilitics,  302  to  305,  306  to  316. 
Inoculation  in  Bofton,  251,  273  to  276,  277  to  286. 
Invafion,  French,  threatened,  97. 
Judges,  dependent,  337. 

Kidd,  the  famous  bucaneer,  feized  at  Bofton,  112. 
Kilby,  Chriftopher,  reprtfentative,  351.     Agent,  351. 
Knovvles,  admiral,  imprefs  made  by  him  at  Bofton,  386. 

L. 
Land  bank,  188,  352. 

Laws  framed  from  the  judicial  of  Mofes,  63  to  66. 

Lawfon,  Roger,  tried  for  fupplylng  the  French  and  Indian  enemies,  141, 
Lieutenant  governor  confidered  as  a  counfeilor,  though  not  cleCla',  70. 
Lovewell,  captain,  284. 

Louifooiyg,  expedition  againft  it,  364  to  380. 
Lyman,  Caleb,  his  exploit,   135. 
Lothrop,  the  minifter,  430. 

M. 
Maine,  province  of,  made  part  of  MafTachufetts  province,  13. 
Marts  for  royal  navy,  229. 
Mather,  Increafcr,  his  death,  276. 

Mather,  Cotton,  the  firft  mover  in  favour  of  inoculation,  247. 
Moulton,  colonel,  behaves  well  at  Norridgcwock,  279. 

N. 
Newfoundland  taken  by  the  French,  96. 
New  Hampfhire  boundary  line  fettled,  342. 
New  Plymouth,  a  fummary  of  then  affairs,  404  to  423. 
New  York,  neutrality  with  the  French,  129. 
Nicholfon,  Francis,  161  to  164,  172. 
Norridgewock,  fuccefsful  expedition  there,  279. 
Notaries  public,  firft  chofen,  2x6. 
Nova  Scotia  made  part  of  MafTachufetts  province,  13.     AiTalrs  there,  87,  93,  164, 

to  169. 
Noyes,  Oliver,  his  death,  225. 

O. 
Ofgood,  Mar}',  examination,  35.     Recantation,  44.     TcTcimoniul,  44. 

P. 

Paris,  Samuel,  witchcraft  begins  in  his  family,  29.     Too  officious  in  profccutions,  31. 

Patch,  F-liza,  her  deatli,  196. 

Paxton,  captain,  tiiken  in  the  Nev^'port  man  of  war,  88. 

Pemaquid,  a  fort  there,  68.     Taken,  88.     Poffeffed  by  Dunbar,  340. 

Phips,  Sir  Willianr.,  public  entry  as  governor,  19.  Fncourages  profecutlon  of 
witches,  28.  A  warrant  from  his  lady,  61.  Quarrels  with  colleiftor  and 
a  captain  of  a  man-of-war,  74.     Ordered  to  England,  76.     Dca'Ji,  82. 

Phips,  Conftantinc,  agent,  82.  Drew  the  bill  for  reverfing  Leiilcr's  attainder,  82. 
Removed  from  agency,   169. 

Phips,  Spencer,  lieutenant  governor,  79. 

Plalfted, 


452  t        N        D        E        X. 

i^laifted,  colonel,  his  fon  taken  the  day  he  was  married,   l8  ji 
Port  Royal  attempted,  ijo,  155.     Taken,  166. 
Province  of  Maffachufetts,  its  bounds,  14. 
Pyni,  John,  intimate  with  the  firft  planters j  10. 

Qulttamug,  John,  a  very  old  Indian,  276. 

.         R. 

Ralle,  father,  ai8,  237.     His  character,  238.     Killed,  a8«» 

Randolph,  Edward,  voted  a  capital  offender,  I  a. 

Read,  John,  his  character,  2>Cr^- 

Pvhode  Illand  line  fettled,  358. 

Rohiiifon,  John,  minifter,  407.     Andrew,  his  exploit,  267- 

Rowfe,  William,  tried  and  fined.  14a. 

Ruflfel,  James,  an  afTiflant,  ao. 

S. 

Saint  Francois  fettled  by  eaftern  Indians,  131; 

Saltonflall,  Nathaniel,  20. 

Salary  fixed,  controverfy,  301. 

Salem,  court  removed  there,  316. 

Sanderfon,  Anthony,  agent,  264. 

iSchuyler,  colonel,  friendly,  131,  I48,  156. 

Sewall,  Samuel,  62,  264.  ,  , 

Sheaffe,  Sampfon,  his  letter  about  Canada  expedition,  180. 

Shirley,  William,  fxicceeds  Belcher,  358.  Forms  an  expedition  agalnft  Loulfbourg, 
363.  Retires  to  the  caftle,  388.  Houfe  of  reprefentatives  refolve  to  ftand  by 
him,  389.     Returns  to  town,  590. 

Shutc,  Samuel,  governor,  195.  Arrives,  197.  Controverfy  with  houfe  of  repre- 
fentatives, 209.  Negatives  the  fpeaker,  21 1.  DifTolves  the  court,  235. 
Leaves  the  province  fuddenly,  260.  Exhibits  articles  againft  the  houfe,  Q,yo. 
Succeeded  by  governor  Burnet,  294.       Shute's  charader,  261. 

Small  Pox  among  the  Etiglifli,  247- 

Stoddard j  John,  286,  386. 

Speaker,  difpiite  about  him,   137.       , 

Stoughton,  William,  pfofecutes  witches,  28.  Comtnarider  in  chief,  79,  114. 
Death,  117.     His  charader,  118. 

T. 

Tailer,  William,  lieutenant  governor,  1 81,  330.     l5ies,  342. 
Trade,  in  1750,  396. 

Temple,  captain  Robert,  comihahder  of  forces  eaftward,  a68; 
Trees,  referved  by  charter,  229. 

V. 
Vetch,  Samuel,  tried,  143.     Colonel  of  forces  agalnft  Canada,  160.    Govcrner  of 
Nova  Scotia,  167. 

W. 
Warren,  commodore,  372.     His  teftlmony,  378. 
Weftbrook,  colonel,  266,  273. 
Wheeler's,  Sir  Francis,  expedition,   70, 
White,  Peregrine,  firft-born  child,  his  death,  196. 
Whiting,  Mr.  a  minifter,  killed,  lOO. 
•Wilks,  Francis,  agent,  318. 
Willard,  Jofiah,  fecretary,  202. 
Winflow,  captain,  Jofiah,  killed  by  Indians,  277* 
Winthrop,  Waitflill,  agent,  1 20.     Death,  202. 
Women  at  Oyfter  River,  gallant,  1 48. 
Witches  executed,  55,  59,  60, 


\ 


* 


3  ■■ 


